Search

The article focuses on the press and public opinion in Great Britain, discussed at the Conference of the British Sociological Association in 1955. The first influence on the policy of a paper will be its tradition, which is a vital part of its goodwill as a business. Next important factor is the readership's character and the circulation. A paper that is read standing in the train, giving special attention to the interests of women, punters and filmgoers, will not have space to inform its readers adequately about foreign affairs. Third in the list of influences in a newspaper office comes the experience, educational background, sense of responsibility of the editor and his editorial staff. Whatever the policy of the paper, their special interests and bias will be reflected in it. The next factor to consider is contact with readers. The newspaper can influence the reader by a multitude of stories, ideas, recommendations and services. The reader can only refuse his pennies. Circulation is, of course, very important. Without it advertising dies, and the paper dies with it. But generally speaking, the paper's attitude in foreign affairs will be a secondary factor in the reader's choice of reading.

Focuses on a meeting on freshwater ecology held at the Exeter, England-based University of Exeter from 3-7 July, 1964 and a meeting of the Tropical Group on patterns in dry tropical vegetation held in London, England-based Linnean Society on November 4, 1964. Series of papers presented at the meetings; Discussions on each paper; Participants of the meetings.

This section presents the highlights of a discussion on race relations during the conference of the British Sociological Association in 1957. Three main papers were read by A. H. Richmond on Theoretical Orientations in Studies of Ethnic Group Relations in Britain, by H. S. Deighton on History and the Study of Race Relations and by H. S. Morris on The Plural Society. The convenor made an opening statement on his views of the nature and possible scope of race relations studies, while professor Pear wound up the second session with a brief outline of the study of speech as a social device for classifying, identifying, and characterizing national and ethnic groups. The programme had been designed to bring a wide range of academic interests to bear up on the field, and in the event there was an interesting interplay of views from sociologists, social anthropologists, historians, and social psychologists. Among the points raised in discussion the following seem to have been of major importance. The definition of prejudice and its measurement are more difficult questions than is often realized, and any simple-minded treatment of racial attitudes can be very misleading. There was emphasis on the need for structural analysis of race relations with special reference to changes in access to political power afforded to minorities.

This article presents the highlights of a discussion on criminology during the conference of the British Sociological Association in 1957. Attendance at the three meetings of the section ranged between fifty and thirty members. The opening paper by W. Cordon Rose, reviewed the development of criminology in Britain over the last half-century in terms of its relationship to the Penal Reform movement and the growth of social studies in British Universities. In the second paper, J. C. Spencer, director of the Bristol Social Project, dealt more specifically with sociological studies in the field of criminology. Apart from a more effective articulation of studies of delinquent sub-cultures and the socialization process in the delinquent family, he underlined the need for research into the field of white-collar crime. A final paper by L. T. Wilkins, social statistician at the Home Office, dealt with the philosophy of prediction methods, a most important development in the penological field, especially in relation to the use of indeterminate sentences. Although the group contained only a minority of members actively concerned in the criminological field, the presence, of persons from other disciplines may be regarded as an encouraging sign of interest by other sociologists in the association.

The article presents news briefs from Europe relative to management science. British members of The Institute of Management Science (TIMS) will be granted full exemption for their membership dues, as confirmed by the Principal Inspector of Taxes, Inland Revenue. Antonio Valero has been named president of the Administrative Council of the European Association of Management Training Centers. The Operational Research Society will hold its annual conference in England from September 20-22, 1966.

The article offers information about several conventions of the British Ecological Society in Great Britain. The symposium titled "The Water Relations of Plants," organized by the Society on April 5-8, 1961, was attended by 112 members and overseas visitors. The meeting of the Tropical Ecology Group of the Society on April 6, 1961 in the Department of Botany was attended by 55 members which was arranged by P. W. Richards. The 1961 Summer Meeting was centered on the Departments of Botany and Zoology which was participated by 35 members who joined in the excursions by several local members. Various topics are also mentioned on each of the events.

Presents an article for business people to persuade them to consult economic historians. The problems in writing any company's history, including placing the story in the economic context of the industry; The advantages of hiring an economic historian; Factors contributing to interest in business history in America; The influence of George Unwin in Great Britain; The purpose of the Council for the Preservation of Business Archives society in Britain.

THIS paper sets out a brief summary of the analysis of industrial relations systems that has emerged from the work of scholars observing the British situation over the past twenty years. In particular it focuses upon the 'consensus-convergence model' favoured by American academics in the 1950s and secondly, upon the 'informal-formal divergence' model put forward by a group of Oxford scholars in the 1960s. Both models emphasize institutional aspects of the system: the needs and aspirations of the actors are seen as part of the input of the system largely in so far as they involve conflict or disorder. The output of the industrial relations system is seen to be rules, the most important of which are the procedures by which disputes may be resolved and individual grievances may be handled. The production of such rules depends on the support forthcoming through 'a sufficiently high degree of consensus among those whose interests are most affected by their application'. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Presents news briefs concerning the field of sociology in Great Britain as of December 1952. Initiation of a conference by the British Sociological Association from March 27 to March 29, 1953 at King's College of Household and Social Science in London, England; Information on the Second World Congress of Sociology being organized by the International Sociological Association from August 24 to September 1, 1953; Appearance of the obituary of Professor T. Geiger in the March 1953 issue of the "British Journal of Sociology."

This article discusses the origin and early years of the British Ecological Society. The author reports that it was William Smith who called a meeting to consider the formation of a Central Committee for the Study and Survey of British Vegetation, which was then established and consisted of ten members who were also friends of Smith. Because of the increasing number of members of the British Vegetation Committee, officials decided to convert it to the British Ecological Society. The author notes that despite of the obstacles, comradeship and enthusiasm compensated for the sacrifices involved.

The article provides updates on various activities of the Royal Economic Society in Great Britain. Recommendation of awards on several research grants by the Trustees of the Houblon-Norman Fund for 1967-68; Lists of members admitted for the Society; Names of institutions admitted for the membership of the Royal Economic Society.

The article focuses on public opinion and foreign policy in Great Britain, discussed at the Conference of the British Sociology Association in 1955. The British Parliament has no independent power over foreign policy comparable with the power of the U.S. Senate. Even treaties do not require parliamentary ratification. If parliament wishes to reject a government proposal it can do so by bringing down the government, and with two-party system and party discipline it is only in the exceptional circumstances that the government majority can be shattered to achieve that. This distinguishes the House of Commons from the French Chamber. Whatever else may be uncertain, it is clear that public opinion may become irresistible whenever a policy decision involves issues of war and peace, or the acceptance of substantial loss of British lives. No government could survive British losses in a war whose justice was attacked by the opposition in parliament. There have been instances where British public opinion has stepped in to check or veto a policy being followed by its government. The reason for this is that there are mechanisms at work which, if they are properly operated, keep the public in step with government policies as they develop, and give the government warning if they are separating themselves from popular sentiment.

The article focuses on pressure groups in the government of Great Britain, discussed at the Conference of the British Sociological Association in 1955. Party is an important focus of pressure groups and channel for influence. There is a view of the constitution which assert that influence on decisions ought to be exercised only through parties prepared to submit to the judgment of the electors. There is also similarity between bodies in so far as they have evolved working techniques of influence; there are also differences of internal structure, and these seem to be related to the history and technical character of individual interests, rather than to any grouping by type of interest. The reputation of a pressure group is one of its means of influence, and it would be insane for any group to endanger it for small temporary gains. Pressure through elections may be declining but there is no doubt that organized attempts to alter the climate of opinion are important in British politics. In spite of the implications of the word pressure, there is not much doubt that the most effective of techniques is the appeal to reason. Some social and intellectual prestige is necessary to ensure that your information is what the best people believe to be the best; and there is an element of management in seeing that information is planted in places where it will reach decision-makers. The organized groups are indispensable in the execution of policy as in the making of policy.

The article focuses on public opinions, polls and foreign policy in Great Britain, discussed at the Conference of the British Sociological Association in 1955. Public opinion can be considered in two ways: firstly, as a theoretical concept belonging to the realm of political theory and which is, in general, the intellectual foster-mother of the movements for liberal reform in the nineteenth century. Secondly, public opinion can be considered to mean what public opinion pollers say it is. As a concept in political theory, it is interesting to note that while public opinion was regarded as another name for the general will, the latter was felt to apply only to political issues within the state. Foreign policy was felt to be outside the sphere of the general will. The way in which an individual person views foreign affairs depends upon his position in the social structure, his income, education, occupation, his party: and it is influenced by his age and historical experiences. This is a truism, because the same thing may be said about his views on domestic issues. But whereas in domestic issues the opinions of groups are often sharply opposed, in foreign affairs what is common to all of them is more outstanding than what differentiates them. Those who analyze polls divide the public into three categories: the unaware, the people who confess they have neither read nor heard of important issues in foreign policy; the aware, the people who have heard or read but have only rudimentary knowledge; the informed, the people who are not only aware of issues, but who also know their meaning and their implications.

The article focuses on power in British political parties, discussed at the Conference of the British Sociological Association in 1955. Two autonomous political entities face each other in Parliament; they are the Conservative Party and the Parliamentary Labor Party. Each is associated with a voluntary mass organization of its supporters outside parliament, the former by the National Union of Conservative and Unionist Associations, the latter by a body known as The Labor Party. The Labor Party has been transformed in the course of 50 years of parliamentary and, latterly, of governmental experience. The chairman-spokesman of 1906 has become party leader and prime minister or potential prime minister. When Labor is in opposition, its leader must work with a Shadow Cabinet elected by the parliamentary party. In opposition, the Labor leader and his Shadow Cabinet, unlike their Conservative opposite numbers, must present and defend their policies at meetings of their parliamentary supporters. The constitution of the Labor Party provides that no proposal shall be included in the Party Programme unless it has been adopted by the Party Conference by a majority of not less than two-thirds of the votes recorded on a card vote. The inner life of the Labor mass organization is in many respects different from that of the National Union. The Conservative mass organization is much less disputatious; at the constituency level it rarely debates policy questions and in annual conference it is even less likely than the Labor conference to reject the advice of its leaders. Indeed the Conservative conference contemplates its leaders in variegated moods of deference and adulation.

The article focuses on a study of the mass voting behavior in Great Britain, discussed at the Conference of the British Sociological Association in 1955. The starting point of any study of mass voting behavior must be the discovery of who votes for which party. It was plain from the constituencies that were Liberal and Conservative strongholds that there was a connection between economic geography and political allegiance. An example of the correlation between party allegiance and social characteristics is the influence of Catholicism on voting. Majority of Catholics appear to vote Labor. Catholics are to a disproportionate extent found in the lower income groups, a majority of which vote Labor. Their social class seems an important determinant of their vote than their religious affiliation. It would be interesting to know about party supporters in terms of their acquaintance with public events, in terms of their estimates of the consequences of victory or defeat for their side, in terms of the intensity of their partisanship, and in terms of their views on the range of social, political and economic problems with which the government has to cope. All study of voting behavior is handicapped by the fact that, for most people, voting in a particular election is the continuation of a habit, not the expression of a newly made decision.

The article provides information related to international weapons development and testing. The weapons of Union of Soviet Socialist Republics has been tested on February 23, 1958, and another two weapons tests on February 27, which took place at Arctic testing site. A new medium-range ballistic missile as part of mutual development weapons program by the U.S. and Great Britain has been perfected in January 1957. Seawolf, a nuclear-powered submarine, has been developed to travel more than 29,000 miles.

This article discusses matters related to the British Sociological Association as of December 1954. The Executive Committee was impressed by the variety of interesting subjects for study groups suggested in reply to the referendum circulated some time ago. An analysis shows that the predominating topics are Town Planning and Housing, and Industrial Sociology. The Executive Committee will sponsor such a group or groups, provided that the initiative is forthcoming from members. Any members who would be willing to join a study group in London on one of the above subjects should get into touch with me. Accommodation would be made available in the evenings at Skepper House and the distribution of notices, etc., would be undertaken by the Association. In certain areas outside London it appears that members are already effectively organized. Members in Bristol or Oxford may care to be put into touch with existing groups in their areas. Those living elsewhere who are prepared to take the initiative should let me know, and if there is adequate local support will receive similar help from the Association. Professor Simey has tendered his resignation from the office of Honorary Treasurer. Professor Simey has been Honorary Treasurer of the Association since its inauguration in 1951 and his departure from office will he keenly felt. Professor W. J. H. Sprott, of the University of Nottingham, has been invited to fill the office and has kindly accepted.

Focuses on the Business Archives Council. Explanation of what business archives are; Advice for finding and saving business archives; Membership eligibility; Appeal for Council support from all firms in the United Kingdom.