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From 1970 to 1977 a major project to uncover source material for students of contemporary British history and politics was undertaken at the British Library of Political and Economic Science. Fiananced by the Social Science Research Council, and under the direction of Dr Chris Cook, this project has attempted a unique and systematic operation to locate, and then to make readily available, those archives that provide the indispensable source material for the contemporary historian. This volume (the fifth in the series) provides a guide to the papers of propagandists who were influential in British public life. Included in this volume are the papers of such persons as newspaper editors, leading economists, social reformers, socialist thinkers, trade unionists, industrialists and a variety of theologians and philanthropists. In all, this volume not only completes the findings of the project but opens up the archive sources of a hitherto neglected area of research into contemporary social and political history.

This is a study of the Military Government of Cuba from 1898 to 1902. Tracing and explaining the actions of General Leonard Wood's adminis­ tration during those years reveals how the United States Government re­ solved the questions of independence, strategic security, and economic inter­ ests in regard to Cuba. Leonard Wood, Secretary of War Elihu Root, Senator Orville H. Platt, and President William McKinley formulated and carried out policies that had a strong influence on subsequent Cuban-American relations. The broader aspects of this study, civil-military relations and American imperialism, are topics of importance to all citizens today. This is institutional and biographical history, written in the belief that a full ac­ count of the men, action, and circumstances will add to our understanding of the period when the United States emerged as a world power. I am indebted to Professors Gerald E. Wheeler of San Jose State College and Armin Rappaport of the University of California, San Diego, who di­ rected my research in the early stages, and to Professor Eric Bellquist of the University of California, Berkeley, for his criticism of the manuscript when it was in dissertation stage. To Professor Raymond J. Sontag I would like to pay special tribute for his guidance and inspiration through the years. The assistance of my mother, Mrs. Sue Hitchman, is deeply appreciated. My thanks go also to the staffs at the Library of the U. S.

Marek Thee was a Jewish Polish journalist, scholar, and activist. This book tells his life from narrowly escaping death in the Holocaust to exile in Palestine, where he became attached to the Polish consular service. On his return to Poland in 1950, he worked for the Foreign Ministry and later for the Polish Institute for International Affairs. He served as Head of the Polish delegation to the International Control Commission in Indochina in the late 1950s. In 1968 he lost his job and his Polish citizenship in a nationalistic and antisemitic campaign. He was able to move to Norway where he worked for twenty years at the Peace Research Institute Oslo (PRIO), editing an international quarterly journal, Bulletin of Peace Proposals and doing research on the arms race. In retirement, he continued his research and writing at the Norwegian Human Rights Institute. The book vividly relates the drama of his life in Poland, Palestine, Indochina, and Norway.This is an open access book.

The French philosophe Charles-Louis de Secondat, Baron de Montesquieu (1689-1755) was a political and social thinker of enormous depth, range, originality, and influence. The essays by eminent scholars reprinted in this volume explore significant aspects of his contributions to political, constitutional, and religious thought during the epoch of the French Enlightenment. Topics highlighted include his Persian Letters (1721), his history of Rome (1734), and the views he expressed in The Spirit of Laws (1748) on natural law, forms of government, English constitutionalism, religion, commerce, international relations, and the philosophy of history. Supplemented by a detailed introduction that contextualizes the papers selected for this volume, as well as an extensive bibliography, this work serves as an authoritative reference to the best scholarship on Montesquieu's political thought. The volume is edited and introduced by David W. Carrithers, Adolph Ochs Professor of Government at the University of Tennessee at Chattanooga and author of numerous publications on Montesquieu.

The'July Revolution'of 1830 in France overthrew the King, brought down the Bourbon dynasty, and ended the fifteen-year era known as the Restoration. lt established the'July Monarchy'of Louis-Philippe, citizen­ King of the Hause of Orleans, a regime also destined for extinction eighteen years later. Although the 1848 revolt is of somewhat greater domestic political importance and considerably greater in its European scope and its social implications, the July Revolution of 1830 should not be relegated to the lower Ievels of historical consciousness. Yet, in modern times, even in France, relatively few works have been published concerning either the Restoration or the revolution which terminated it. New interpretations, such as the excellent works of Bertier de Sauvigny and David Pinkney have awakened the enthusiasm of scholars; but in general, the intrinsic importance of this period has been slighted for nearly a century. There are reasons for this inattention: At first glance, the era seems retrograde, born of a conservative reaction; and placid - it falls between Napoleon's giant earthquake on one side, and on the other, the dynamics of European nationalism, imperialism, and the class struggle. But the Restoration was neither archaic nor calm. lt was, for all its manifest anachronisms, an age of rapid political, cultural, and social growth. France, during these years, was maturing and ripening toward nationhood - and toward the collision of many complex forces, culminating in revolution.

Herbert Rowen has always insisted that historians don't need biographers. Outside'a small circle of family, friends and students,'what matters most is not the individual but his or her work.'Thus the main purpose of the present volume is to highlight Professor Rowen's contributions to the political history of early modem Europe. Part I includes assessment of his work by others, while Parts ll-V contain examples of his best articles, papers, and reviews, some published here for the first time, most previously hard-to-get. These essays not only add substantively to our understanding of early modem politics, but treat both implicitly and explicitly the historian's task per se. Hence, this is not biography, much less'innocuous laudation'or hagiography, which Herb would not forgive. Yet it is only fitting that someone who lays so much stress on the human side of History should by way of introduction have something said about his person as well as his work.

Crime does not pay, and politics by assassination pays even less. That is perhaps the one sharp lesson which stands out from the trial of U Saw and his men for the murder of Bogyoke Aung San and his colleagues. The trial is a historie one, and the murders undoubtedly altered the course of Burma's modem history. I present the judgement of the Special Tribunal in full and the story of the assassinations for the record, in the hope that they will serve historians and our peoples in Burma in several ways. Mr. ]ustice Mya Thein of the High Court gave me the records which he compiled of the trial while serving on the prosecution. That was a few years ago, and I have, since then, wanted to edit and publish a book of the trial. Dr. Myint Thein, Chief ]ustice of the Union, also gave his file of the records to the Defence Services Historical Research Institute, and I was able to check and compare the papers. To both I owe and sincerely acknow­ ledge thanks. I am also grateful to Mr. ]ustice Aung Tha Gyaw of the Supreme Court who answered my questions with kindness and courtesy, and to U Kyaw Soe, Director of Information, and his staff, who dug up the pictures which are published in this book.

In January 1948, Alessandro Levi, a distinguished scholar in the fields of law, philosophy and political theory, published an article entitled'The'return'of Carlo Cattaneo.'1 Levi, himself the author of an im­ portant work on Cattaneo, 2 reported on several initiatives which had been taken by Italian scholars since 1945 to rescue the Lombard writer and politician from relative obscurity. With some financial assistance from the City of Milan, a committee of Italian and Swiss scholars had been formed in the spring of 1946 to publish Cattaneo's works, which until then had only appeared in fragmentary and uncritical 3 editions. LeMonnier of Florence had agreed to publish the new edi­ tion. Meanwhile, the Lombard historian Rinaldo Caddeo was preparing with considerable pains an edition of several volumes of Cattaneo's correspondence. In addition, a catalog of materials pertaining to Cat­ taneo and found among the Crispi papers was being prepared at the State Archives in Palermo. A brief biography had appeared in 1945 and other works by historians, political scientists, and journalists were 4 in progress. These initiatives seemed long overdue, in view of the fact that Cattaneo's contemporaries had considered him a leading figure in the liberal-democratic current of the Risorgimento. As Levi acknowledged in his article, however, these efforts to rescue Cattaneo's work from obscurity were something more than a belated tribute to an important participant in the history of nineteenth century Italy.

This is an open access book. The Critical Island Studies Consortium (CIS) was born in 2019 in Manila with the theme, “Critical Island Studies: The Islandic Archipelago, and Oceanic.” The CIS consortium aims at developing a new planetary perspective from which to invent an image of the environment and create a new sense of nature with which to seek environmental justice. This conference in Yogyakarta is composed of two related yet autonomous sections; one is hosted by Universitas Sanata Dharma (USD) and the other by Universitas Gadjah Mada (UGM). With USD and UGM taking the lead, CIS 2023 continues to carve out the vision of a new, more sustainable future for our planet.

This book presents research on geographical naming on land and sea from a wide range of standpoints on: theory and concepts, case studies and education. Space and place naming or toponymy has a long tradition in the sciences and a renewed critical interest in geography and allied disciplines including the humanities. Place: location and cartographical aspects, etymology and geo-histories so salient in past studies, are now being enhanced from a range of radical perspectives, especially in a globalizing, standardizing world with Googlization and the consequent ‘normalization'of place names, perceptions and images worldwide including those for marketing purposes. Nonetheless, there are conflicting and contesting voices. The interdisciplinary research is enhanced with authors from regional, national and international toponymy-related institutions and organizations including the UNGEGN, IGU, ICA and so forth.

The volume approaches the relations between China and the Catholic Church in a quite comprehensive and unprejudiced way. Its approach is new since it clarifies the root of the persistent antagonism of both the imperial and republican Chinese Authorities toward the Catholic Church: no matter how the Catholic approach has been, they kept their Sino-centric attitude. It also points out the lack of a truly objective and complete understanding of China by the Western society, including Catholic missionaries: from a blind admiration to a negative evaluation, determined by contingent circumstances and motivations. It tries to clarify myths and stereotyped understandings, that have been created during the historical process, including the role of the Jesuits and in particular of Fr. Matteo Ricci. It also pays particular attention to the role of the Vatican in the recent religious policy of Chinese Government. The reading of the book could be enlightening especially for academics, university students and Christian clergy interested in the history of Catholic Missions in China.

This book demonstrates that Rousseau offers a distinctive critical voice which is worthy of listening to. Rousseau is shown to target not merely social ‘injustices', but the very dynamics central to the ‘form of life'itself. As such we are able to contemplate, and engage in, a more foundational form of social critique. We contend that by returning to Rousseau, both as a theorist in his own right, and as an interlocutor with the contemporary literature within radical political and social philosophy, we can see both the circumscribed nature of contemporary discussion, and the true importance of Rousseau's thought. In summary, Rousseau remains a figure of vital importance across disciplines and it is high time for an edited volume which connects insights centring his thought and impact today.

Hegel and Schelling in Early Nineteenth-Century France is a two-volume work that documents the French reception of G. W. F. Hegel and F. W. J. Schelling from 1801 to 1848. It shows that the story of the'French Hegel'didn't begin with Wahl and Kojève by giving readers a solid understanding of the various ways in which German Idealism impacted nineteenth-century French philosophy, as well as providing the first ever English-language translations of excerpts from the most important philosophical texts of the era. Inside volume two, readers will find a series of scholarly studies to help them get to grips with this neglected field in the history of ideas. The contributors are world-leading and emerging experts from Europe, UK, and North America. They highlight the stakes and trace the pathways of this reception for French and German thought during the period, including the ways in which French philosophers of the period took up the debates and concepts of German Idealism,transformed them or rejected them. In this way, the volume aims to redress the serious neglect of early nineteenth-century French thought in English-language scholarship and, in so doing, goes beyond a nation-based narrative of the history of philosophy. Figures covered in the volumes include major philosophers such as Cousin, Leroux, Proudhon, Quinet, Ravaisson, Renouvier and Véra, as well more neglected figures, like Barchou de Penhoën, Bénard, Lèbre, Lerminier, Pictet, and Willm.

Soll man demonstrieren gehen? Wieviel Macht hat eine Bürgermeisterin? Kann man Journalisten glauben? … Concept Cartoons sind Impulse, um mit Lernenden über fachliche Probleme ins Gespräch zu kommen. Eine Leitfrage reizt dabei zur Stellungnahme. Ähnlich wie in Comics treten in Concept Cartoons verschiedene Personen auf, die in Sprechblasen ihre Sichtweise darlegen. Die Aussagen entsprechen dabei wissenschaftsorientierten Vorstellungen bzw. typischen Schülervorstellungen, wodurch eine Anschlussfähigkeit für eine Bearbeitung geschaffen wird. Methodische Zugänge für die Primar- und Sekundarstufe zur Diagnose, zum Arbeiten mit Vorwissen und zur Weiterentwicklung von Konzepten werden geboten.

Europe is a continent whose history has, in one form or another, long been dominated by integration. And yet the European integration process is often treated as synonymous with the evolution of just one particular, and until recently geographically quite limited, Western-centred organisation: the European Union (EU). This trend obscures the multitude of ways European states have acted collectively on both sides of the Iron Curtain – and continue to do so throughout the continent today. With contributors drawn from history and political science, this book explores some of these diverse integration efforts ‘beyond Brussels'. We shine a light on international organisations, trade frameworks, and various political, social, scientific and cultural forms of unity in both Eastern and Western Europe. In so doing, the book seeks to redefine the history of the European integration process not only as a less purely EU-centric phenomenon but as a less strictly Western European one too.

Serious stock-taking is in progress now among practitioners of whathas been called Sovietology, meaning studies of the Union of SovietSocialist Republics. The reason is that the field for the most part hadnot been expecting what happened in 1991: The USSR collapsed andwent out of existence as a unified state system governing a sixth ofthe world's territory, having allowed its East European empire tofree itself from Soviet dominance somewhat earlier.It might be said in defense of Sovietology that, by the beginningof the 1980s, it understood that economic and political crises werebrewing in the Soviet Union and its outer empire. But the field asa whole failed to grasp the full depth of the systemic crisis in SovietRussia and the destructive or self-destructive potentialities inherentin it. As the editors of this valuable volume write in the Introduction:'Sovietology was not prepared for perestroika and postcommunism.'

Few people can claim to have had minds as fertile and creative as the French philosopher Jean-Jacques Rousseau. One of the most influential political theorists of the modern age, he was also a composer and writer of opera, a novelist, and a memoirist whose Confessions ranks as one of the most striking works of autobiography ever written. Like many creative thinkers, Rousseau was someone whose restless mind could not help questioning accepted orthodoxies and looking at matters from novel and innovative angles. His 1762 treatise The Social Contract does exactly that. Examining the nature and sources of legitimate political power, it crafted a closely reasoned and passionately persuasive argument for democracy at a time when the most widely accepted form of government was absolute monarchy, legitimised by religious beliefs about the divine right of kings and queens to rule. In France, the book was banned by worried Catholic censors; in Rousseau's native Geneva, it was both banned and burned. But history soon pushed Rousseau's ideas into the mainstream of political theory, with the French and American revolutions paving the way for democratic government to gain ground across the Western world. Though it was precisely what got Rousseau's book banned at the time, the novel idea that all legitimate government rests on the will of the people is now recognised as the core principle of democratic freedom and represents, for many people, the highest of ideals.

The Societies of Europe is an 8-title series of historical data handbooks and accompanying CD-ROM sets, on the development of Europe from the nineteenth to the twentieth century. The series is a product of the Mannheim Centre for Social research, a body dedicated to comparative research on Europe and one of the leading social research institutes in the world. It is a collection of datasets giving a clear and systematic study of long term developments in European society. The data is presented statistically and is clearly comparative. The Societies of Europe is the most comprehensive data series available on Western European social issues. Each book is accompanied by a CD-ROM containing data sets not included in the text enabling users to manipulate the data as wanted. Information is available in different programmes (Excel, SPSS and SAS) and in data structures for analysis, viewing and building time series. This comparative data handbook offers an empirical base to a long-term and comparative understanding of changes and variations in European union movements. It provides information on the context and history of union development, the changes in the structure of post-war unionism until today, the long-term trends in union membership and union density, and the shifts in the cross-sectional composition of union membership. This book and CD-ROM are the result of many years of research by the authors in collaboration with an international research team, and provides an original source for comparative and national studies or individual enquiries. The country and comparative tables offer cross-checked and often newly-calculated statistics on national union organizations and their membership series. The CD-ROM includes selected tables from the handbook and provides additional databases with organizational data and membership series of major national and European union organizations.

Au sommaire de ce numéro : « Lefort lecteur de Machiavel : le travail continué de l'œuvre », « Au-delà du nihilisme : de l'Internationale lettriste à l'Internationale situationniste », « L'Europe des Six ou la naissance d'un régime international dans l'après-guerre (1945-1955), « La Nouvelle Droite et le nazisme. Retour sur un débat » ou encore « Le perfectionnisme social et la critique feuerbachienne du personnalisme chrétien de Friedrich Julius Stahl ».

'This book will rightfully head many a reading list...'C.Allen, British Book News Power in Africa casts a fresh look at contemporary Black African politics. It reviews the merits and failings of existing interpretations of Africa's post-colonial society and offers a new approach to its understanding. It has two main aims. First, to present a comparative conceptual framework which places Africa's politics within its appropriate historical context. Second, to offer an explanation of what is actually happening in Africa - beyond the clichs of a dark continent perennially in crisis.

In this book, first published in 1973, the editor has drawn heavily on Bentham's manuscripts and has tried to provide a coherent statement of Bentham's legal and political thought. Unlike Plato, Aristotle, Hobbes or Mill, Bentham did not write one single work containing the basic principles of his legal and political philosophy. This titles presents Bentham's work in a systematic manner, and will be of interest to students of philosophy, politics and history.

Based on British and Iranian sources, this book investigates the background and goals of the coup in Iran, examining how British foreign and domestic agents interfered with Iran's internal affairs between the nationalization of Iran's oil in 1951 until its failure in 1953 with the overthrow of Prime Minister Mossadegh. How and why was Iran's democratically elected government ousted in 1953? Most studies refer to a ‘CIA-led'operation. This study analyses how British agents used the Shah, the ancient Persian Durbar, Majlis deputies, Islamic clergy, and Iranian military officers in the overthrow of the first democratically elected Prime Minister, and highlights how Britain used the ‘Communist menace'as a pretext for protecting its oil interests and persuaded the Americans to orchestrate the coup. This close interaction between British colonial interests, American Cold War goals and Iranian politics ultimately defeated the democratic aspirations of Iran's people.

The International Almanac is the only up to date source for the history of election results in the Western world from their origins to the present. It provides clear and authoritative information for 25 different countries, ranging alphabetically from Australia to the USA, and geographically across four continents, including Japan and new Mediterranean democracies as well as old Anglo-American and Scandinavian democracies. Each chapter gives a comprehensive list of all parties that have contested one or more elections, its vote at each election and percentage share of the poll, and the number of seats won in the national assembly. The results have been checked from original sources in more than 15 languages. The new edition of the Almanac brings election results up to date and incorporates fresh materials from historical research, while retaining the features that have made the volume the authoritative book on elections.

This book is a collection of articles on schools, individuals and topics within the mainstream of the history of economic thought. The principal schools are the Physiocrats and the English Classical Economists. The principal individuals are Francois Quesnay, Adam Smith, Thomas Malthus, Francis Y. Edgeworth, Friedrich von Wieser, Frank W. Taussig, and William H. Hutt. The principal topics include the economic role of government, power, the psychology of economics, and the early history of macroeconomics.

The spectacular rise of the yen in the mid-1980s has unleashed a new wave of imperialism from Japan. Its origins are traced to a series of crises and rivalries between the two great capitalist powers, Japan and the USA. To escape the high yen, Japanese capital is closing down factories at home and shifting them overseas. Some are going to the advanced countries, but the book's main focus is on the search for cheap labour in Southeast Asia to make parts for Japan's two leading industries: motor vehicles and electronics.

Socialism, Social Ownership and Social Justice is concerned with the emergence in Europe over the centuries of dreams and aspirations amongst the poor and weak for new societies of justice and equality based on common ownership and common sharing. It ranges from the Greek legendary ideal of a simple communal golden age of equals and the dark reality of Spartan perverted communalism, to the collapse of Soviet communism and the abandonment by West European socialist parties of their commitment to transform ruling-class dominated capitalist societies into democratic, egalitarian socialist societies.

Throughout his long career as a political thinker and activist, Mahatma Gandhi encountered the dilemma of either remaining faithful to his nonviolent principles and risking the failure of the Indian nationalist movement, or focusing on the seizure of political power at the expense of his moral message. Putting forward his vision of a'nonviolent nationalism,'Gandhi argued that Indian self-rule could be achieved without sacrificing the universalist imperatives of his nonviolent philosophy. Conceived as a study in the history of political thought, this book examines the origins, meaning, and unfolding of Gandhi s dilemma as it played itself out in both theory and political practice. This discussion is inextricably linked to significant and timely issues that are critical for the study of nationalism, for Gandhi s vision raises the important question of whether it is indeed possible to construct a benign type of nationalism that is rooted in neither physical nor conceptual forms of violence.

In this important book, Jan Willem Duyvendak and James M. Jasper bring together an internationally acclaimed group of contributors to demonstrate the complexities of the social and political spheres in various areas of public policy. By breaking down the state into the players who really make decisions and pursue coherent strategies, these essays provide new perspectives on the interactions between political protestors and the many parts of the state“from courts, political parties, and legislators to police, armies, and intelligence services. By analyzing politics as the interplay of various players within structured arenas, Breaking Down the State provides an innovative look at law and order versus opposition movements in countries across the globe.

Ghana has always held a position of primacy in the African political and historical imagination, due in no small part to the indelible impression left president Kwame Nkrumah. This study examines the symbolic strategies he used to construct the Ghanaian state through currency, stamps, museums, flags, and other public icons.

The book outlines the historical development of Public Law and the state from ancient times to the modern day, offering an account of relevant events in parallel with a general historical background, establishing and explaining the relationships between political, religious, and economic events.

A decade after the 9/11 attacks, this groundbreaking book takes readers deep into rebellions against both autocrats and extremists that are redefining politics, culture, and security threats across the Islamic world. The awakening involves hundreds of millions of people. And the political transformations— and tectonic changes—are only beginning. Robin Wright, an acclaimed foreign correspondent and television commentator, has covered the region for four decades. She witnessed the full cycle, from extremism's angry birth and globalization to the rise of new movements transforming the last bloc of countries to hold out against democracy. Now, in Rock the Casbah, she chronicles the new order being shaped by youthinspired revolts toppling leaders, clerics repudiating al Qaeda, playwrights and poets crafting messages of a counter-jihad, comedians ridiculing militancy, hip-hop rapping against guns and bombs, and women mobilizing for their own rights. This new counter-jihad has many goals. For some, it's about reforming the faith. For others, it's about reforming political systems. For most, it's about achieving basic rights. The common denominator is the rejection of venomous ideologies and suicide bombs, plane hijackings, hostage-takings, and mass violence to achieve those ends. Wright captures a stunning moment in history, one of the region's four key junctures—along with Iran's revolution, Israel's creation, and the Ottoman Empire's collapse—in a century. The notion of a clash of civilizations is increasingly being replaced by a commonality of civilizations in the twenty-first century. But she candidly details both the possibilities and pitfalls ahead. The new counter-jihad is imaginative and defiant, but Muslim societies are also politically inexperienced and economically challenged.

'Este libro es un ejercicio sobre la historia de las ideas contemporáneas. Puede considerarse una toma panorámica, de derecha a izquierda, de un paisaje intelectual determinado. Los pensadores y los escritores a los que observa pertenecen a un mundo político en el que las categorías de derecha, centro e izquierda conservan aún visiblemente su significado, aun cuando las localizaciones y los límites de cada uno distan mucho de estar fijados. Se trata del espectro al que alude el título.'En este magistral nuevo estudio Perry Anderson recorre y analiza las trayectorias de un variado conjunto de intelectuales que, desde la derecha hasta la izquierda, han tenido un impacto duradero en la esfera pública y el mundo de las ideas. Así, en la primera parte, dedicada al pensamiento político, analiza la trayectoria de seis grandes pensadores conservadores (M. Oakeshott, C. Schmitt, L. Strauss, F. von Hayek, F. Mount y T. Garton Ash); en la segunda parte, profundiza en el pensamiento de tres filósofos políticos fundamentales en el cambio de siglo (J. Rawls, J. Habermas y N. Bobbio), de ideología de centro-izquierda o izquierda moderada; por último, la tercera parte está dedicada al campo de la historia, en cuanto registro del pasado, desde el terreno –ya claro– de la izquierda (examinando las figuras de E. Thompson, R. Brenner, E. Hobsbawm, S. Timpanazo, G. Therborn y G. García Márquez). El volumen finaliza con dos apéndices dedicados a la London Review of Books y a la vivencia de J. C.

German unification is changing central Europe, the EC and international economic and political relations. Prosperous West Germany with its'social market economy'has absorbed the socialist GDR which is facing a complex systemic tranformation process. This volume analyzes the causes, developments, and processes that are associated with German unification. The merger of the two Germanies provides a unique laboratory like example of institutional and economic changes against which established economic theoreis and economic policy concepts can be tested. German unification raises, of course, many new questions for Grmany itself, Europe, and the whole international community. Will the enlarged Germany become a new economic giant in Europe and can the FRG maintain stability and prosperity? What macroeconomic and structural problems are faced by the new Germany and what are the effects for trade, investment, and growth in Germany`s partner countries? Will East Germany catch up with the West and can this process serve as a model forEastern Europe? What are the views of Poland and the USSR, and what implications arise for Western Europe and the United States? Finally, how isthe triangular relationship between the U.S., the EC, and Japan affected, and how does this affect the United States` ability to organize economic cooperation with Japan, Germany, and other leading economies?

The signing in Peking on May 27, I95I, of the I7-point Agreement on Measures for the Peaceful Liberation of Tibet marked the end of Tibet's latest forty-year interlude of de facto independence and formalized an arrangement which, although in some respects differing from the earlier relationship between China and Tibet, in principle but reimposed the former's traditional suzerainty over the latter~ Since then, the course and pattern of relations between the Central Government and the so-called Local Government of Tibet have undergone aseries of drastic reappraisals and readjustments, culmi­ and the flight of the Dalai Lama to nating in the rebellion of I959 India. These events, together with the recent degeneration of the Sino-Indian border dispute into a fuIl-fledged military confrontation, have served to dramatize the importance of Tibet from the point of view of global strategy and world diplomacy. Long before that, however, indeed ever since Tibet's occupation by the Chinese Red armies and the region's effective submission to Peking's authority, the Tibetan question had already assumed the status of a major political problem and that for a variety of good reasons, internal as weIl as international. From the vantage-point of domestic politics, the Tibetan issue was from the very start, and still is now, of prime significance on at least three counts.

Dieser Buchtitel ist Teil des Digitalisierungsprojekts Springer Book Archives mit Publikationen, die seit den Anfängen des Verlags von 1842 erschienen sind. Der Verlag stellt mit diesem Archiv Quellen für die historische wie auch die disziplingeschichtliche Forschung zur Verfügung, die jeweils im historischen Kontext betrachtet werden müssen. Dieser Titel erschien in der Zeit vor 1945 und wird daher in seiner zeittypischen politisch-ideologischen Ausrichtung vom Verlag nicht beworben.

Since the 1980s, political scientists have developed a renewed interest in the study of political institutions, based on the assumption that'institutions matter'-that is, that formal governmental institutions and constitutional-legal rules (as well as informal institutions like parties and interest groups) are crucial determinants of the shape of politics and policy outcomes. In this respect, the'new institutionalism'resembles the'old institutionalism'of pre-behaviorist days, but the crucial difference between the two is that the new institutionalists are committed to systematic empirical testing of their hypotheses, at least in principle. In practice, however, especially in compara­ tive analyses, this goal has often been frustrated by the lack of reliable data for a large number of countries. Researchers have therefore usually been limited to testing their hypotheses with modest data sets collected for their own particular purposes. Of all of the political institutions, the executive branch of the government is by far the most important; it can be regarded as the irreducible core of government and the principal embodiment of political authority with specific powers that are not lodged elsewhere in the political system. Almost all countries in the world, and certainly all modem democracies, have an executive body called'government','cabinet', or'administration'(as in the term'the Clinton administration') that has the main responsibility for running the country's public affairs.

Dieses Jahrbuch informiert über alle Kriege und bewaffneten Konflikte, die im Jahr 2003 geführt wurden. Es beschreibt die strukturellen Hintergründe, den historischen Verlauf sowie die Jahresereignisse jedes Konfliktes und gibt einen zusammenfassenden Überblick über die Tendenzen und Entwicklungen des weltweiten Kriegsgeschehens. Die Veröffentlichungen der Arbeitsgemeinschaft Kriegsursachenforschung (AKUF) der Universität Hamburg über die Kriege seit 1945 sind im deutschen Sprachraum die meistverwendete Grundlage einschlägiger Publikationen.

Über die Gestaltung der Arbeitsbeziehungen hinaus waren und sind die Gewerkschaften die mit am wichtigsten Akteure in Politik und Gesellschaft der Bundesrepublik. In diesem Handbuch wird von führenden Gewerkschaftsforschern ein vollständiger Überblick zu den Gewerkschaften geboten: Zu Geschichte und Funktion, zu Organisation und Mitgliedschaft, zu den Politikfeldern und ihrer Gesamtrolle in der Gesellschaft usw. Auch die Neubildung der Gewerkschaftslandschaft, das Handeln im internationalen Umfeld und die Herausforderung durch die Europäische Union kommen in diesem Buch zur Sprache.

When the socialist regime in Central and Eastern Europe (CEE) was overthrown around the end of the eighties, beginning of the nineties, an overall transforma­ tion of whole societies started. Not only the political and the economic systems of these countries, but all societal sectors underwent deep changes. These changes presented opportunities, but they also spelled trouble. On one hand, getting rid of stifling political control and excessive bureaucratic regulation was something which most members of these societies desired. On the other, it be­ came apparent very soon that the necessary and long hoped-for rebuilding of the economy, education, health care, the mass media, and science, too, was strongly restricted by the scarcity of financial resources. After a short period, during which opportunities were energetically taken up in a spirit of hope, came a long and still lasting time of growing troubles and despondency. Only in a few of the CEE countries have some glimpses of hope become visible recently; and it re­ mains to be seen whether these signals are reliable. Until now, therefore, the transformation dynamics of all societal sectors in all of the CEE countries have primarily been troublesome. This is surely true for the post-socialist research systems. I The demise of the communist party's abso­ lute rule over society has allowed researchers the public expression and the pur­ suit of goals whose common denominator has been a greater self-regulation of scientific research according to its own criteria and logic.

The scope of this study is narrow-the activities of a single ambas­ sador for little more than two years. The problem it treats is wide and universal-the origins of a great war. There can be no adequate history of the relations between states whieh does not take into account the knowledge, judgment and deci­ sions of individual statesmen. Diplomatie history, though only a part, is a necessary part of the history of international relations. Within a more or less c10sely circumscribed range of possibilities, men in power choose between alternative policies, with results they may or may not have anticipated. The historian therefore can and should describe the past, present and future, as it were, of the historical persons whom he studies: the past whieh provides them with oppor­ tunities and limitations, both objective and subjective; the present in whieh they act; the future in whieh the consequences of their actions appear, for the most part beyond their control. This is a study of the part played by a great diplomat-the perfect ambassador, his own age called hirn-in the formation of policy. My task has been a dual one. First, I have observed Arnauld de Pomponne at work. Second, I have attempted to evaluate the French plans for war against the Dutch republic, with particular attention to Pom­ ponne's contribution to them.

Few modem events have aroused more controversy than the Spanish Civil War. This controversy was especially acute in Great Britain, which was tom between its distrust of Nazi Germany and Fascist Italy on the one hand and of Communist Russia on the other. The and determined to avoid war at British public, pacifist in sentiment almost any cost, sensed the danger implicit in the Civil War, yet realised its impotence to control events in Spain which indeed it little understood. The British Government, though under heavy attack from the Opposition and from a handful of its own supporters, succeeded in its endeavours to keep the country out of war on this occasion. The neutrality of Spain, even after Mussolini had entered World War II, was of inestimable value to Britain after the debacle in the summer of I940. It may be therefore that British policy during the Civil War paid off later on as well as achieving its purpose at the time. Dr. Kleine's book, lucidly written and carefully documented, ex­ amines the British attitude toward the Spanish Civil War. The author has the advantage of belonging to a generation which is able to analyse these events with historical detachment. Yet his understanding and easy style have made the period live. Neutrality was not easy for Britain. Its far-reaching interests in trading with Spain and in passage through Iberian waters again and again raised awkward problems.

This volume offers one of the first systematic analyses of the rise of modern social science. Contrary to the standard accounts of various social science disciplines, the essays in this volume demonstrate that modern social science actually emerged during the critical period between 1750 and 1850. It is shown that the social sciences were a crucial element in the conceptual and epistemic revolution, which parallelled and partly underpinned the political and economic transformations of the modern world. From a consistently comparative perspective, a group of internationally leading scholars takes up fundamental issues such as the role of the Enlightenment and the French Revolution in the shaping of the social sciences, the changing relationships between political theory and moral discourse, the profound transformation of philosophy, and the constitution of political economy and statistics.

Stephen Martin• The fourteen essays that constitute this work provide a coherent review of the past and present of the European Community, and consider some of its possible futures. Werner Abelshauser and Richard Griffiths offer separate perspectives on the precursors of the European Community. Abelshauser argues that comparison of the fates of the European Coal and Steel Community and the European Defense Community demonstrate the dominance of political over economic considerations in the integration process. Griffiths considers the stillborn European Political Community, many of the proposed features of which, somewhat transformed, were embodied in the Treaty of Rome. Both suggest that as a practical matter a coming together of French and German interests has been a precondition for advances in European integration. Stephen Martin and Andrew Evans discuss the development of the Com­ munity's Structural Funds, first envisaged as tools to smooth the transition from a collection of regional economies to a continent-wide single market, now increasingly seen as devices to guide adjustment to long-term struc­ tural problems. Stuart Holland emphasizes the role of the Structural Funds as one element in a broad range of strategies to ensure social and economic cohesion as the Maastrict Treaty ushers the European Union into the next stage of its development.