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From 1970 to 1977 a major project to uncover source material for students of contemporary British history and politics was undertaken at the British Library of Political and Economic Science. Fiananced by the Social Science Research Council, and under the direction of Dr Chris Cook, this project has attempted a unique and systematic operation to locate, and then to make readily available, those archives that provide the indispensable source material for the contemporary historian. This volume (the fifth in the series) provides a guide to the papers of propagandists who were influential in British public life. Included in this volume are the papers of such persons as newspaper editors, leading economists, social reformers, socialist thinkers, trade unionists, industrialists and a variety of theologians and philanthropists. In all, this volume not only completes the findings of the project but opens up the archive sources of a hitherto neglected area of research into contemporary social and political history.

This book offers a distinctive approach to understanding Anglo-American relations with Iran in the early Cold War. It establishes how the United Kingdom and United States used soft power between 1953 and 1960 to combat communism and promote their respective ways of life in Iran. It identifies their motives, the types of initiatives employed, and the extent to which they perceived their policies to be a success. It is a historical case study through which wider conclusions regarding UK and US foreign policy can be drawn. As well as illustrating the competitive tensions within the Anglo-American'special relationship', it highlights the role of individuals in the making and shaping of diplomatic endeavours. More broadly, the analysis of UK and US interactions in Iran through the prism of soft power underlines that there was more to both countries'Cold War foreign policies than the containment of communism.

This book provides fresh insights into how the British press affected both British perceptions of decolonisation in Africa and British policy towards it during the ‘wind of change'period. It also reveals, for the first time, the extent to which British newspaper coverage was of relevance to African and white settler readerships. British newspapers informed the political strategies and civic cultures of African activists, nationalists, liberal whites in Africa, the staunchest of white settler communities, and the first governments of independent African states and their opponents. The British press, British public opinion and British journalists became etched into the lived experiences of the end of empire affecting Anglo-African and Anglo-settler relations to this day. Arguing that the press cast a transnational web of influence over the decolonisation process in Africa, the author explores the relationships between the British, African and settler public and political spheres, and highlights the mediating power of the British press during the late 1950s. The book draws from a range of British newspapers, official government documents, newspaper archives, interviews, memoirs, autobiographies and articles printed in African and white settler papers. It will be of interest to historians of decolonisation, Africa, the media and the British Empire.

This biography charts the life and fascinating long militant career of the French anarchist journalist, editor, theorist, writer, campaigner and educator Jean Grave (1854-1939), from the run up to the 1871 Paris Commune to the eve of the Second World War. Through Grave, it explores the history of the French and international anarchist communist movement over seven decades: its “heroic period” (1880-1890s), shaken by terrorist violence and intense repression, the emergence of syndicalism, national and international solidarity campaigns, the divisions over the First World War, and post-war division and relegation. Through Grave, a “sedentary transnationalist,” the study investigates the networked and transnational organisation of the anarchist movement, addressing the paradox of Grave's international influence alongside his deep rootedness in Paris by emphasizing the movement's global print culture and staggering circulations.

This book analyzes the conduct of press policy in Bohemia from the Revolutions of 1848 through the period of the Tábory, 1867-71. In the aftermath of the revolutions, the Habsburg state, far from constituting an historical relic, proved itself boldly innovative, inaugurating liberal reforms, most importantly the rule of law. While the reforms helped it to survive its immediate challenges, they nonetheless, quite paradoxically, created an environment in which the periodical press continued to advance perspectives emblematic of the revolution, even during the era of Neoabsolutism. This new legal environment fostered the rise of the bourgeois public sphere, as theorized by Jürgen Habermas, and the very political movements that would contribute to its demise, as signaled in the Tábory campaign of 1867-71. At the nexus of civil society and the state stood the provincial Habsburg officials responsible for public order and security. Their experience was one of endeavoring to balance the ideals of the rule of law imposed by the Imperial center and their own vital concerns regarding the survival of the Monarchy. This work, for the first time, concentrates on the role of these officials who determined what would—and would not—appear in print.

The first biography of Alfred Webb, Irish nationalist and president of the 1894 Indian National Congress. The biography explores how Webb viewed nationalism as a vehicle for global social justice. Drawing on archives in Britain, Ireland and India the author reveals how Irish and Indians used cosmopolitan London to create networks across the Empire.

From 1970 to 1977 a major project to uncover source material for students of contemporary British history and politics was undertaken at the British Library of Political and Economic Science. Fiananced by the Social Science Research Council, and under the direction of Dr Chris Cook, this project has attempted a unique and systematic operation to locate, and then to make readily available, those archives that provide the indispensable source material for the contemporary historian. This volume (the fifth in the series) provides a guide to the papers of propagandists who were influential in British public life. Included in this volume are the papers of such persons as newspaper editors, leading economists, social reformers, socialist thinkers, trade unionists, industrialists and a variety of theologians and philanthropists. In all, this volume not only completes the findings of the project but opens up the archive sources of a hitherto neglected area of research into contemporary social and political history.

This book examines mid-Victorian discourse on the expansion of the British Empire's role in the Middle East. It investigates how British political leaders, journalists and the general public responded to events in the Ottoman Empire, which many, if not most, people in Britain came to see as trudging towards inevitable chaos and destruction. Although this ‘Eastern Question'on a post-Ottoman future was ostensibly a matter of international politics and sometimes conflict, this study argues that the ideas underpinning it were conceived, shaped, and enforced according to domestic British attitudes. In this way, this book presents the Eastern Question as as much a British question as one related in any way to the Ottoman Empire. Particularly in the crucial decade of the 1870s, debates in Victorian society on the Eastern Question served as proxies for other pressing issues of the day, including electoral reform, changing religious attitudes, public education, and the costs of maintaining Britain's empire. This book offers new perspectives on the Eastern Question's relationship to these trends in Victorian society, culture, and politics, highlighting its significance in understanding Britain's imperial programme more widely in the second half of the nineteenth century.

Jonathan Chu explores individual economic and legal behaviors, connecting them to adjustments in trade relations with Europe and Asia, the rise in debt litigation in Western Massachusetts, deflation and monetary illiquidity, and the Bank of North America.

Andrew Dilley offers a major new study of financial dependence, examining the connections this dependence forged between the City and political life in Edwardian Australia and Canada, mediated by ideas of political economy. In doing so he reconstructs the occasionally imperialistic politic of finance which pervaded the British World at this time.

From 1970 to 1977 a major project to uncover source material for students of contemporary British history and politics was undertaken at the British Library of Political and Economic Science. Fiananced by the Social Science Research Council, and under the direction of Dr Chris Cook, this project has attempted a unique and systematic operation to locate, and then to make readily available, those archives that provide the indispensable source material for the contemporary historian. This volume (the fifth in the series) provides a guide to the papers of propagandists who were influential in British public life. Included in this volume are the papers of such persons as newspaper editors, leading economists, social reformers, socialist thinkers, trade unionists, industrialists and a variety of theologians and philanthropists. In all, this volume not only completes the findings of the project but opens up the archive sources of a hitherto neglected area of research into contemporary social and political history.

This book examines how convicts played a key role in the development of capitalism in Australia and how their active resistance shaped both workplace relations and institutions. It highlights the contribution of convicts to worker mobilization and political descent, forcing a rethink of Australia's foundational story. It is a book that will appeal to an international audience, as well as the many hundreds of thousands of Australians who can trace descent from convicts. It will enable the latter to make sense of the experience of their ancestors, equipping them with the necessary tools to understand convict and court records. It will also provide a valuable undergraduate and postgraduate teaching tool and reference for those studying unfree labour and worker history, social history, colonization and global migration in a digital age.

This book examines the development of nuclear propulsion in the Royal Navy from the first proposal in 1946 to the start-up of the last core improvement for the first submarine reactor power plant PWR 1 in December 1974. Drawing from unreleased records and archives, the book answers questions around three main themes. Political: what problems were encountered in transferring nuclear knowledge from the USA to the UK in the post-war period, and how much support was there for the development of nuclear propulsion? Military: why was there a requirement to develop nuclear propulsion, and in particular, why submarines? Technical: were the problems associated with nuclear energy fully appreciated, and did the UK have the technical and engineering capability to develop nuclear propulsion? Aside from the political considerations and military motives for developing nuclear propulsion in the Royal Navy, the author focuses on the technical problems that had to be overcome by all participants in theRoyal Navy's development of nuclear propulsion, adding significantly to naval historiography. Providing a critical analysis of the political, technological, operational and industrial issues of introducing nuclear propulsion into the Royal Navy, the author situates his research in the context of the evolving Cold War, changing Anglo-American relations, the end of Empire and the relative decline of British power.

This book provides a diplomatic history of a turning point in Antarctic governance: the 1991 adoption of comprehensive environmental protection obligations for an entire continent, which prohibited mining. Solving the mining issue became a symbol of finding diplomatic consensus. The book combines historiographic concepts of contingency, conjuncture and accidental events with theories of structural, entrepreneurial and intellectual leadership. Drawing on archival documents, it shows that Antarctic governance is more adaptive than some imagine, and policy success depends on the interplay of normative practices, serendipitous events, public engagement and influential players able to exploit those circumstances. Ultimately, the events revealed in this book show that the protection of the Antarctic Treaty itself remains as important as protecting the Antarctic environment.

Anti-apartheid was one of the most significant international causes of the late twentieth century. The book provides the first detailed history of the emergence of anti-apartheid activism in Britain and the USA, tracing the network of individuals and groups who shaped the moral and political character of the movement.

This book examines the work of prominent South African geologist Alex Du Toit as a means of understanding the debate around continental drift both in segregation-era South Africa and internationally. It contextualises Du Toit's work within a particularly formative period of South African science, from the paleoanthropological discoveries that sparked debates about the origins of humankind to Jan Smuts'own theory of holism. Beyond South African scientific discoveries, the book sets Du Toit's work against a backdrop of ideological struggles over space, both domestically in terms of segregation and nationalism, as well as internationally as South Africa sought to assert its position within the Commonwealth. These debates were embodied by Du Toit's work on the theory of continental drift, which put Africa – and South Africa – at the centre geologically and geographically. The author also focuses on the divisions in geology caused by drift theory, tracing the vigorous intellectual debate and dissent indicative of the ideological milieu within which scientific thought is constructed. It traces the history of continental drift from its inception in the nineteenth century and later work of Alfred Wegener, which was both elaborated upon and substantiated by Du Toit. The study further focuses on Du Toit's research on continental drift in South African and South America, and the geological, fossil and climatological evidence used to bolster this theory.

This book is a social history of Irish officers in the British army in the final half-century of Crown rule in Ireland. Drawing on the accounts of hundreds of officers, it charts the role of military elites in Irish society, and the building tensions between their dual identities as imperial officers and Irishmen, through land agitation, the home rule struggle, the First World War, the War of Independence, and the partition of Ireland. What emerges is an account of the deeply interwoven connections between Ireland and the British army, casting officers as social elites who played a pivotal role in Irish society, and examining the curious continuities of this connection even when officers'moral authority was shattered by war, revolution, independence, and a divided nation.

Examining the rise of the field of imperial history in Britain and wider webs of advocacy, this book demonstrates how intellectuals and politicians promoted settler colonialism, excluded the subject empire, and laid a precarious framework for decolonization. History was politics in late-nineteenth-century Britain. But the means by which influential thinkers sought to steer democracy and state development also consigned vast populations to the margins of imperial debate and policy. From the 1880s onward, politicians, intellectuals, and journalists erected a school of thought based on exclusion and deferral that segregated past and future, backwardness and civilization, validating racial discrimination in empire all while disavowing racism. These efforts, however, engendered powerful anticolonial backlash and cast a long shadow over the closing decades of imperial rule. Bringing to life the forgotten struggles which have, in effect, defined our times, Imperial Historyand the Global Politics of Exclusion is an important reinterpretation of the intellectual history of the British Empire.

This book contributes to the increasing interest in John Adams and his political and legal thought by examining his work on the medieval British Empire. For Adams, the conflict with England was constitutional because there was no British Empire, only numerous territories including the American colonies not consolidated into a constitutional structure. Each had a unique relationship to the English. In two series of essays he rejected the Parliament's claim to legislate for the internal governance of the American colonies. His Dissertation on the Canon and Feudal Law (1765) identified these claims with the Yoke, Norman tyranny over the defeated Saxons after 1066. Parliament was seeking to treat the colonists in similar fashion. The Novanglus essays (1774-75), traced the origin of the colonies, demonstrating that Parliament played no role in their establishment and so had no role in their internal governance without the colonists'subsequent consent.

This book offers a new interpretation of political reform in the settler colonies of Britain's empire in the early nineteenth century. It examines the influence of Scottish Presbyterian dissenting churches and their political values. It re-evaluates five notorious Scottish reformers and unpacks the Presbyterian foundation to their political ideas: Thomas Pringle (1789-1834), a poet in Cape Town; Thomas McCulloch (1776-1843), an educator in Pictou; John Dunmore Lang (1799-1878), a church minister in Sydney; William Lyon Mackenzie (1795-1861), a rebel in Toronto; and Samuel McDonald Martin (1805?-1848), a journalist in Auckland. The book weaves the five migrants'stories together for the first time and demonstrates how the campaigns they led came to be intertwined. The book will appeal to historians of Scotland, Britain, Canada, Australia, New Zealand, South Africa, the British Empire and the Scottish diaspora.

This long-awaited book is a vivid history of Frelimo, the liberation movement that gained power in Mozambique following the sudden collapse of Portuguese rule in 1974. The leading scholar of the liberation struggle in Portuguese Africa, John Marcum completed this work shortly before his death, after a lifetime of research and close contact with many of the major Mozambican nationalists of the time. Assembled from his rich archive of unpublished letters, diaries, and transcribed conversations with figures such as Eduardo Mondlane, Adelino Gwambe, and Marcelino dos Santos, this book captures the key issues and personalities that shaped the era. With unique insight into the Mozambican struggle and the tragic short-sightedness of U.S. policy, Conceiving Mozambique encourages a dispassionate re-examination of the movement's costs as well as its remarkable accomplishments.

The successor to Kenyatta and Britain: An Account of Political Transformation, 1929-1963, this book completes the first systematic political history of Jomo Kenyatta by examining the mechanisms of installing a neo-colonial regime in Kenya, and how such regimes were duplicated elsewhere in Africa. It analyzes the nature and extent of the collaboration between Kenyatta, Britain and Western intelligence services to install and protect his government in Kenya—a collaboration which is linked to some of Kenya's most intractable political, social and economic problems. Drawing heavily on primary sources, it examines the legacy of Kenyatta's regime, and how this legacy is felt in Kenya today.

This book looks back to the period 1860 to 1950 in order to grasp how alternative visions of amity and co-existence were forged between people of faith, both within and resistant to imperial contact zones. It argues that networks of faith and friendship played a vital role in forging new vocabularies of cosmopolitanism that presaged the post-imperial world of the 1950s. In focussing on the diverse cosmopolitanisms articulated within liberal transnational networks of faith it is not intended to reduce or ignore the centrality of racisms, and especially hegemonic whiteness, in underpinning the spaces and subjectivities that these networks formed within and through. Rather, the book explores how new forms of cosmopolitanism could be articulated despite the awkward complicities and liminalities inhabited by individuals and characteristic of cosmopolitan thought zones.

This book covers the tenure of Kitchener as Proconsul in Egypt in the years preceding the First World War. Based mostly on unpublished sources – including government records and private papers – it not only fills a gap in the life and career of Kitchener, the most famous soldier in Britain since Wellington, but it also deals with an important but practically unknown period in Egyptian history. George Cassar shows Kitchener to be an ardent imperialist, but one who had a sense of responsibility to the country he governed. Exchanging his field marshal's uniform for the dress of a statesman, he arrived in Egypt when British prestige was at a low point on account of his predecessor's policies. He restored political stability, created conditions that bolstered the economy, and introduced a wave of reforms. Kitchener as Proconsul of Egypt, 1911-1914 reveals how Kitchener's interest extended beyond Egypt, and how throughout these years he worked quietly to prepare the ground in an attempt to create an Arab Empire under Britain's suzerainty.

This is the first scholarly study of the subject for twenty years, and the only one based on extensive archival research. The Indian Army conquered India for the British, and protected the Raj against its enemies within and without. In this evocative and compassionate work, David Omissi examines the origins, motives and protests of the several million Indian peasant- soldiers who served the colonial power.

This is a collection of papers providing an analysis of the Cyprus conflict and possible directions for its resolution. The essays blend political, economic, constitutional and socio-psychological considerations into a contemporary assessment of the problem.

Based on archival research covering more than two centuries and most former British colonies (West Indies, India, Singapore, Malaya, West Africa and East Africa), this book is a revisionist history of the British imperial manipulations of colonial currency systems to facilitate the rise of sterling to world supremacy via the gold standard, and to slow its eventual decline after World War II. Britain forcibly replaced international currencies, including gold and sterling itself, by new localised silver currencies, backed by gold and sterling reserves in London, under the total control of the British Treasury and the powerful influence of the Bank of England. Ignoring colonial needs, imperial decision-makers continuously over-ruled colonial governments, commercial interest in colonies (British and local), Colonial Office and the Crown Agents, to support liquidity in the London Money Market, convertibility of sterling, export of British capital, and cheap readilyavailable finance for the British Government. Academia, including Keynes and institutions like the London School of Economics, are shown to have played supporting roles. This book is valuable reading for academics and students interested in theories of imperialism, colonial underdevelopment, money (national and international) and related topics such as currency areas and exchange rates. Its comprehensive index links monetary concepts to actual events in the British Empire, with pointers to new research areas. This account of the rise and fall of sterling as a world currency may have lessons for the future trajectories of the US dollar, Euro, Chinese renminbi and the Indian rupee.

This new publication constitutes the second volume in the widely-acclaimed Sources in European Political History. This latest volume provides a wide-ranging guide to the surviving private papers of over one thousand statesman, politicians and diplomats who played a part in the shaping of modern Europe.

Drawing on a wealth of primary and secondary sources, this book explores how far imperial culture penetrated antipodean city institutions. It argues that far from imperial saturation, the city'Down Under'was remarkably untouched by the Empire.

Whereas the Spanish-American War has long been studied as a turning point in American history, Grover Cleveland's foreign policy. Nick Cleaver's study illuminates the dynamism and ideals of Cleveland's diplomatic moment, revealing their continuities with the engagement and expansionism of the McKinley presidency.

The rise and fall of the British Empire profoundly shaped the history of modern Scotland and the identity of its people. From the Act of Union in 1707 to the dramatic fall of the British Empire following the Second World War, Scotland's involvement in commerce, missionary activity, cultural dissemination, emigration, and political action could not be dissociated from British overseas endeavours. In fact, Scottish national pride and identity were closely associated with the benefits bestowed on this small nation through its access to the British Empire. By examining the opinions of Scots towards the empire from numerous professional and personal backgrounds, Scotland emerges as a nation inextricably linked to the British Empire. Whether Scots categorized themselves as proponents, opponents, or victims of empire, one conclusion is clear: they maintained an abiding interest in the empire even as it rapidly disintegrated during the twenty-year period following the Second World War. In turn, the end of the British Empire coincided with the rise of Scottish nationalism and calls for Scotland to extricate itself from the Union. Decolonization had a major impact on Scottish political consciousness in the years that followed 1965, and the implications for the sustainability of the British state are still unfolding today.

This book examines the links between Britain's withdrawal from its east of Suez role and the establishment of South-East Asian regional security arrangements. The link between these two events is not direct, but a relationship existed, which is important to a wider understanding of the development of regional security arrangements.

This cultural and political study examines British perceptions and policies on India's Afghan Frontier between 1918 and 1948 and the impact of these on the local Pashtun population, India as a whole, and the decline of British imperialism in South Asia.

This book argues that the rising tide of anti-colonialism after the 1930s should be considered a turning point not just in harnessing a new mood or feeling of unity, but primarily as one that viewed empire, racism, and economic degradation as part of a system that fundamentally required the application of strategy to their destruction.

Drawing on recently declassified government files, private papers and interviews, this book argues that through a combination of preventative diplomacy and robust defence planning, the Labour government of 1974-79 succeeded in maintaining peace, avoiding the fate of its Tory successors.

India and the Quest for One World revolutionizes the history of human rights, with dramatic impact on some of the most contentious debates of our time, by capturing the exceptional efforts of Mahatma Gandhi and the Nehrus to counter the divisions of the Cold War with an uplifting new vision of justice built on the principle of'unity in diversity.'

The papers presented in this collection offer a wide range of cases, from Asia, Africa and the Americas, and broadly cover the last two centuries, in which commodities have led to the consolidation of a globalised economy and society – forging this out of distinctive local experiences of cultivation and production, and regional circuits of trade.

Dunes, sandstorms, freezing crags and searing heat; these are not the usual images of World War I. For many men from all over the British Empire, this was the experience of the Great War. Based on soldiers'accounts, this book reveals the hardships and complexity of British Empire soldiers'lives in this oft-forgotten but important campaign.

This book advances research into the government-forced labor used widely in colonial Kenya from 1930 to 1963 after the passage of the International Labor Organization's Forced Labour Convention. While the 1930 Convention intended to mark the suppression of forced labor practices, various exemptions meant that many coercive labor practices continued in colonial territories. Focusing on East Africa and the Kenya Colony, this book shows how the colonial administration was able to exploit the exemption clause for communal labor, thus ensuring the mobilization of African labor for infrastructure development. As an exemption, communal labor was not defined as forced labor but instead justified as a continuation of traditional African and community labor practices. Despite this ideological justification, the book shows that communal labour was indeed an intensification of coercive labor practices and one that penalized Africans for non-compliance with fines or imprisonment. The use of forcedlabor before and after the passage of the Convention is examined, with a focus on its use during World War II as well as in efforts to combat soil erosion in the rural African reserve areas in Kenya. The exploitation of female labor, the Mau Mau war of the 1950s, civilian protests, and the regeneration of communal labor as harambee after independence are also discussed.

In this fresh and controversial account of Britain's end of empire, Grob-Fitzgibbon reveals that the British government developed a successful strategy of decolonization following the Second World War based on devolving power to indigenous peoples within the Commonwealth.

Political Warfare against the Kremlin provides a comparative study and holistic review of American and British propaganda policy toward the Soviet Union during the first fifteen years of the Cold War, ranging from the role senior policymakers played in setting propaganda policy to the West's radio broadcasts to the Soviet Union.

This volume assesses Franklin Roosevelt's role as war leader from the vantage point of the twenty-first century, by looking at different aspects of his foreign policy.

Animals and Science Fiction is the first edited collection to be published focusing on the intersection of animal studies and science fiction studies. It offers a broad range of theoretical approaches and primary source texts—including novels, short stories, poetry, film and TV, photography, erotica, video games, and urban planning documents—that explore the ways works of science fiction can transform how we see and interact with nonhuman others. With an eye toward more just multispecies futures, it argues that speculative imaginaries can be pivotal in changing attitudes toward and understandings of nonhuman animals in our world today. Chapters appeal to those interested in biopolitics, posthumanism, new materialism, ecocriticism and the environmental humanities, ocean humanities, postcolonial studies, critical race studies, Indigenous studies, global sf studies, film studies, and food studies. Taken together, the collection works to showcase a diverse and growing field ofscholarly inquiry into animals and science fiction.

This book advocates for the necessity of recovering the value of utopias as political projects that open new channels of action. The criticism of modern political utopias is based on the supposed impossibility of creating for the future because there is no longer a future (apocalyptic ideology). However, this edited collection seeks to show that the post-apocalyptic world in which we live entails a renewed freedom of design for the radical reorganization of institutions. Post-apocalyptic cultures are not obligated to follow the capitalist, anthropocentric, correlationist and sovereign modes of the old political project of emancipation—the Western enlightenment—that has started to collapse. With this in mind, this book is divided into four sections dedicated to the main themes from which to rethink the projects of political emancipation that are possible nowadays: technopolitics; posthumanist biopolitics; non-western politicsl and the crossover between arts and politics.

This book examines qualitatively and quantitatively the exploitation of Africa through six centuries of colonialism and imperialism. The contributions build on previous qualitative analyses. The chapters introduce new ways to measure some of the coerced income and wealth transfers to Europe and North America through systematic underpayments and overcharges. This wealth was wrongfully accumulated using many forms of their abuse of dominance. The book provides estimates that will be helpful to understanding the growing debate on'reparations.'This also contributes to rethinking international development assistance policy. It helps establish a basis for improved estimates of the gains from past and current practices that worked against African economic, social, and political institutions and systems. This edited volume showcases a variety of scholars with diverse perspectives and establishes, for the first time, the extent of wrongful benefits and damages from 600 years of international harm to the African continent.

This book provides a unique account of the financial and political history of the South African War by analysing the organisation and operations of the Johannesburg Stock Exchange (JSE), the oldest existing stock exchange in the African continent. Identifying the JSE as the nexus between international finance, South African gold mining and British imperialism, the book exposes the financial and political connections between Johannesburg, Pretoria, London, and Paris during the final stage of the imperial ‘scramble for southern Africa.'Gold mining presented the South African Republic (ZAR) and the whole southern African regional economy with a long-term economic future and new prospects of industrialisation. However, this socio-economic transformation was dependent on extensive capital investments and the institutionalisation of a coercive labour regime based on racial discrimination. This monograph provides the first empirical examination of how international finance, imperial politics, and racialised industrial relations became entrenched in a key financial intermediary in colonial South Africa - first in Kimberley in the Cape Colony, and then in Johannesburg in the ZAR. By studying the Johannesburg capital market's social microstructures, the author demonstrates how colonial and international financial intermediaries underwrote and financed the largest wave of mining investments in Africa prior to the First World War. Filling an important gap in literature on nineteenth-century British imperialism and Anglo-African-Afrikaner relations, this insightful book uses the JSE as a lens to carefully expose the structures and agency of global finance in the outbreak of the South African War, and the making of South Africa as a unified colonial state.

This book sheds light on the so-called ‘Moro Doctrine', an Italian state security policy which has been portrayed in literature as an under-the-counter agreement made between Italy and Palestinian movement during the Cold War. The Moro Doctrine, or ‘Lodo Moro'as it is known in Italy, aimed to protect the peninsula from Palestinian attacks by allowing terrorists to use Italian territory as a base for weapons and guerrilla fighters.Responsibility for the ‘Lodo'was instrumentally placed on Aldo Moro, the five- time Prime Minister of Italy, after his death, and since then his name has become indelibly linked with the shame of having negotiated with Palestinian terrorists.Thanks to records collected from over twenty archives in Italy, the USA, France, Germany, Britain and Russia, concrete evidence shows that the significance of this agreement needs to be rethought. The author argues that the decision to adopt the Lodo was not solely made by Moro, but also involved key figures of the Christian Democrat and Socialist parties, various magistrates and even the President of the Republic. It illustrates how terrorism was used as an effective tool in international diplomacy to influence foreign and domestic policies.Offering a re-examination of Italian counter-terrorist policy, this book analyses how Italy responded to international terrorism during the Cold War, providing a useful read for those researching Italian and European history, Cold War studies, the history of international relations and diplomacy, and Middle-East history.

In the last two decades, we have witnessed the quest for decolonization; through research, writing, teaching, and curriculum across the globe. Calls to decolonize higher education have been overwhelming in recent year. However, the goal of decolonizing has evolved past not only the need to dismantle colonial empires but all imperial structures. Today, decolonization is deemed a basis for restorative justice under the lens of the psychological, economic, and cultural spectrum. In this book, the editor and her authors confront various dimensions of decolonizing work, structural, epistemic, personal, and relational, which are entangled and equally necessary. This book illuminates other sites and dimensions of decolonizing not only from Africa but also other areas. This convergence of critical scholarship, theoretical inquiry, and empirical research is committed to questioning and redressing inequality in contemporary history and other African studies. It signals one of many steps in a bid to consultatively examine how knowledge and power have been both defined and subsequently denied through the sphere of academic practice.

This book explores the Australian press reporting of the persecution and genocide of European Jews, and the extent to which the news of the Holocaust was known and believed, revealed and hidden, and acknowledged and minimised. Spanning the coverage of Hitler's political ascent in the 1920s through to the Nazis'extermination campaign, it culminates in the accounts of the trials of Nazi war criminals and the post-war transnational migration to Australia of Holocaust survivors, to a country far from universally welcoming in its reception of them. The book also tells the story of the journalists who reported on these tragic events and the editors who published them, along with the political, social and cultural context in which they worked, in an environment influenced by exclusionary ideas about race and nationality that did not necessarily inspire sympathy for Jews and their trauma. This book sheds light on the ethics of reporting human suffering, violence and genocide and – centrally – on the role of the press in shaping Australia's collective memory of the Holocaust. It encourages readers to think critically about media power, public apathy, advocacy, and the importance of truth. Disturbing evidence of increasing antisemitism in Australia as elsewhere, along with continuing Holocaust denial, provide an additional urgency to this study.