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From 1970 to 1977 a major project to uncover source material for students of contemporary British history and politics was undertaken at the British Library of Political and Economic Science. Fiananced by the Social Science Research Council, and under the direction of Dr Chris Cook, this project has attempted a unique and systematic operation to locate, and then to make readily available, those archives that provide the indispensable source material for the contemporary historian. This volume (the fifth in the series) provides a guide to the papers of propagandists who were influential in British public life. Included in this volume are the papers of such persons as newspaper editors, leading economists, social reformers, socialist thinkers, trade unionists, industrialists and a variety of theologians and philanthropists. In all, this volume not only completes the findings of the project but opens up the archive sources of a hitherto neglected area of research into contemporary social and political history.

From 1970 to 1977 a major project to uncover source material for students of contemporary British history and politics was undertaken at the British Library of Political and Economic Science. Fiananced by the Social Science Research Council, and under the direction of Dr Chris Cook, this project has attempted a unique and systematic operation to locate, and then to make readily available, those archives that provide the indispensable source material for the contemporary historian. This volume (the fifth in the series) provides a guide to the papers of propagandists who were influential in British public life. Included in this volume are the papers of such persons as newspaper editors, leading economists, social reformers, socialist thinkers, trade unionists, industrialists and a variety of theologians and philanthropists. In all, this volume not only completes the findings of the project but opens up the archive sources of a hitherto neglected area of research into contemporary social and political history.

From 1970 to 1977 a major project to uncover source material for students of contemporary British history and politics was undertaken at the British Library of Political and Economic Science. Fiananced by the Social Science Research Council, and under the direction of Dr Chris Cook, this project has attempted a unique and systematic operation to locate, and then to make readily available, those archives that provide the indispensable source material for the contemporary historian. This volume (the fifth in the series) provides a guide to the papers of propagandists who were influential in British public life. Included in this volume are the papers of such persons as newspaper editors, leading economists, social reformers, socialist thinkers, trade unionists, industrialists and a variety of theologians and philanthropists. In all, this volume not only completes the findings of the project but opens up the archive sources of a hitherto neglected area of research into contemporary social and political history.

This book offers the first-ever scholarly study of Wilhelm I as Germany's first Kaiser. For decades, Wilhelm has been dismissed by historians as a political nullity and an unwilling imperial figurehead, who was perpetually overruled by chancellor Otto von Bismarck. As a result, scholars concluded that the imperial role did not reach maturity until the accession of Wilhelm II. This book challenges this assumption by analysing how Wilhelm used self-staging to effectuate his role as German emperor and set the precedent for his successors, Friedrich III and Wilhelm II. It explores how he oversaw and intervened in the political and military decision-making processes, his use of politics of history, his understanding and practicing of the imperial role towards other German states and dynasties, his self-presentation in the new German capital, and how his public persona was distorted in German cultural memory after his death in 1888. The book draws on a wealth of previously unexplored sources, including material from Wilhelm's personal archive, the archives of the Hohenzollern monarchy, the Prussian state, and local archives. It offers a much-needed reassessment of Wilhelm I and makes an important contribution to debates on the role of the Kaiser in German politics, the political system, and culture of the early German nation state, and how the Hohenzollern monarchy adapted to the demands of generating popular support for its new German imperial role.

This book focuses on a biographical and cultural rendering of Adlai E. Stevenson's alliance with a segment of the intellectual community, with primary attention to the years from 1940 to his death in 1965. At the core of the study is an evaluation of the nature of a relationship that was important both to intellectuals, particularly literary intellectuals, and to Stevenson. This volume exhibits case studies which illumine the alliance through a view of Stevenson's relations with American writers Archibald MacLeish and John Steinbeck.

This book examines Harold Laski's relationship to Marxism. Laski was a reluctant Marxist; he had been a pluralist, democratic socialist who wanted to reach a better society by means of parliamentary, constitutional and associational channels. In fact, he never abandoned these early aspirations. In the 1930s and 1940s he wove them into a distinctive Marxist position as he gradually came to believe that there was no answer to Marxist philosophy on history, social change and the prospects for socialism. It is the incorporation of his earlier political thought into his later work that makes his Marxism so fascinating and his work raises important questions. Harold Laski's Marxism aims to bring a relatively forgotten political theorist back into the spotlight. Peter Lamb provides an overview to Laski's political thought in the 20th century and explores his connections to essential foundations of Marxist thought. He ends with a discussion of ways in which Laski's Marxism is of lasting significance and can contribute to more recent Marxist and neo-Marxist debates.

This book reexamines the socioeconomic and political transformation that occurred in Brazil during the 1940s as a result of the Second World War. Integrating social and political history, the author explores the adoption of new policies around state-sponsored industrialisation, the consolidation of Brazilian labour law institutions, and the expanded influence of ‘racial democracy'in the country's domestic and foreign policy. The book argues that the nature of the Brazilian state and its definitions of citizenship were redefined both from ‘the top'– as a result of Brazil's integration in the new international order following the War – and ‘from below'- as antifascism and mass nationalism opened new spaces for subaltern agency. Challenging traditional narratives on Brazil's transition from the Estado Novo dictatorship of Getúlio Vargas to a postwar democratic experience, this book highlights the extent to which political developments were shaped by key global processes and foreign relations with the USA. The book also focuses on the ‘bottom-up'forces and actors that brought about change in Brazil, emphasising the role of workers, protestors, and popular actors in shaping history. Breaking new ground in Brazilian historiography, this book makes a significant contribution to studies of populism and democratisation in Latin America.

This book explores the transformation of the state in Wallachia, an Ottoman tributary principality, between 1740 and 1800, by focusing on three administrative techniques: regulations, paperwork (registers, identification certificates), and weights and measures. The implementation by the central power of regulations, bookkeeping, certificates, and standard units of measurement was not smooth, but it nevertheless heralded the beginning of the struggle against localism and the efforts to extend the boundaries of legitimate state action. The author challenges the (mostly Romanian) historiography of the Phanariot period, which has portrayed the state as a set of institutions undertaking certain responsibilities and has insisted almost exclusively on its extractive function and abusive character. Instead, this book takes a closer look at how the Wallachian state functioned, examining how its means of interacting with its subjects changed in the second half of the eighteenth century. Rethinking the problem of the state in eighteenth-century Wallachia, traditionally regarded as a mere instrument of Ottoman domination, it claims that it was precisely during this time that the bases of modern statehood were laid in a context defined by imperial rivalries (Ottoman, Habsburg, Russian) in the region. Making the case for state formation in the absence of preparation for war, the author also stresses, in contrast to recent contributions that decentre the state, the need to study the process whereby the effect of state coherence is produced. While focusing on Wallachia, this book provides valuable reading for those interested in early modern administrative and legal history, the history of state formation, and Southeast European history more generally.

This book provides an introductory analysis of Norway's foreign policy in the twentieth and twenty-first centuries, with a particular focus on the latter. Covering themes such as security and defence, foreign aid, and European integration, the author argues that despite often presenting itself as an idealist country and a ‘peace nation,'Norwegian governments have demonstrated an understanding of power politics and a desire to, above all, promote national self- interests. The author explores the country's global relations with the US and NATO, the countries of the European Union, and great powers such as Russia and China. By adopting a historical perspective, the book demonstrates how continuity and stability have been fundamental features of contemporary Norwegian foreign policy. Drawing on a wide range of current and archival government sources, parliamentary debates, and opinion pieces in news outlets, as well as an extensive selection of academic sources, this book provides a comprehensive analysis of Norway's foreign relations.

This book seeks to replace a comforting European narrative of British missed opportunities with a chronicle of the complexity of UK/EC-EU relations. After nearly a decade of Brexit (2016), it revisits the historical evolution of the relationship between Britain and Europe since the 1970s. Building on an in-depth study of primary and secondary sources, the author sheds new light on the intricacies of that relationship. The book is structured in six chapters, the first of which reflects on the causes of the UK's lack of engagement in the early and crucial developments of the European Community. The second chapter revisits ten years of stop-go diplomacy of accession, and the meaning of the first enlargement for Britain and its partners. The third chapter argues that in the early years, entry represented for Britain an opportunity to deliver change, working with France and Germany inside the EC; and, as an EC member, building new relationships with countries outside, including in the Commonwealth. The fourth chapter focuses on the dawning realisation that EC membership meant for Britain joining its partners on a journey towards an unknown destination in search of whatever-closer Union would mean. The Fifth chapter concentrates on the 1980s, when, on the one hand, the British government was to the fore in the creation of a single market; while on the other it openly challenged an agreed-upon narrative, among the continental member states. This narrative was one which sought to reshape European values and relationships, together with its culture, geography and history, round a commitment to greater integration. The final chapter is an epilogue that examines the political decisions of the last four British prime ministers: Major, Brown, Blair and Cameron, in confronting and reacting to the reality of European Union, from the Maastricht Treaty (1992) onward. This examination suggests that, rather than political continuity, discontinuity, led the UK, through Prime Minister David Cameron's efforts at renegotiation in the EU, to Brexit, and his instant resignation. This book invites readers to rethink, refine, and challenge the dominant narrative of Britain as a predictable, permanent outsider condemned to irrelevance in the EC/EU. It will appeal to scholars of international relations and political history, as well as political decision-makers, both in Britain and the EU.

What is Realpolitik? How did the concept come about, and what does it stand for? This book explores the origins and meaning of a core precept of international history and politics. Statesmen, diplomats, and analysts alike deploy the term as if it were a timeless label. Endlessly, they suppose, states compete with each other for power in a zero-sum game. Yet Realpolitik was born in Germany in the mid-nineteenth century. The circumstances of its birth are key to its meaning. Realpolitik emerged among Europe's constitutional struggles on the one hand, and the wars of Italian and German unification on the other. Revolutionary disappointment, the end of the Romantic era, and the rise of a new scientific materialism all informed a Realist period of political strongmen. Rather than describing a permanent state of things, this book suggests, Realpolitik is rooted in nineteenth-century European and German politics, and consequently the rise of an aggressive nationalism.

This book analyses the political discourse and activities of the constitutionalist-monarchist wing of the Polish Great Emigration, which saw the emigration of several thousand people from the territory of the former Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth from 1831 to 1864, after the failure of the November Uprising of 1830–1831. The book examines the political faction of émigrés led by Prince Adam Jerzy Czartoryski, which came to be known as ‘Hôtel Lambert'. By analysing the theoretical discourse in the milieu of the Czartoryski faction and, at the same time, by analysing the plans and efforts to put their theoretical stands into practical policy, the book seeks to answer the question of how the leading representatives of the constitutionalist-monarchist wing of the Great Emigration perceived the Austrian Empire and how their ideas about the past, the present, and the assumption of the future of not only the Polish state but also of the whole of Europe, were projected into their ideas and plans concerning the Austrian Empire. Therefore, the author offers not only conclusions concerning the Austrian Empire from the specific Polish point of view but also interesting perspectives about the projected future of the European continent. Thus, its broad scope provides insights for those researching nineteenth-century European politics, diplomacy, and political thought, particularly regarding phenomena such as nationalism, federalism, democracy, constitutionalism, and perpetual peace theory, among others.

This book is both a conceptualization and detailed analysis of the current crisis in which modern utopian categories of political institutions find themselves, as well as a reflection and clarification of the new dangers and opportunities facing post-utopian politics in-the-making. Met with those who believe that no more utopian political projects are possible, the post-utopian movement maintains a non-fantastic or illusory character of being able to apply new great discourses and radically democratic historical narratives, while respecting both the autonomy and emancipation of individuals as plurality and the socio-cultural differences of communities. With this purpose in mind, the book is divided into five thematically differentiated sections: the new utopian categories beyond modern epistemes; the possibility of liberal utopian democracies without neoliberalism; the opportunities of socialist empowerments and insurgencies; the necessity of thinking in the space between two ages; andthe urgency to create eco-political post-utopias.

This book deals with the complex process of national identity formation in the late Ottoman Empire and early Turkish Republic, during a crucial period characterized by transformative events that reshaped both the state and society. These events included revolutions, wars, mass migrations, ethnic cleansing, genocide, the empire's disintegration, territorial and demographic changes, and the emergence of new states. In the face of these events, a multitude of old and new formulations and imaginings of nation and national identity took shape and interacted with each other. This book focuses on highlighting the diversity of concepts and trajectories that existed during the period and how these played out within a complex web of inclusionary and exclusionary processes, and the various ways in which the nation was constituted and conceptualized.

Forty years after Ronald Reagan's successful re-election campaign, this book explores the significance of the year 1984 in the making of Reagan's presidential record and the shaping of his legacy. The authors examine the broader context of how Reagan impacted the nature of the US presidency and international relations during the Cold War, and how this in turn interacted with American popular culture. Serving as an introduction to academics, students and the interested public into what is a rapidly increasingly Reagan scholarship, this book will also appeal to anyone interested in US elections, the evolving nature of the US presidency, and American culture more generally.

This book proposes a new historical framework for the analysis of the relationship between communist Poland and neutral Austria during the final decade of the Cold War. The tragic Polish crisis of 1980–1982 is examined within the context of Poland's relationship with the wealthy, neutral country of Austria. By exploring the political meetings and negotiations that took place around the introduction of martial law in Poland, this book sheds light on Polish-Austrian bilaterial relations as seen from the perspective of Polish diplomatic documents. Divided into three parts, the book begins by illustrating Austria's attitude to reforms in Poland in the early 1980s. The second part focuses specifically on the imposition of martial law in Poland, and the third part explores the cooperation between the two countries through the form of investments and environment protection. Particular emphasis is placed on Polish attempts to recruit Austrian politicians in order to overcome the political isolation in which Warsaw found itself after December 13, 1981. The author analyses the political boundaries that Austria could, and wanted to, cross, in order to help the Polish regime, offering insights into Austria's fears of financial loss as a result of the collapse of the regime.

This book explores what it meant to be ‘liberal'in interwar Czech, Austrian, and Slovenian politics. Up until 1918, these countries shared the common political framework of Cisleithania (the Austrian part of the Habsburg Monarchy). Within this framework was the predominantly pejorative function of the label ‘liberal,'and as a result after 1918, no major political party employed it to describe its own political orientation. Despite making considerable efforts to dissociate themselves from liberalism, many parties continued to be referred to as ‘liberal'by the contemporary public. This association with liberalism, the book argues, was primarily due to the parties'historical background rather than any ideological commitment to liberalism, and for that reason, the author refers to them as ‘national liberal heirs.'Examining the (dis)continuities of liberal party traditions, the book presents three representative cases of national liberal heirs: the Czechoslovak National Democracy; the Greater German People's Party; and the Slovenian sections of the Yugoslav Democratic Party, the Independent Democratic Party, and the Yugoslav National Party. Forming a distinctive part of early twentieth-century party landscapes in Central Europe, the national liberal heirs had inherited organisational structures, parts of electorate, as well as rootedness in specific cultural and social milieus from their liberal predecessors. Following the political trajectories of the national liberal heirs, the author seeks to answer in which spheres, in which manners, and to what extent liberalism survived or even continued to develop in the interwar Czech lands, Austria, and Slovenia.

This open access book provides fascinating insights into the incredible changes that Vietnam underwent in the long twentieth century as it transformed from an early modern kingdom to a European colony, to a divided land with opposing ideologies, and to a unified country in a globalized world. At each stage in this long century of changes, there were Vietnamese who sought to mold their society into some vision of “modernity.” The book looks at multiple, rather than one form of modernity, and links those forms with the different political moments that Vietnam experienced, in tandem with the outside interlocutors that were maintained during those periods. As such, this book provides a holistic view of the many forms of modernity and their global links that can be found in Vietnam over the course of the long twentieth century. These multiple modernities are documented in this book, and the authors do so by bringing together the strengths of “traditional” language-based area studies scholarship with the insights that an awareness of trans-national and global perspectives provides. Relevant to historians and researchers in the broader arena of Southeast Asian studies with a particular interest in Vietnam—its journey from past to present—this book is a must-read engagement with a country that has undergone and continues to experience, rapid transformation.

This book explores how New Zealand, a small country almost as far from Western Europe as it is possible to be, assumed political importance in Britain's accession to the European Community vastly out of proportion to its size, proximity and strategic position. At several points in accession negotiations, the issue of New Zealand's continued trade with Britain threatened to derail UK Government attempts to join the Community. This issue also interacted with the broader context of the Cold War, economic shocks and decolonisation, materially affecting the terms of entry into the European Community, and altering Britain's relations with its European partners and the British public's perceptions of British membership. After entry, New Zealand continued to resurface as a continued source of tension between Britain and an integrating Europe. The role that New Zealand played sheds light on Britain's attempts to retain global influence after the demise of its formal empire. Contributing to a growing body of research which challenges the traditional historical narratives of British ‘decline'and colonial ‘independence'in the second half of the twentieth century, this book fills an important gap in the historiography of Britain following the 1973 enlargement of the European Communities.

This book demonstrates that Rousseau offers a distinctive critical voice which is worthy of listening to. Rousseau is shown to target not merely social ‘injustices', but the very dynamics central to the ‘form of life'itself. As such we are able to contemplate, and engage in, a more foundational form of social critique. We contend that by returning to Rousseau, both as a theorist in his own right, and as an interlocutor with the contemporary literature within radical political and social philosophy, we can see both the circumscribed nature of contemporary discussion, and the true importance of Rousseau's thought. In summary, Rousseau remains a figure of vital importance across disciplines and it is high time for an edited volume which connects insights centring his thought and impact today.

Shedding light on the role of India within twentieth-century international relations, this book explores the life and career of Kavalam Madhava (K. M.) Panikkar (1894–1963), an Indian historian, statesman and diplomat. Having been involved in Indian intellectual and political life throughout the transition from the British Empire to the Nehruvian era, Panikkar was an important figure in the evolution of the modern Indian state. Based on over four years of extensive research both in India and Europe, and the analysis of public writings and unpublished archival documents, this book examines Panikkar's role in the Indian national movement, the governance of several Princely states, and India's foreign policy, notably with China. Not only do the authors critically re-evaluate Panikkar's intellectual and political thoughts, but also his influence on the broader issue of India's path towards independence. Offering a valuable contribution to modern Indian diplomatic history and wider international relations, this comprehensive book emphasises Panikkar's importance in shaping the modern idea of India and crucial elements of Indian foreign policy.

Australia on the World Stage: History, Politics, and International Relations offers a fresh examination of Australia's past and present. From the complex interactions of First Nations to modern international relations with significant partners and allies, it examines the forces that have influenced the place now called Australia both historically and today. It is a unique history told in two parts. The first half of the book examines the way Australia acted on the world stage both before and after British colonisation. It outlines the evolution of Australia's relationship with the United Kingdom, first as colonies, then a dominion, and finally as an independent nation. It finishes with a First Nations perspective on foreign relations. The second half of the book provides a wide-ranging history of Australia's dealings with major powers, the United States and China, as well as its relationships with New Zealand, Aotearoa, the Pacific Islands, Indonesia, Japan, Antarctica, and the United Nations. Written by leading and emerging researchers in their fields, this book encourages the reader to consider Australia's performance on the world stage over the longue durée, well before the word ‘Australia'was ever dreamt up. This interdisciplinary work challenges lazy stereotypes that see Australia's international history as fixed and uncontested. In revisiting Australia's foreign relations, this work also asks the reader to consider its future directions.

Ludger Kühnhardt, weltweit tätiger Politikwissenschaftler, Berater und Publizist, gibt lebhafte und persönliche Einblicke in die Menschen und Quellen seiner Prägung, in die Denkwege, denen er gefolgt ist, und in die Impulse, die sein Wirken in Forschung und Lehre über Jahrzehnte hinweg ausgelöst hat. Ein biografischer Werkstattbericht von hoher Authentizität, der zusammenführt, was inmitten des beruflichen Alltags oft unverbunden erscheint. Immer wieder aus anderer Perspektive werden Einsichten beleuchtet, die ihrer Zeit voraus waren, und Befunde erinnert, die zeitlos aktuell geblieben sind. Eine lebendig geschriebene Werkbiographie über die inneren Antriebskräfte und äußeren Zusammenhänge eines kosmopolitischen public intellectual als aufklärerischer und beratender Impulsgeber im Wechselspiel von Wissenschaft, Politik und Publizistik. Das Buch spiegelt deutsche, europäische und globale Zeitgeschichte von der Mitte des 20.Jahrhunderts bis ins dritte Jahrzehnt des 21.Jahrhunderts in einem wissenschaftlichen Werk und seiner Einordnung als Zeugnis politischer Kultur.

This book analyzes how AKP's embedded intellectuals operate as media spin doctors, exploring their transformation from passionately engaged intellectuals into apparatchiks. This project adapts a post-Soviet geography approach to the media, intelligentsia, and political discourse as derivative of authoritarian regimes to the Turkish context. It offers a fresh look at the Turkish political and intellectual scene and a comparative study of the populist-authoritarian politics of Turkey. Situated in the literature on the post-Soviet authoritarian regimes and their ways of governing, as well as their manipulation of public opinion, the book analyzes AKP-aligned intellectuals as apparatchiks. Gürpınar explores the different constellations of pro-AKP intellectuals vindicating the AKP regime from various angles, including: liberal/progressive intellectuals who initially supported the party for its liberal vistas but continued their support by twisting their progressiverhetoric; Islamist intellectuals blending their Islamism with populism; and national security intellectuals who joined after the AKP came to propagate a national security agenda. The book also provides an overview of the mechanisms of political technology, including the media landscape and its running by the AKP, intellectuals themselves as operators of political technology, and the problem of “cultural power.” The book will be of interest to those studying comparative authoritarian politics, populism, political communication, and scholars of Middle East and Eastern Europe.

This book is a diplomatic history of Europe and the wider world over a period of 500 years, from the beginning of the sixteenth century to the early twenty-first century – with a crucial aspect.The book reflects upon the development of diplomacy and diplomats in changing from acting solely in the national interests of their respective countries to increasingly engaging in international conflict resolution and peace-making. It will be an invaluable reading for students and practitioners of international history, international relations and international security.

The relationship between human beings and the cosmos has developed in divergent mythological, poetic, religious, philosophical, scientific, political-juridical, and ecological ways over time. Throughout history the cosmos has been subjected to a scientific perspective as well as to the poetic gaze, both of which contemplate the mysteries of the night, the comets, the king-sun, the moon, and infinity. Several other concepts, such as cosmology, cosmopolitanism, cosmopolitics, cosmopolitan citizenship, cosmopolitan law, and cosmic consciousness are derived from the idea of the cosmos. Cosmopolitanism relates to the ethical ideal of belonging, as a citizen of the world, to a universal community, beyond any links to particular communities. Cosmopolitics corresponds to a dual concern with affording local politics a cosmopolitan dimension and ensuring that global politics has a democratic dimension. This book intends to discuss the various perspectives on the cosmos, cosmopolitanism, cosmopolitics and other related concepts.

This book explores the creation and career of the French Constitution of 1795, operative from the start of the Directory until Napoleon's takeover in 1799. It explores the composition, history and replacement of the French Revolution's third Constitution through a focus on the speeches and writings of four sets of political voices discernible in late 1790s France. The four main chapters present these voices as Thermidorians, Conservatives, Republicans and Brumairiens. They reveal the intensity and breadth of the debates generated by the permanent tension between the Constitution and the many ongoing conflicts of the Revolution. Set within and beyond the government and the two legislative chambers, the debates feature numerous conflicts central to the French Revolution including the composition and functions of the public powers, the legitimacy of exceptional laws, the regulation of the press and freedom of religion. This sustained focus on the relationship between the politicalnation and the Constitution provides a fresh reading of the political culture of the Directory.

This book explores and analyzes developments in the military institution, military engagements as well as the larger security environment of (including non-war violence and maritime regions linking to) the Portuguese Empire in India. These developments occurred under the onslaught of the early modern globalization. The research shows that far from being dilapidated or archaic, the Portuguese colonial military there kept up with some developments in technology and organization in a competitive environment. Although the colonial military was not the most important reason in accounting for the survival of the Portuguese Estado da Índia, nor was the military profession the most lucrative occupation, the Portuguese experience gave indication of how a colonial state and society was able to survive against coalescing threats from the position of weakness. Located in the period and geographical region of the wax and waning of the Mughal and Maratha empires, Portuguese India was not necessarilya more violent place than the surrounding territories although resistance to and uprising against the Portuguese was usually underestimated. Beginning from the attempt at political and military centralization (and standardization) in the eighteenth century, the abolition of the army of the Estado da Índia in the nineteenth marked nominally the end of an era that may have a reverberation on the pacifist perception of Goa today.

This book offers a re-interpretation of the political history of Macau from 1937 to 1945, during which Japan and China were engulfed in the Second World War. Using an array of English and Chinese sources, the author explores the diplomatic and social landscape of war-time Macau under Portuguese colonial rule. By framing this analysis within the concept of Portuguese ‘neutrality', the book builds on the political history of Macau and provides new insights into the role of Japanese collaborators and Communist guerrillas. Seeking to answer important questions such as why Macau was not invaded by Japan in the Second World War, and what role the Nationalist Party Government played during this period, this book presents a new approach to examining Macau's diplomatic history. A unique read for scholars of Chinese history, this book will also appeal to those researching diplomatic and political history during the Second World War.

Conceived in the 1850s and opened to navigation in 1869, the Suez Canal's construction coincided with Italy's path to unification and its first foray into nineteenth-century globalization. Since then, the history of Italy and the Canal have intertwined in many ways, throughout in peace and war. This edited collection explores the fundamental technical, diplomatic and financial contributions that Italy made to the production of the Canal and to its subsequent development, from the mid-nineteenth century to the Cold War. Drawing from unpublished public and private archival sources, this book is the first comprehensive account of this long and multifaceted relationship, providing innovative perspectives on Italy's diplomatic, economic, social, colonial and cultural history. An insightful read for those studying maritime, diplomatic or Italian history, this book contributes to a growing body of researchon the Canal, which has largely emerged from international business, labour and social history, and offers new insights into the Euro-Mediterranean region.

This book explores the post-war Greco-German relationship and asks how this relationship fits into, and changes, the narrative of European integration. The book highlights West Germany's role in shaping Greece's development model and argues that Greece's accession to the Community in 1981 had a long back story in the modernization strategies adopted by the two countries as early as the 1950s. The success, not the failure, of those strategies lies at the root of Greece's lingering balance of payments problems: the ever-widening trade deficit with Germany, the country's main trading partner, was the price of Greek economic growth in the decades following the war. By addressing this three-decade story of uneasy continuity, the book offers new insights into core-periphery relations in Europe, questions the conventional wisdom about Greece's path to Europe, and challenges the way the so-called North-South divide has been adduced to explain the recent euro crisis. In doing so, the authorcalls attention to past cooperation between leading political and business circles in Greece and Germany, making this a useful and insightful read for historians and political scientists alike.

This book offers a distinctive approach to understanding Anglo-American relations with Iran in the early Cold War. It establishes how the United Kingdom and United States used soft power between 1953 and 1960 to combat communism and promote their respective ways of life in Iran. It identifies their motives, the types of initiatives employed, and the extent to which they perceived their policies to be a success. It is a historical case study through which wider conclusions regarding UK and US foreign policy can be drawn. As well as illustrating the competitive tensions within the Anglo-American'special relationship', it highlights the role of individuals in the making and shaping of diplomatic endeavours. More broadly, the analysis of UK and US interactions in Iran through the prism of soft power underlines that there was more to both countries'Cold War foreign policies than the containment of communism.

Wer die Nachrichten von morgen heute schon verstehen möchte Die großen internationalen Konflikte des 21. Jahrhunderts sind heute bereits angelegt. Mit bestechender Klarsicht identifiziert der Politikexperte Tim Marshall, welche zehn Regionen die größten Krisenherde der nächsten Zukunft darstellen. Er erklärt, welche Rolle geographische Faktoren spielen, wer in die Konflikte verwickelt ist und welche Lösungen es geben könnte. So wird Australien im Pazifik mit der Supermacht China konfrontiert sein, Griechenland mit der Türkei um Gebiete im Mittelmeer kämpfen, die Sahelzone eine neue Flüchtlingskrise in Europa hervorrufen und der Weltraum unterschiedlichste Besitzansprüche wecken – ein äußerst spannendes Buch, das uns die Augen für die großen Herausforderungen der kommenden Jahre öffnet.

This book sheds new light on the life and times of Theodore Roosevelt, drawing on a remarkable set of oral histories gathered in the 1950s from those who knew him. Remembering Theodore Roosevelt presents fourteen intimate interviews with Roosevelt's friends, family, and contemporaries. Never before published, the transcripts reveal colorful details about the infamous Rough Riders, the political scene in New York City, the lives of his extended family, including the Hyde Park Roosevelts Franklin and Eleanor, and how the former president inspired successive generations. The book benefits from the author's discerning annotations and commentary that provide the reader with lesser-known facts and a full appreciation of the oral history project.

In order to truly understand the emergence, endurance, and legacy of autocracy, this volume of engaging essays explores how autocratic power is acquired, exercised, and transferred or abruptly ended through the careers and politics of influential figures in more than 20 countries and six regions.The book looks at both traditional'hard'dictators, such as Hitler, Stalin, and Mao, and more modern'soft'or populist autocrats, who are in the process of transforming once fully democratic countries into autocratic states, including Recep Tayyip Erdoğan in Turkey, Brazilian leader Jair Bolsonaro, Rodrigo Duterte in the Philippines, Narendra Modi in India, and Viktor Orbán in Hungary. The authors touch on a wide range of autocratic and dictatorial figures in the past and present, including present-day autocrats, such as Vladimir Putin and Xi Jinping, military leaders, and democratic leaders with authoritarian aspirations. They analyze the transition of selected autocrats from democratic or benign semi-democratic systems to harsher forms of autocracy, with either quite disastrous or more successful outcomes.An ideal reader for students and scholars, as well as the general public, interested in international affairs, leadership studies, contemporary history and politics, global studies, security studies, economics, psychology, and behavioral studies.

This book argues that contemporary liberal democracy is reaching a crisis. Brendan Sweetman contends that this crisis arises from a contentious pluralism involving the rise of incommensurable worldviews that emerge out of the absolutizing of freedom over time in a democratic setting. This clash of worldviews is further complicated by a loss of confidence in reason and by the practical failure of public discourse. A contributory factor is the growing worldview of secularism which needs to be distinguished from both the process of secularization and the concept of the secular state. After describing the crisis, and exploring these themes, and also rejecting proposed solutions from recent liberal political theory, Sweetman develops an approach to pluralist disagreement which requires a re-envisioning of the relationship between religion, secularism and politics, and which allows a limited place for all worldviews in the state, including religious worldviews. Engaging with the work of Philip Kitcher, Robert Audi, John Rawls, A.C. Grayling, Martin Luther King, Cécile Laborde, John Stuart Mill, John Locke, and Plato, Sweetman's approach is a formidable innovation in the quest to maintain a free and fair society.

OUT APRIL 2025! The iconic bestseller Prisoners of Geography, updated with brand new content to reflect the changing global geopolitical landscape since it was first published 10 years ago. •THE SUNDAY TIMES BESTSELLER•'I can't imagine reading a better book this year'Daily Mirror Tim Marshall's global bestseller Prisoners of Geography showed how every nation's choices are limited by mountains, rivers, seas and concrete. Since then, the geography hasn't changed. But the world has. In this revelatory new book, Marshall explores ten regions that are set to shape global politics in a new age of great-power rivalry: Australia, Iran, Saudi Arabia, the UK, Greece, Turkey, the Sahel, Ethiopia, Spain and Space. Find out why Europe's next refugee crisis is closer than it thinks as trouble brews in the Sahel; why the Middle East must look beyond oil and sand to secure its future; why the eastern Mediterranean is one of the most volatile flashpoints of the twenty-first century; and why the Earth's atmosphere is set to become the world's next battleground. Delivered with Marshall's trademark wit and insight, this is a lucid and gripping exploration of the power of geography to shape humanity's past, present – and future.'Another outstanding guide to the modern world. Marshall is a master at explaining what you need to know and why.'Peter Frankopan

Nicht erst seit 1848, sondern bereits vor diesem revolutionären Jahr, wurde Europa Zeuge des missbräuchlichen Vorgehens der Großmächte, das die Funktionsfähigkeit der postnapoleonischen internationalen Ordnung schwächte. Schlimmer noch, ihr Machtmissbrauch in europäischen und überseeischen Angelegenheiten provozierte ein Gefühl des Misstrauens, des Pessimismus und der Angst und führte bei einer beträchtlichen Anzahl von Europäern zu Diskussionen über die verschwindende Gerechtigkeit in der Welt. Es waren insbesondere Angehörige der gebildeten Mittel- und Oberschicht, die unter dem Einfluss verschiedener Krisen und Konflikte in den 1840er Jahren neue Fragen zum Zustand der internationalen Politik, zu Gerechtigkeit, Sicherheit und Nationenbildung stellten. Dieser Prozess war in Italien umso wichtiger, als die Suche nach größerer Sicherheit gegen externe Bedrohungen zur entscheidenden Triebkraft für die Verbreitung einer Idee wurde, das Land von den Alpen bis nach Sizilien politisch zu vereinen. Diese Einheit sollte, zusammen mit gut verteidigbaren Grenzen, einer starken Armee und Marine sowie reichen materiellen Ressourcen, einschließlich kolonialer, eine sicherere Position innerhalb des Systems der europäischen Politik gewährleisten, und damit bessere Aussichten für eine friedliche Zukunft, gemäß der Formulierung: „Si vis pacem, para bellum“. Diese machtorientierte Reaktion hatte jedoch verheerende Konsequenzen für den allgemein geteilten Wunsch, in Frieden mit anderen Nationen zu leben, der zu einem weiteren Bestreben führte, das tief in der nationalen Bewegung verwurzelt ist: Die Schaffung einer besseren internationalen Ordnung. Die Analyse dieses wichtigen Prozesses am Beispiel Italiens in den Jahren 1830–1848 ist das Hauptziel dieses Buches.

This new publication constitutes the second volume in the widely-acclaimed Sources in European Political History. This latest volume provides a wide-ranging guide to the surviving private papers of over one thousand statesman, politicians and diplomats who played a part in the shaping of modern Europe.

This book will be the first to deeply analyze the Swedish court and monarchy through a longue duree perspective to show the crucial role of the court in maintaining a relationship between the monarchy and nobility throughout the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries. Sweden offered a different type of monarchy in comparison to the more often studied French and British monarchies. Sweden's court system successfully managed several coups and upheavals and maintained strong royal power throughout many transitions. Studying the Swedish model offers insights into how courts functioned in European principalities in general by providing a resilient and flexible framework for royal authority in tandem with the nobility. Based on extensive research conducted in the Swedish National Archives, the Palace Archives, and the Royal Library, the book presents some never-before published case studies and materials that drive the impact of court studies on many different areas of research, including gender studies, political science, and art history.

What is grand strategy and what is it good for? What are great powers, and which states are great powers today? What are the grand strategies available to great powers? What are the conditions under which a certain strategy is suitable and when should it be rejected? What are the factors affecting the success or failure of a given grand strategy? The present volume provides answers to these questions by introducing a typology of great power grand strategies, as strategies of rising, status quo, and declining powers, as well as through historical illustrations of each type. The reader is thus exposed to strategies such as divide and conquer, biding your time, opportunity strike, primacy, semi-detachment, concert, and appeasement through the experiences of leaders such as Bismarck, Peter the Great, Metternich, Deng Xiaoping, Neville Chamberlain, and Stalin. This analysis is then brought to bear on present developments in the grand strategies of the United States, China, and Russia. The volume should be of interest to both the academic and foreign policy-making communities, and in particular to students of international relations, diplomacy, history, and current international affairs.

This edited collection draws together new historical writing on the Commonwealth. It features the work of younger scholars, as well as established academics, and highlights themes such as law and sovereignty, republicanism and the monarchy, French engagement with the Commonwealth, the anti-apartheid struggle, race and immigration, memory and commemoration, and banking. The volume focusses less on the Commonwealth as an institution than on the relevance and meaning of the Commonwealth to its member countries and peoples. By adopting oblique, de-centred, approaches to Commonwealth history, unusual or overlooked connections are brought to the fore while old problems are looked at from fresh vantage points – be this turning points like the relationship between ‘old'and `new'Commonwealth members from 1949, or the distinctive roles of major figures like Jawaharlal Nehru or Jan Smuts. The volume thereby aims to refresh interest in Commonwealth history as a field of comparative international history.

This book traces American engagement in the English-speaking Caribbean from the eighteenth to the twenty-first century, and is the first to examine the policies of Presidents George W. Bush, Barack Obama and Donald Trump in this context. Focusing on The Bahamas, Jamaica, Trinidad and Tobago and Guyana as case studies, the book describes the growth of the English-speaking Caribbean and highlights American interest and foreign relations in this region from European discovery up through the post-9/11 era to today (1492-2019). The book demonstrates the unique relationship between America and the former British colonies, shedding light on U.S. foreign policy with the Caribbean in general and at a bilateral level with the four selected countries, providing a useful survey for students, scholars, diplomats, policymakers, governments officials, and anyone interested in gaining a better understanding of U.S. – Caribbean relations.

Europe is a continent whose history has, in one form or another, long been dominated by integration. And yet the European integration process is often treated as synonymous with the evolution of just one particular, and until recently geographically quite limited, Western-centred organisation: the European Union (EU). This trend obscures the multitude of ways European states have acted collectively on both sides of the Iron Curtain – and continue to do so throughout the continent today. With contributors drawn from history and political science, this book explores some of these diverse integration efforts ‘beyond Brussels'. We shine a light on international organisations, trade frameworks, and various political, social, scientific and cultural forms of unity in both Eastern and Western Europe. In so doing, the book seeks to redefine the history of the European integration process not only as a less purely EU-centric phenomenon but as a less strictly Western European one too.

Now in its second edition, The Palgrave Encyclopedia of Imperialism and Anti-Imperialism is the definitive reference work for students and scholars interested in the theory and history of imperialism and anti-imperialism from the sixteenth century to the present day. Written by an international and interdisciplinary group of scholars, it provides detailed studies of imperialism's roots, goals, methods and impact around the world. It also explores the rich and varied tradition of anti-imperialism, focusing on its most significant leaders, intellectuals, theories and social movements. The second edition has been expanded to include a number of topics not covered in the first edition, such as feminism, the environment, crime, international law, imperialism and anti-imperialism in art, literature and poetry, and medicine. In addition, existing entries have been updated and revised to reflect the latest scholarship. Offering a more comprehensive and thorough treatment of imperialism and anti-imperialism, the second edition of this encyclopedia takes a comparative, global approach to challenge and enhance our understanding of today's world.

This book provides the first bilateral study of Greek–US relations during Greece's transition to democracy in the second half of the 1970s. Following the 1974 Cyprus crisis, which led to the collapse of the Greek dictatorship and Athens'partial withdrawal from NATO, many scholars have claimed that Greece moved away from the United States. This book explicitly rejects this view. It argues that Greek political leaders continued to view close relations with the United States as an integral part of Greek national security despite the disappointment felt during the Turkish invasion of Cyprus. At the same time, the Greek leadership could not overlook the anti-American movement, and had to respond to and manage it. In the United States, relations with Greece became part of the clash between the executive and legislative branches of government. Both President Gerard R. Ford and President Jimmy Carter proclaimed their commitment to restoring relations with Athens. This book highlights the continuity between the Republican and Democratic administrations of the 1970s in foreign policy objectives. Drawing on Greek, US and British archival records, it charts the evolving connections between Greece and the United States through the Greek–Turkish disputes, the impact of anti-Americanism and the Greek–NATO relationship offering original insight into this Cold War special relationship.

This edited collection offers the first systematic account in English of Italy's international position from Caporetto – a major turning-point in Italy's participation in the First World War – to the end of the liberal regime in Italy in 1922. It shows that after the ‘Great War', not only did Italy establish itself as a regional power but also achieved its post-unification ambition to be recognised, at least from a formal viewpoint, as a great power. This subject is addressed through multiple perspectives, covering Italy's relations and mutual perceptions vis-à-vis the Allies, the vanquished nations, and the ‘New Europe'. Fourteen contributions by leading historians reappraise Italy's role in the construction of the post-war international order, drawing on extensive multi-archival and multi-national research, combining for the first time documents from American, Austrian, British, French, German, Italian, Russian and former Yugoslav archives.

Simón Bolívar is the preeminent symbol of Latin America and the subject of seemingly endless posthumous attention. Interpreted and reinterpreted in biographies, histories, political writings, speeches, and works of art and fiction, he has been a vehicle for public discourse for the past two centuries. Robert T. Conn follows the afterlives of Bolívar across the Americas, tracing his presence in a range of competing but interlocking national stories. How have historians, writers, statesmen, filmmakers, and institutions reworked his life and writings to make cultural and political claims? How has his legacy been interpreted in the countries whose territories he liberated, as well as in those where his importance is symbolic, such as the United States? In answering these questions, Conn illuminates the history of nation building and hemispheric globalism in the Americas.

Der marxistisch inspirierte freiheitliche Sozialismus von Fritz Sternberg (1895–1963) hat uns heute noch viel zu sagen. Die Lektüre passt in eine Zeit, in der sich grundlegende Zukunftsfragen erneut stellen.Seine Entwicklung eines freiheitlichen Sozialismus steht in der Tradition des radikalen Reformismus, für den Marxsche und andere Analysen der Arbeiterbewegung eine undogmatische Grundlage bilden.Dieser Band versammelt renommierte Autoren, die die bisher zu wenig rezipierten Texte Fritz Sternbergs neu gelesen haben und zahlreiche Bezüge zu heutigen Debatten um eine linke Politik von Gerechtigkeit, Emanzipation und Demokratie herstellen. Der Sammelband enthält Texte von Helga Grebing, Marcel van der Linden, Thilo Scholle, Richard Saage, Klaus-Jürgen Scherer, Terence Renaud, Nikolas Dörr und Bernd Rudolph sowie einen umfangreichen Dokumententeil.

The Islamic Revolution in 1979 transformed Iranian society and reshaped the political landscape of the Middle East. Four decades later, Darioush Bayandor draws upon heretofore untapped archival evidence to reexamine the complex domestic and international dynamics that led to the Revolution. Beginning with the socioeconomic transformation of the 1960s, this book follows the Shah's rule through the 1970s, tracing the emergence of opposition movements, the Shah's blunders and miscalculations, the influence of the post-Vietnam zeitgeist and the role of the Carter administration. The Shah, the Islamic Revolution and the United States offers new revelations about how Iran was thrown into chaos and an ailing ruler lost control, with consequences that still reverberate today.