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Emigracja, pamięć, historia i tożsamość – to wokół tych tematów osnute są opowieści polskich imigrantów w Rio de Janeiro, z którymi rozmawiała Aleksandra Pluta. Co łączy ze sobą bohaterów tej książki? Większość z nich przybyła do Brazylii podczas II wojny światowej lub niedługo po jej zakończeniu. Jedni nie mogli odnaleźć dla siebie miejsca w Polsce, która znalazła się pod okupacją sowiecką. Innym trudno było zapomnieć koszmar Holocaustu. Wszyscy zaczęli nowe życie w odległym kraju, którego język, klimat i zwyczaje daleko odbiegały od tych rodzimych. Emigracja, będąc utratą tego, co znane i swojskie, okazała się jednak dla większości bohaterów wyzwaniem i szansą na nowe, często lepsze, życie. Wspomnienia bohaterów tej książki, których tłem są jedne z najbardziej tragicznych wydarzeń XX wieku, stanowią dziś cenne źródło historyczne. A ich publikacja w Polsce niech będzie dla nich symbolicznym powrotem do kraju. Aleksandra Pluta – doktorantka w Instytucie Teorii Literatury Universidade de Brasília, magister dziennikarstwa na Universita La Sapienza w Rzymie. Autorka książek: Na fali historii. Wspomnienia Polaków w Chile (2009), Raul Nałęcz-Małachowski. Wspomnienia z dwóch kontynentów (2011), Długa podróż w bardzo krótkim czasie. Biografia Andrzeja Bukowińskiego (2013) oraz Ten piekielny polski akcent. Ziembiński na brazylijskiej scenie (2015). Jej książki były tłumaczone na język hiszpański i portugalski.

Women in Eastern European Post-Socialist Countries: Social, Scientific, and Political Lives explores the role of women in Central and Eastern Europe in bringing about social change, and the obstacles they face in fighting for equality in various areas of life such as science, politics, and reproductive rights.Against a backdrop of increasing re-traditionalisation of post-socialist societies, and the reinvigoration of patriarchal attitudes, the book presents a timely and important collection. Through chapters authored by academics with different specialities across the social sciences, the book addresses the fundamental areas in which women's determination is already initiating changes, namely politics and diplomacy, science, reproductive rights, and customs resulting from religion.Women in Eastern European Post-Socialist Countries is of interest to scholars of gender studies, political and social sciences, and contemporary central and eastern European history.

After the khurbn (destruction) perpetrated by Nazi Germany, its allies, and collaborators, the Yiddish communities in Eastern Europe were shattered and largely decimated. For most survivors, the old homeland in the East was a lost place of longing and a place of mere transit to the centers of the reconfiguring ‘West': in North America, the global South, and the young state of Israel. Research has for the most part ignored the cultural activities, the political engagement, and the diverse visions of those cultural activists who remained in Eastern Europe in their thousands. This volume examines their activities as well as the role of and language policy regarding Yiddish in various socialist states, as well as trans-socialist and cross-bloc dialogues during the'Yiddish Cold War.'How did the actors position themselves within socialist narratives of the past, present, and future and vis-à-vis the Jewish diasporas? What were their visions for Yiddishlands in the new world of really-existing socialism and how did they attempt to implement them? In this volume, case studies on Poland, the Soviet Union, the German Democratic Republic, and Romania uncover diverse cultural reconstruction initiatives and cross-bloc entanglements with ‘Western'countries, such as Great Britain, the United States, Argentina, and Israel.

This book analyzes the process of national identity formation and identification of children born into formal and informal Polish-German relationships in Poland and Germany, and how that process is impacted by their upbringing at the intersection of two cultures.The sociological-historical approach explores a wide range of processes in interethnic couples related to the case at hand, such as migration, acculturation, and assimilation, as well as integration and increased participation in the structures of the host country, ties with the country of origin, generational changes and decreasing knowledge of the native tongue, and developments affecting mixed partnerships and their children. Taking an original approach to its focus on the long-term relationships between bilingualism and biculturalism and their impact on national identity and identification, the book considers the future and significance of binational and interethnic families and their children in the European integration process and European identity.This volume will appeal to sociologists, historians, political scientists, anthropologists, and linguists, and especially to students and scholars interested in the relations between national, linguistic, and political matters.

The history of private lives of the first and second generations of Polish immigrants in the United States is viewed from the perspective of migrants themselves. What did the migrants do? How did they behave? How protagonists (men, women, children) with their own words presented their experience? Their experience is compared with one of the other groups. The book discusses migration processes, formation of neighborhoods, experiences at work, daily and family lives, functioning of parishes and tensions related to it, and construction of people's identities and their constant reformulations. Migrants created mutual-aid societies, which played not only economic, but also ideological and political roles. Experiences of immigrants'children at home and at school are presented, mostly in their own words and from their own perspective. Cultural activities reflect constant changes of groups'self-identity.The book also depicts the relations between the Polish migrants and members of other ethnic groups – in the streets, public spaces, politics, and within the Catholic church. People lived in pluri-cultural, culturally diverse, contexts, and thus relations with “the others” were complex. The panorama ended in the year 1939, when after the Great Depression, the group entered into a new period of transformation during the war.

Seit Beginn des russischen Angriffskrieges auf die Ukraine blicken Medien und Politik verstärkt auf das östliche Europa. Die Öffentlichkeit verlangt nach Expertise - und die etablierten Osteuropastudien stellen sich neu auf. Doch womit beschäftigt sich die kommende Generation? Welche Länder, Themen und Disziplinen interessieren die Osteuropaexpert•innen von morgen? Die Beiträger•innen umreißen ein Panorama junger Perspektiven auf das Forschungsfeld und geben einen Überblick über die zukünftigen Schwerpunkte einer hochaktuellen Disziplin.

In this path-breaking book, he reflects on the evolution of Polish Jewry in these years against the background of its enormous contribution to Jewish religious traditions and its tragic fate in the Holocaust. A Jewish community, ‘small in numbers'but with a ‘big presence', continues to function in Poland. This book is essential reading for all those who wish to understand this remarkable phenomenon.Antony Polonsky, Emeritus Professor of Holocaust Studies,Brandeis UniversitySmall Numbers, Big Presence is history rooted in assiduous dispassionate research, but no less, in passionate commitment to Polish Jewry. As much Pole as Jew, Stanislaw Krajewski was a witness to Poland's postwar Jewish renaissance and the Jews'de-assimilation. A frontliner in many struggles and triumphs, he tells the story with an insider's knowledge of the intricacies of events and personalities.Moshe Rosman, Bar-Ilan University, IsraelThe most important is Stanisław Krajewski's ability to capture complex phenomena with often mutually exclusive interpretations in a surprisingly new and original way.Stanisław Obirek, Professor at the American Studies Centre,University of Warsaw

The book presents the life of Louis Wolowski (1810–1876). Born into a family of Frankist Jews in Warsaw, Wolowski participated in the Polish insurrection of 1830–1831 and later settled in France. Specializing in political economy, Wolowski became a professor at the prestigious Conservatoire des Arts et Métiers at the age of 29 and a member of the Academy in 1855. In 1852 he founded Crédit Foncier, one of the most important French banks and actively participated in the banking revolution of the second half of the 19th century. He also had a political career. Wolowski served as a deputy and from 1875, a life senator. Representing the liberal center of the French political scene, he played a crucial role in the establishment of the Republic in France.

This book describes the formation, transnational activities and inner workings of the Organisation of Ukrainian Nationalists (OUN) in exile. Made possible thanks to an in-depth examination of previously unutilised correspondence relating to the OUN, this title examines the organisation during the first five years of its existence (1929–1934). In contrast to other available sources, such as the press or propaganda materials, the letters more faithfully present actual plans, motivations and goals of the nationalists. The analysis not only uncovers unknown facts but also reveals reactions, opinions and emotions of individual activists. The book explores the structure and mechanisms of the OUN émigré networks by depicting tactics, decision-making processes and the efficiency of activities, as well as contacts and relations within the OUN and with the outside world. The international activity of the OUN is examined through the cooperation with not only Poland's neighbours, including Lithuania, Czechoslovakia and Germany, but also lobbying efforts in Great Britain, France, Italy and North America, where émigré activists of the OUN or their contacts were based. Finally, the book investigates the OUN policy towards activists operating in the area of the Second Polish Republic. This text will be of interest to scholars of Ukrainian history, nationalism, comparative fascism and transnationalism.

Vorliegender Band versammelt Vorträge, die auf einer gemeinsam von der UAM zu Posen und der CAU zu Kiel veranstalteten Konferenz im Jahre 2019 gehalten wurden.

This edited volume explores the historical, cultural and literary legacies of Polish Britain, and their significance for both the British and Polish nations. The focus of the book is twofold. First, it investigates the history of Polish immigration and the ways in which Polish immigrants have conceptualised their own experiences and encounters with Britain and the British. Second, it examines how Poles and Poland have been represented by Anglophone writers in both fictional and non-fictional forms of discourse. Inevitably, these issues are intertwined. Polish experiences of Britain have been shaped, in part, by British ideas about Poland, just as British notions of Poland have been transformed by the emergence of large and culturally active Polish communities in the UK. By studying these issues together, this volume develops a wide-ranging and original analysis of Polish Britain.

The socialist states of Eastern Europe closely and suspiciously observed the expellee organizations that had emerged in the Federal Republic since the late 1940s, including their political activities. This volume, for the first time, takes a look at this ‘enemy and foreign observation'by the intelligence services, using various case studies from the GDR, Poland, Czechoslovakia, Hungary, Romania and Yugoslavia. It examines what the secret services knew about the expellee functionaries and their past, and asks what information was collected and how it was used. In addition, the role of the Germans who remained in the socialist states and the Aussiedler, who came to the FRG and formed a link between the expellees and their ‘old homeland', is examined. The volume thus makes an important contribution to research on the perception of the expellee organizations in the socialist states, on the work of the security services, and on bilateral contacts during the ‘Cold War'.

Was bedeutete Migration in Europa nach 1945? Bisherige Arbeiten zur Migrationsgeschichte verbleiben entweder im nationalen Rahmen oder untersuchen transnationale Organisationen und Prozesse. Kaum finden sich Studien, die diese Ebenen kombinieren. Im vorliegenden Band werden nun Migrationsprozesse und Migrationspolitik in 13 Ländern Europas von der Nachkriegszeit bis in die Gegenwart untersucht. Dabei geht es zum einen um die Migrationsprozesse selbst, um staatliche und behördliche Regulierungsversuche und deren Auswirkungen sowie um die Reaktionen der Einwanderungsgesellschaften und die der Migranten. Der Schwerpunkt liegt dabei auf der Perspektive der Nationalstaaten, um Gemeinsamkeiten und Unterschiede, Parallelen und Sonderwege zu identifizieren, Vergleiche zu ermöglichen und transnationale Prozesse zu erkennen. Vor allem zwischen den west- und osteuropäischen Ländern lassen sich dabei unterschiedliche Phasen erkennen zwischen Nachkriegs- und postkolonialer Migration, Arbeitsmigration, Binnenmigration, vor allem in der Sowjetunion, Ein- und Auswanderungsprozessen nach dem Zusammenbruch der Sowjetimperiums und der Migration aus den Bürgerkriegsstaaten, vor allem aus Syrien und Afghanistan, nach 2010.

Bringing together twelve experts from nine countries, this volume explores intelligence and diplomatic activities, both historical and contemporary, in the Balkan region. Covering a wide range of periods and radically different historical conditions, the various contributions are united by a common theme: the intimate relationship between diplomacy and intelligence. Subjects include: the Venetian dragomans of Zara; ‘informal diplomacy'between Bulgaria and Turkey; ‘diplomacy without a state'(Adam Czartoryski's ‘embassy'in Paris); diplomacy and diplomats in the Kingdom of Yugoslavia (1918-1943); case studies on diplomats Otto von Essen, Stojan Novakovič, Adam Czartoryski, Josip Djerdja, and Jovan Dučić; British policy toward Albania during the Second World War; diplomatic relations between Switzerland and Albania; the 1992 ‘arms delivery scandal'in Bulgaria; and the normalization of Bulgarian bilateral relations with Turkey.

Lavishly illustrated with over 100 illustrations that detail the composition, organization, uniforms, weapons and equipment of each force.The Crimean War was the first major European war since the end of the Napoleonic Wars and Britain's only war on that continent in the century between Waterloo and WW1. When Russia invaded provinces of the Ottoman Empire, the British and French, later joined by the Kingdom of Piedmont-Sardinia, intervened to limit Russian expansion towards the Black Sea.Each of the armies contained an eclectic mix of units. The regular European regiments still displayed much of the bright color and finery associated with the Napoleonic era (the British infantry in their scarlet tunics forming the famous ‘thin red line'at Balaklava for instance), while each also contained a mix of exotic units drawn from across their respective empires. The French fielded Zouaves and Spahis from North and West Africa, not to mention the legendary Foreign Legion; the Ottomans had Tunisians and Egyptians alongside Balkan mountaineers and the infamous Bashi-bazouks; the Russians of course had their Cossacks and the British fielded little-known German, Swiss and Italian mercenaries. Gabriele Esposito details the composition, organization, uniforms and weaponry of each force and illustrates many of them with early black and white photos (this being the first major war for which photography was available), as well as numerous color artworks.

No matter how one defines its extent and borders, Eastern Europe has long been understood as a liminal space, one whose undeniable cultural and historical continuities with Western Europe have been belied by its status as an “Other” in the Western imagination. Across illuminating and provocative case studies, The World beyond the West focuses on the region's ambiguous relationship to historical processes of colonialism and Orientalism. In exploring encounters with distant lands through politics, travel, migration, and exchange, it places Eastern Europe at the heart of its analysis while decentering the most familiar narratives and recasting the history of the region.

Poland in a Colonial World Order is a study of the interwar Polish state and empire building project in a changing world of empires, nation-states, dominions, protectorates, mandates, and colonies. Drawing from a wide range of sources spanning two continents and five countries, Piotr Puchalski examines how Polish elites looked to expansion in South America and Africa as a solution to both real problems, such as industrial backwardness, and perceived issues, such as the supposed overrepresentation of Jews in'liberal professions.'He charts how, in partnership with other European powers and international institutions such as the League of Nations, Polish leaders made attempts to channel emigration to South America, to establish direct trade with Africa, to expedite national minorities to far-away places, and to tap into colonial resources around the globe. Puchalski demonstrates the intersection between such national policies and larger processes taking place at the time, including the internationalist turn of colonialism and the global fascination with technocratic solutions.Carefully researched, the volume is key reading for scholars and advanced students of twentieth-century European history.

1918 wurde die Republik Polen ausgerufen, die ihre Souveränität im anschließenden Krieg gegen Sowjetrussland erfolgreich verteidigen konnte. Allerdings brachte der Rigaer Friedensvertrag von 1921 keine Versöhnung und Warschau startete, von der UdSSR sicherheitspolitisch und propagandistisch herausgefordert, ein ebenso anspruchsvolles wie aussichtsloses Projekt zur'Zerstückelung'der UdSSR unter dem Codenamen'Prometheus'. Der polnische Generalstab, der Nachrichtendienst und das Außenministerium gründeten mehrere Forschungseinrichtungen und finanzierten die antisowjetische Agitation, wie Vortrags- und Pressearbeit sowie Publikationen von Politemigranten aus der Ukraine, Georgien, Aserbaidschan, Nordkaukasus und Zentralasien, die nun in Warschau, Paris, Istanbul und anderen Orten lebten. Ihr langfristiges Ziel war es, die Position Moskaus zu schwächen und Polen als Regionalmacht zwischen dem Baltikum und dem Kaukasus zu etablieren. Zaur Gasimov analysiert die facettenreichen Aktivitäten der prometheistischen Netzwerke während ihrer Entstehung und Entfaltung in der Zwischenkriegszeit.

This volume provides new, groundbreaking views of Jewish life in various countries of the pro-Soviet bloc from the end of the Second World War until the collapse of Communism in late 1989. The authors, twelve leading historians and anthropologists from Europe, Israel and the United States, look at the experience of Jews under Communism by digging beyond formal state policy and instead examining the ways in which Jews creatively seized opportunities to develop and express their identities, religious and secular, even under great duress. The volume shifts the focus from Jews being objects of Communist state policy (and from anti-Jewish prejudices in Communist societies) to the agency of Jews and their creativity in Communist Europe after the Holocaust. The examination of Jewish history from a transnational vantage point challenges a dominant strand in history writing today, by showing instead the wide variety of Jewish experiences in law, traditions and institutional frameworks as conceived from one Communist country to another and even within a single country, such as Poland, Czechoslovakia, Hungary, East Germany, and the Soviet Union. By focusing on networks across east-central Europe and beyond and on the forms of identity open to Jews in this important period, the volume begins a crucial rethinking of social and cultural life under Communist regimes.

Praca przynosi syntetyczne przedstawienie idei Międzymorza zarówno w sferze formowania się samej koncepcji, jak też jej praktycznej realizacji. Autor w sposób przemyślany i kompetentny przedstawia narodziny pomysłu w czasach najdawniejszych, prowadząc go meandrami dynastycznej polityki Piastów oraz Jagiellonów, by po Unii Lubelskiej dotrzeć do XX stulecia. PROF. DR HAB. WŁODZIMIERZ SULEJA Autor dokonał trafnego wyboru zasadniczego wątku, jakim jest temat Trójmorza wraz z geopolitycznymi kontekstami. Przeanalizował politykę i koncepcje polskie z odniesieniami do bliższych i dalszych sąsiadów. Skupił się na konkretnych problemach, co podniosło jakość pracy. Co bardzo istotne, ujął zagadnienie w przekroju całego tysiąclecia i moim zdaniem jest to zabieg udany. Opracowanie ma charakter syntetyczny i to stanowi jego największą zaletę. PROF. DR HAB. EDWARD CZAPIEWSKI

According to its members, exiled political leaders from nine east European countries, the ACEN was an umbrella organization—a quasi-East European parliament in exile—composed of formerly prominent statesmen who strove to maintain the case of liberation of Eastern Europe from the Soviet yoke on the agenda of international relations.Founded by the Free Europe Committee, from 1954 to 1971 the ACEN tried to lobby for Eastern European interests on the U.S. political scene, in the United Nations and the Council of Europe. Furthermore, its activities can be traced to Latin America, Asia and the Middle East. However, since it was founded and sponsored by the Free Europe Committee (most commonly recognized as the sponsor of the Radio Free Europe), the ACEN operations were obviously influenced and monitored by the Americans (CIA, Department of State).This book argues that despite the émigré leadership's self-restraint in expressing criticism of the U.S. foreign policy, the ACEN was vulnerable to, and eventually fell victim of, the changes in the American Cold War policies. Notwithstanding the termination of Free Europe's support, ACEN members reconstituted their operations in 1972 and continued their actions until 1989. Based on a through archival research (twenty different archives in the U.S. and Europe, interviews, published documents, memoirs, press) this book is a first complete story of an organization that is quite often mentioned in publications related to the operations of the Free Europe Committee but hardly ever thoroughly studied.

Written by a Brit who has lived in Poland for more than twenty years, this book challenges some accepted thinking in the West about Poland and about the rise of Law and Justice (PiS) as the ruling party in 2015. It is a remarkable account of the Polish post-1989 transition and contemporary politics, combining personal views and experience with careful fact and material collections. The result is a vivid description of the events and scrupulous explanations of the political processes, and all this with an interesting twist – a perspective of a foreigner and insider at the same time. Settled in the position of participant observer, Jo Harper combines the methods of macro and micro analysis with CDA, critical discourse analysis. He presents and interprets the constituent elements and issues of contemporary Poland: the main political forces, the Church, the media, issues of gender, the Russian connection, the much-disputed judicial reform and many others. A special feature of the book is the detailed examination of the coverage of the Poland's latest two elections, one in 2019 (parliamentary) and the other in 2020 (presidential) in the British media, an insightful and witty specimen of comparative cultural and political analysis.

The book focuses on the Polish social policy, its contextual (historical, organisational, conceptual, financial) conditionings, the institutions it fitted in, and primarily on the practical activities, undertaken by the state and other entities with regard to its individual domains. The time span covered by the analysis is the period of 1918–1939. The scope of the research is based on the ways the social policy in the interwar period was conceptualised. It covers labour and employment issues (labour legislation, combatting unemployment, migration policy), social insurance (retirement pension, work injury, sickness insurance), social welfare (support for the poor, welfare for mothers, children, adults and the disabled, problems of social pathologies) and health care system.

Bolesław Prus and the Jews shows the complexity of the so-called “Jewish question” in nineteenth-century Congress Poland and especially its significance in Prus'social concept, reflected in his extensive body of journalistic work, fiction, and treatises. The book traces Prus'evolving worldview toward Jews, from his support of the Assimilation Program in his early years to his eventual support of Zionism. These contrasting ideas show us the complexity of the discourse on Jewish issues from the individual perspective of a significant writer of the time, as well as the dynamics of the Jewish modernization process in a “non-existent” partitioned Poland. The portrait of Prus that emerges is surprisingly ambivalent.

Transregional connections play a fundamental role in the history of East-Central Europe. This volume explores this connectivity by showing how people from eastern and central parts of Europe have positioned themselves within global processes while, in turn, also shaping them. The contributions examine different fields of action such as economy, arts, international regulations and law, development aid, and migration, focusing on the period between the middle of the nineteenth century and the end of the Cold War. The authors uncover spaces of interaction and emphasize that internal and external entanglements have established East-Central Europe as a distinct region. Understanding the connectedness of this subregion is stimulating for the historiography of East-Central Europe as it is for the field of global history.

The incorporation of German territories east of the Oder and Western Neisse rivers into Poland in 1945 was linked with the difficult process of an almost total exchange of population and involved the taking over of a region in which the Second World War had effected an enormous level of destruction. The contemporary term ‘Polish Wild West'not only alluded to the reigning atmosphere of chaos and ‘survival of the fittest'in the Polish–German borderland but was also associated with a new kind of freedom and the opportunity to start everything anew. The arrival in this region of Polish settlers from different parts of Poland led to Poles, Germans and Soviet soldiers temporarily coming into contact with one another. Living together in this war-damaged space was far from easy.On the basis of ego-documents, the author recreates the beginnings of the shaping of this new society, one affected by a repressive political system, internal conflicts and human tragedy. In distancing oneself from the until-recently dominant narratives concerning expellees in Germany or pioneers of the ‘Recovered Territories'in Poland, Beata Halicka tells the story of the disintegration of a previous cultural landscape and the establishment of one which was new, in a colourful and vivid manner and encompassing different points of view.

Monografia otwiera serię publikacji poświęconych polskiej refleksji politycznej odnoszącej się do integracji Europy Środkowo-Wschodniej z udziałem, bądź wręcz pod egidą, Rzeczypospolitej, a także próbom jej urzeczywistnienia od schyłku XIX do początku XXI wieku. Idea zorganizowania na środkowym wschodzie Starego Kontynentu ładu, zapewniającego bezpieczeństwo Rzeczypospolitej oraz stabilizację w regionie, przybierała różne formy – od koncepcji federacyjnej Piłsudskiego, poprzez model Międzymorza, proponowany przez Warszawę w latach trzydziestych, a później podnoszony przez część polskiej emigracji powrześniowej, ideę „ULB” Giedroycia, aż po propozycję Trójmorza forsowaną przez polską dyplomację w ostatnich latach. Żywotność i wielokształtność tej idei stanowi niewątpliwie historyczny fenomen, który w prezentowanym tomie stał się przedmiotem ciekawych analiz znanych polskich historyków i politologów.

The monograph describes the history of the Polish diaspora in the Habsburg monarchy in the historical, institutional, legal, political, and organizational context. In the period of the Dual Monarchy (1867–1918), the Poles who lived under the Austro-Hungarian regime sought to influence the fate of their nation and state primarily through an active involvement in parliamentary life and state administration. The study of the social and political activity of the Poles in the Austrian partition reveals their political heritage, which influenced not only the Polish idea of patriotism but also the formation of the Polish political culture rooted in the European tradition of parliamentarism and constitutionalism.

This pioneering study shows what brought Yiddish-speaking Jewish intelligentsia to the Communist movement in the interwar years. They believed that Communism is not only a way to solve the Jewish problem but also to save the Yiddish culture. Biography of the central protagonist of the book, a Yiddish writer Dovid (David) Sfard, is just a pretext to show a full range of Jewish Communist activists (such as Hersh Smolar, Bernard Mark, Szymon Zachariasz, etc.) and their life choices. This relatively small milieu influenced and controlled the Jewish life in post-war Poland until the anti-Semitic campaign of 1968. Their lives, reconstructed thanks to sources in several languages, make up a panorama of Jewish Communist experience in 20th-century Eastern Europe.

Arguably more than any other region, the area known as Eastern Europe has been defined by its location on the map. Yet its inhabitants, from statesmen to literati and from cultural-economic elites to the poorest emigrants, have consistently forged or fathomed links to distant lands, populations, and intellectual traditions. Through a series of inventive cultural and historical explorations, Eastern Europe Unmapped dispenses with scholars'long-time preoccupation with national and regional borders, instead raising provocative questions about the area's non-contiguous—and frequently global or extraterritorial—entanglements.

This important critical study of the history of public art museums in Austria-Hungary explores their place in the wider history of European museums and collecting, their role as public institutions, and their involvement in the complex cultural politics of the Habsburg Empire.Focusing on institutions in Vienna, Cracow, Prague, Zagreb, and Budapest, The Museum Age in Austria-Hungary traces the evolution of museum culture over the long nineteenth century, from the 1784 installation of imperial art collections in the Belvedere Palace (as a gallery open to the public) to the dissolution of Austria-Hungary after the First World War. Drawing on source materials from across the empire, the authors reveal how the rise of museums and display was connected to growing tensions between the efforts of Viennese authorities to promote a cosmopolitan and multinational social, political, and cultural identity, on the one hand, and, on the other, the rights of national groups and cultures to self-expression. They demonstrate the ways in which museum collecting policies, practices of display, and architecture engaged with these political agendas and how museums reflected and enabled shifting forms of civic identity, emerging forms of professional practice, the production of knowledge, and the changing composition of the public sphere.Original in its approach and sweeping in scope, this fascinating study of the museum age of Austria-Hungary will be welcomed by students and scholars interested in the cultural and art history of Central Europe.

Der Sammelband enthält Beiträge einer Konferenz, die im Dezember 2017 von der Adam-Mickiewicz-Universität Posen sowie dem Institut für Slavistik der Christian-Albrechts-Universität zu Kiel veranstaltet wurde. Seit 2012 sind beide Universitäten durch ein Doppelabschlussmasterprogramm verbunden. In diesem Rahmen kooperieren Kolleginnen und Kollegen aus der Geschichts-, Politik- und Rechtswissenschaft sowie aus der Kultur-, Literatur- und Sprachwissenschaft sowie der Didaktik miteinander. Aus diesen vielfältigen Perspektiven werfen die Beiträge einen differenzierten Blick auf das nach der politischen Wende des Jahres 2015 in Polen neu definierte Verhältnis beider Länder. Im Fokus stehen insbesondere die «Grenzräume» der verschiedenen Forschungsfelder.

The main theme and objective of this book is the evolution of the Irish attitude towards Poland and the Poles during the first half of the nineteenth century. The book explores advanced Irish-Polish relations, emphasising the place of the Polish Question in the process of shaping modern Irish nationalism, and how from a distant, nearly exotic, country before the end of the eighteenth century, Poland became a source of parallels for the Irish nationalists. Using statistical and geographical analyses, the book goes on to show how the Polish revolution led to the ultimate foundation of the Irish-Polish advanced relations and the role of Poland in the process of shaping modern Irish nationalism.

W kolejnym tomie z serii'Bałkany XX/XXI'zaprezentowano przegląd zagadnień związanych ze współczesną Bośnią i Hercegowiną. Poszczególne rozdziały dotyczą różnych kręgów tematycznych: kultury, literatury, języka i polityki. W zamierzeniu autorów publikacja ma stanowić kompendium wiedzy o federacyjnym kraju, powstałym po krwawym rozpadzie Jugosławii. Zebrane studia przybliżają wiedzę o Bośni i Hercegowinie. Badane z perspektywy zewnętrznej zjawiska zachodzące w literaturze Bośni i Hercegowiny, a także kwestie związane z językiem czy uwarunkowaniami polityczno-ekonomicznymi odsłaniają mentalnościowe obciążenie tragiczną wojną ostatniej dekady XX wieku kraju, który w swej strukturze pozostaje niezmiennym pograniczem etnicznym i kulturowym. Z kolei z drugiej strony, z perspektywy wewnętrznej autorów bośniackich, analizy odnoszą się do teraźniejszości i do odległej przeszłości, odkrywając przemilczane bądź reglamentowane w okresie'braterstwa i jedności'federacyjnej Jugosławii tematy osmańskiego dziedzictwa Bośni i Hercegowiny.

Reflexionen über die komplexe Frage, wie sich Gesellschaften nach der Erfahrung von Krieg und Gewalt konsolidieren oder gar neu erfinden. Der Zweite Weltkrieg wirkte in Polen wie in anderen europäischen Staaten weit über die unmittelbaren Kampfhandlungen hinaus. Okkupation, Zwangsarbeit, politische und rassistische Verfolgung sowie Grenzverschiebung prägten das Leben der Zivilbevölkerung. Viele der überlebenden Einwohnerinnen und Einwohner der Republik Polen fanden sich nach dem Ende der militärischen Auseinandersetzungen und dem Ende der Shoah unfreiwillig in anderen Regionen, auf dem Gebiet anderer neugebildeter Staaten oder im Exil wieder. Die Beiträge dieses Bandes gehen davon aus, dass es ein Kriegsende weder in Polen noch in seinen Nachbarstaaten gab. In Lublin wurde nach der Befreiung durch die Rote Armee schon 1944 eine sowjetisch gelenkte Übergangsregierung eingesetzt, indessen dauerten Zwangsmigrationen und die Rückkehr von Displaced Persons bis in die frühen 1950er Jahre an. Auf mentaler Ebene prägten die unterschiedlichen Kriegserfahrungen Menschen und ihr Verhalten über Jahre oder gar Jahrzehnte. Die Autorinnen und Autoren dieses Bandes begreifen die unterschiedlichen Kriegsenden als Phasen der Transition und der Neuorientierung. Analytisch kommen historische, museologische, soziologische, rechtswissenschaftliche, linguistische und psychologische Perspektiven zum Tragen. Der Band erscheint in englischer Sprache.

This book describes the tragedy of a border society that had no place inside the boundaries of a nation-state under totalitarianism. It is the story of citizens of the former Third Reich with Polish ethnic roots in the second half of the 1940s. The story takes place in Gdańsk-Pomerania, which was a difficult homeland for its citizens. This book depicts the consequences of Third Reich's policies on this territory and the disastrous effects of communist policy towards the indigenous population after 1945. In parallel with exchange of population, the fortunes of the indigenous population unfolded. Based on archival sources, this work presents the fate of Pomeranians and the residents of Gdańsk who had to prove their national usefulness before they joined the post-war life.

Der Band enthält Beiträge aus zwei inhaltlich verknüpften interdisziplinären Ringvorlesungen des Zentrums für Osteuropa-Studien der Universität Kiel, die verschiedene Aspekte des Ersten Weltkrieges unter besonderer Berücksichtigung des östlichen Europa beleuchten und in diesem Zusammenhang einen besonderen Fokus auf die aus dem Weltkrieg hervorgegangenen russischen Revolutionen des Jahres 1917 legen. Der Band kann auch als historische Hintergrundlektüre zum besseren Verständnis heutiger Spannungslagen in der Region – Beziehungen EU-Russland, Ukraine, Georgien u.a. – gelesen werden. Politische, juristische, historische, wirtschaftliche und kulturwissenschaftliche Gesichtspunkte müssen im Zusammenhang betrachtet werden, um Konflikte zu lösen.

While there are still occasional uses of it today, the term'Central Europe'carries little of the charge that it did in the 1980s and early 1990s, and as a political and intellectual project it has receded from the horizon. Proponents of a distinct cultural profile of these countries—all involved now in the process of Transatlantic integration—used'Central European', as a contestation with the geo-political label of Eastern Europe. This book discusses the transnational set of practices connecting journals with other media in the mid-1980s, disseminating the idea of Central Europe simultaneously in East and West. A range of new methodologies, including GIS-mapping visualization, is used, repositing the political-cultural journal as one central node of a much larger cultural system. What has happened to the liberal humanist philosophy that'Central Europe'once evoked? In the early years of the transition era, the liberal humanist perspective shared by Havel, Konrád, Kundera, and Michnik was quickly replaced by an economic liberalism that evolved into neoliberal policies and practices. The author follows the trajectories of the concept into the present day, reading its material and intellectual traces in the postcommunist landscape. She explores how the current use of transnational, web-based media follows the logic and practice of an earlier,'dissident'generation of writers.

Russland und der Osten nehmen in der polnischen Ideen- und Wahrnehmungsgeschichte einen besonderen Platz ein. Die vorliegende Studie widmet sich dem Zusammenhang von Erfahrung und Verarbeitung am Beispiel des Zerfalls des Russischen Imperiums in autobiographischen Schriften der polnischen Intelligenz im 20. Jahrhundert. Dabei knüpft die Arbeit an die post-colonial studies, aber auch an literaturwissenschaftliche und historische Debatten über Bilder Russlands und des Ostens in der polnischen Literatur an. So fragt die Arbeit nach Ausgestaltungen eines historisch-regionalen Sonderbewusstseins – einer spezifisch östlichen Polonität – in einzelnen autobiographischen Schriften. Anhand einer qualitativen Untersuchung von sieben Autobiographien kommt die Studie zu dem Ergebnis, dass es im Verlauf des 20. Jahrhunderts zu einer Entflechtung der polnisch-russischen Beziehungen und einer zunehmend differenzierten Wahrnehmung des imperialen Russlands und des (polnischen) Ostens in den autobiographischen Darstellungen des Russisch-Imperialen seitens der polnischen Intelligenz kam. Im Spiegel der Lebenserzählungen entwirft die Studie zudem eine Geschichte der Krise und des Wandels der polnischen Intelligenz im 20. Jahrhundert.

In mid-1989, the Bulgarian communist regime seeking to prop up its legitimacy played the ethnonational card by expelling 360,000 Turks and Muslims across the Iron Curtain to neighboring Turkey. It was the single largest ethnic cleansing during the Cold War in Europe after the wrapping up of the postwar expulsions (‘population transfers') of ethnic Germans from Central Europe in the latter half of the 1940s. Furthermore, this expulsion of Turks and Muslims from Bulgaria was the sole unilateral act of ethnic cleansing that breached the Iron Curtain. The 1989 ethnic cleansing was followed by an unprecedented return of almost half of the expellees, after the collapse of the Bulgarian communist regime. The return, which partially reversed the effects of this ethnic cleansing, was the first-ever of its kind in history. Despite the unprecedented character of this 1989 expulsion and the subsequent return, not a single research article, let alone a monograph, has been devoted to these momentous developments yet. However, the tragic events shape today's Bulgaria, while the persisting attempts to suppress the remembrance of the 1989 expulsion continue sharply dividing the country's inhabitants. Without remembering about this ethnic cleansing it is impossible to explain the fall of the communist system in Bulgaria and the origins of ethnic cleansing during the Yugoslav wars. Faltering Yugoslavia's future ethnic cleansers took a good note that neither Moscow nor Washington intervened in neighboring Bulgaria to stop the 1989 expulsion, which in light of international law was then still the legal instrument of ‘population transfer.'The as yet unhealed wound of the 1989 ethnic cleansing negatively affects the Bulgaria's relations with Turkey and the European Union. It seems that the only way out of this debilitating conundrum is establishing a truth and reconciliation commission that at long last would ensure transitional justice for all Bulgarians irrespective of language, religion or ethnicity.

Giuseppe Mazzini's Young Europe and the Birth of Modern Nationalism in the Slavic World examines the intellectual currents in Eastern Europe that attracted educated youth after the Polish Revolution of 1830–1. Focusing on the political ideas brought to the Slavic world from the West by Polish émigré conspirators, Anna Procyk explores the core message that the Polish revolutionaries carried, a message based on the democratic principles espoused by Young Europe's founder, Giuseppe Mazzini. Based on archival sources as well as well-documented publications in Eastern Europe, this study highlights that the national awakening among the Czechs, Slovaks, and Galician Ukrainians was not just cultural, as is typically assumed, but political as well. The documentary sources testify that at its inception the political nationalism in Eastern Europe, founded on the humanistic ideals promoted by Mazzini, was republican-democratic in nature and that the clandestine groups in Eastern Europe were cooperating with one another through underground channels. It was through this cooperation during the 1830s that the better-educated Poles and Ukrainians in the political underground tied to Young Europe became aware that the interests of their nations, bound together by the forces of history and political necessity, were best served when they worked closely together.

'An extremely useful and much needed survey. Over eleven chapters, authors from eight countries cover the complex history of migration from the perspective of Central and Eastern Europe between 1945 and 1993. Following in the footsteps of Klaus Bade's Encyclopedia of European Migrations, the authors make extensive use of sources in national languages, while providing an extensive overview of population movements in the region between the Baltic, Black, and Adriatic Seas. The individual chapters shed light on phenomena overlooked in other volumes, including individual state reactions to various migratory phenomenon, and the political, economic, and ideological consequences of human movement. The chapters of this volume are uniform not only in their informative nature, but also in suggesting new pathways for in-depth research.'Adam Walaszek, Jagiellonian University, Kraków, Poland'Eastern Europe is an emblematic space of mobility and its Cold War history cannot be told without considering migration from and into the countries of the region. This volume comes at a timely moment and provides a uniquely comprehensive account, full with useful information for further research. It will be a must-read both for migration studies scholars and for area specialists.'Ulf Brunnbauer, Leibniz Institute for East and Southeast European Studies, Regensburg, Germany'The Handbook is a gift to students of migration on three counts. It gathers the expertise of scholars fluent in the languages – and familiar with the archives – of Eastern and Central Europe. Thus it brings the multi-layered and complex histories of movement beyond the flat descriptor of'Soviet bloc'or Eastern European migrations. The Handbook is both rich and lucid, presenting in-depth materials on the European twentieth-century, on one hand, and organizing each chapter in a similar way, offering the reader transparently comparable histories. From Estonia south to Albania, and from the USSR west to the GDR, each chapter elucidates a complex migration history distinguished by national politics, ethnic composition, and economics – moving from the cataclysmic impacts of World War II to the international migrations and politics of Cold War movement, as well as the politics of Cold War emigrants themselves. Each chapter ends with an epilogue on post-1989 international migrations and a valuable addendum on published and archival sources. Finally, the Handbook models the kind of high quality work produced by international scholarly cooperation at its best.'Leslie Page Moch, Michigan State University Table of contents Introduction (Anna Mazurkiewicz) Albania (Agata Domachowska) Baltic States: Estonia, Latvia and Lithuania (Pauli Heikkilä) Bulgaria (Detelina Dineva) Czechoslovakia (Michael Cude and Ellen Paul) Germany (Bethany Hicks) Hungary (Katalin Kádár Lynn) Poland (Sławomir Łukasiewicz) Romania (Beatrice Scutaru) Ukraine (Anna Fiń) USSR (Alexey Antoshin) Yugoslavia (Brigitte Le Normand)

Najnowsza synteza dziejów Polski od czasów I wojny światowej, kiedy naród walczył o odzyskanie niepodległości po latach zaborów, aż do przemian politycznych, gospodarczych i społecznych, zapoczątkowanych w 1989 roku. Autor – wieloletni wykładowca uniwersytecki – nie tylko opisuje dzieje polityczne, ale również przedstawia obraz społeczeństwa polskiego, jego kultury, nauki, sztuki, uwzględniając wyniki najnowszych badań, dotyczących przede wszystkim trudnych i niejednoznacznych lat 70. i 80. ubiegłego stulecia. Profesor Ryszard Kaczmarek zadbał również o wysoki poziom dydaktyczny swego dzieła, dzięki czemu czytelnicy, przede wszystkim studenci historii i kierunków humanistycznych, otrzymują nowoczesny, odważny podręcznik, w pełni odpowiadający wymogom stawianym tego typu publikacjom.

Every political movement creates its own historical memory. The communist movement, though originally oriented towards the future, was no exception: The theory of human history constitutes a substantial part of Karl Marx's and Friedrich Engels's writings, and the movement inspired by them very soon developed its own strong historical identity, combining the Marxist theory of history with the movement's victorious milestones such as the October Revolution and later the Great Patriotic War, which served as communist legitimization myths throughout almost the entire twentieth century. During the Stalinist period, however, the movement´s history became strongly reinterpreted to suit Joseph Stalin's political goals. After 1956, this reinterpretation lost most of its legitimating power and instead began to be a burden. The (unwanted) memory of Stalinism and subsequent examples of violence (the Gulag, Katyń, the 1956 Budapest uprising and the 1968 Prague Spring) contributed to the crisis of Eastern European state socialism in the late 1980s and led to attempts at reformulating or even rejecting communist self-identity. This book's first section analyzes the post-1989 memory of communism and state socialism and the self-identity of the Eastern and Western European left. The second section examines the state-socialist and post-socialist memorial landscapes in the former German Democratic Republic, Czechoslovakia/Czech Republic, Poland, Lithuania, Ukraine and Russia. The final section concentrates on the narratives the movement established, when in power, about its own past, with the examples of the Soviet Union, Poland, Romania and Czechoslovakia.

Publikacja jest jedną z niewielu monografii opisujących historię polityczną Polski od czasów powojennych do współczesności W tej książce, składającej się z ośmiu rozdziałów i około 400 podrozdziałów znajdziemy najbardziej aktualną analizę wydarzeń, zjawisk i postaci, które odegrały ważną rolę w polskich przemianach lat 1945-2015. Przypisy też odbiegają od klasycznych standardów. Mamy tu odsyłacze do pełnych wersji książek, artykułów, widowisk, słuchowisk, zdjęć, stron internetowych oraz innych oryginalnych dokumentów. I wreszcie autorstwo książki jest także nietypowe: dwaj historycy i politolodzy, różniący się w interpretacji dziejów, a zarazem uzupełniający się pod względem specjalizacji.

Książka ukazuje ponad tysiącletnią historię polityczną, gospodarczą i społeczną Wrocławia, jak również różne oblicza tego miasta. Opowiada o jego dziejach - od archeologicznie uchwytnych początków u zarania X w. aż do współczesności. Autor skupia się na zasadniczych cechach struktury Wrocławia i najistotniejszych aspektach jego historii, przedstawiając je na przykładzie najważniejszych budowli i osobistości z danej epoki. Każdy rozdział przybliża daną epokę najpierw przez spojrzenie na jeden z wrocławskich zabytków architektury, a następnie przez objaśnienie jej najważniejszych cech i omówienie. Opis zostaje pogłębiony przez przypomnienie życia i dokonań wybranej postaci historycznej. Książka porusza także złożone kwestie tożsamości zarówno samego miasta, jak i jego mieszkańców. „Po 1945 r. było ono bardzo zniszczone, a jego ludność w latach 1945-1948 uległa kompletnej wymianie, nie oznacza to jednak, że należy wątpić w jego tożsamość historyczną - jakkolwiek mogły to sugerować indywidualne historie migracji niemieckich „starych wrocławian” i polskich „nowych wrocławian” w latach 1945-1990 (a nawet jeszcze później). Już przed 1945 r. historię Wrocławia znaczyły radykalne cezury – zniszczenia, nowe założenia topograficzne, migracje, zmiany władzy, transformacje gospodarcze i społeczne. Wszystkie one w dużym stopniu zmieniały oblicze miasta. A jednak zachowało ono nie tylko swoje miejsce, ale i swoją tożsamość”. Eduard Mühle (ur. 1957) profesor historii. Studia ukończył w 1986 r., pracę doktorską obronił na westwalskim uniwersytecie Wilhelman w Münster w 1990 r. gdzie pełnił funkcję profesora historii Europy Środkowowschodniej i Wschodniej oraz dyrektora Wydziału Historii Wschodnioeuropejskiej. Dyrektor Instytutu Herdera w Marburgu w latach 1995-2002. Dyrektor Niemieckiego Instytutu Historycznego w Warszawie od 2008 r. W 2014 r. otrzymał nagrodę za zasługi dla współpracy polsko-niemieckiej. Jest autorem wielu publikacji dotyczących historii Europy Środkowo-Wschodniej, w szczególności historii niemieckiej historiografii.

The aim of the book is to analyze the perception of the Tsarist and Bolshevik Russia in the Polish political thought in the 19th and 20th century. The wide and well-documented research applies an original multidisciplinary approach, combining the methods used in many disciplines, such as history, social science and social psychology. The authors of the book successfully defend the thesis that the perception of Russia cannot be fully understood without considering the «internal» aspects linked to the culture of this country in its psychological and moral dimension, as well as in its literary, architectural and artistic tradition.

Dieses Buch versammelt Artikel, die in ihrer Ursprungsversion auf einer internationalen wissenschaftlichen Konferenz vorgestellt wurden, die vom Institut für Polnische Philologie der Adam-Mickiewicz-Universität Posen sowie vom Institut für Slavistik der Christian-Albrechts-Universität zu Kiel in Posen organisiert wurde. Der Konferenzband trägt der Vielfältigkeit des deutsch-polnischen Beziehungsgeflechts Rechnung und vereint literaturwissenschaftliche, sprachwissenschaftliche und historische Beiträge. Unter den Autorinnen und Autoren sind Polonisten, Germanisten, Slawisten, Historiker sowie ein Vertreter aus der Philosophie.

W publikacji zaprezentowano analizy kulturoznawcze wybranych spektakli adaptujących mity antyczne z kręgu kultury śródziemnomorskiej w obrębie estetyki postmodernizmu. Autorka podjęła pierwszą na rodzimym gruncie transdyscyplinarną analizę recepcji mitów we współczesnym teatrze polskim. Wybrała przykłady z twórczości czwórki polskich reżyserów teatralnych (Maja Kleczewska, Michał Zadara, Jan Klata, Antonina Grzegorzewska), w spektaklach których szczególnie wyraźnie i często można dostrzec inscenizację mitu. Porządkując obszar ich dokonań, autorka posłużyła się własną typologią i wyróżniła strategie ujmowania mitu przez poszczególnych twórców.

Lata 1918–2018 to burzliwy okres, nie tylko w dziejach Polski, lecz także całej Europy i świata. Rok 1918 przyniósł ogromne zmiany – koniec I wojny światowej, odzyskanie niepodległości i początek odbudowy państwa polskiego po 123 latach niewoli, a więc nowe nadzieje, oczekiwania i szanse. Rok ten zapoczątkował również trudny wiek XX, który obfitował na przemian w sukcesy i porażki, okresy pomyślności i wielkich tragedii: rozwój demokracji, wspaniałą koniunkturę gospodarczą i gigantyczny skok cywilizacyjny, a równocześnie totalitaryzmy, kolejną wojnę światową, ludobójstwo i następną niewolę – tym razem sowiecką. Ocena bieżących wydarzeń staje się pełna i nabiera wartości dopiero po latach, dlatego opis dziejów minionego wieku jest dziś nie tylko narracją o historii, lecz także jej świadectwem. Kalendarium dziejów Polski 1918–2018 stanowi kompendium wiedzy o polskich przemianach XX wieku, które wpłynęły na życie milionów obywateli. Nie jest to pełna kronika minionego stulecia. Dla każdego roku autor wybrał jedno ważne wydarzenie, które staje się pretekstem do ukazania szerszego tła i tamtego okresu – nie tylko dziejów politycznych, lecz także gospodarczych, społecznych i kulturalnych, mających istotne znaczenie dla historii Polski, wspomina też wiele postaci, które odcisnęły piętno na naszej przeszłości. Konstrukcja jest prosta: jeden rok – jedna rozkładówka, jak w kalendarzu. Całość można czytać wyrywkowo, sięgając po wybrane lata i wydarzenia, lub rok po roku, ponieważ wszystko jest połączone logicznym ciągiem przyczynowo-skutkowym. Książka wzbogacona została o ilustracje – mapy oraz zdjęcia archiwalne. Lekki i przystępny styl autora sprawia, że będzie to interesująca lektura dla każdego, kto jest zainteresowany najnowszymi dziejami naszego państwa i jego losami od pamiętnego roku 1918 aż do wydarzeń bieżących. Nie jest to typowe wyliczenie dat oraz suchych faktów, ale próba autorskiej analizy oraz oceny najważniejszych wydarzeń. Każdy rok jest jedynie punktem wyjścia do przybliżenia wybranych zjawisk, wydarzeń czy procesów społecznych. Taka formuła pozwoliła na stworzenie oryginalnego przewodnika po minionym stuleciu. prof. dr hab. Antoni Dudek (z recenzji) Pomysł, by na 100-lecie odzyskania niepodległości opracować popularne, ale oparte na solidnych naukowych podstawach kalendarium jest przysłowiowym „strzałem w dziesiątkę”. Autor tłumaczy zawiłe problemy lat 1918–2018, analizuje genezę opisywanych zjawisk, pomaga zrozumieć atmosferę oraz uwarunkowania, tak krajowe, jak i międzynarodowe przedstawianych wydarzeń. Tłumaczy rzeczy najważniejsze i podstawowe, których często w szkole zapomniano wyjaśnić. Książkę czyta się z przyjemnością. Została napisana bardzo dobrym językiem, jest rzeczowa i zwięzła. prof. dr hab. Zbigniew Romek (z recenzji)