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Instead of diminishing with the spectacular advancement of medical expertise in the country , unqualified biomedical practice in India has been strengthened by the growth of the pharmaceutical production in the twenty first century. In public health discourse, the view that the informal health practitioners have to be punished and abolished has been countered by the recommendation that they could be trained and incorporated in primary health care where public health amenities are inadequate. The quality of care provided by the informal health care practitioners has also been subject to clinical assessment based on standardized patient vignettes. Based on a sociological approach, this paper examines the time line of chronically ill patients under lived conditions to arrive at an understanding of the role of informal health practitioners in long term treatment and highlights the setbacks. This paper draws on 253 household surveys from two villages in Madhya Pradesh, in depth interviews with four unqualified practitioners in the area, twenty five unstructured interviews of chronic patients, twenty five structured interviews on the cases of untimely death and FGDs with health workers in 2021. Informal health care practitioners offer consultation cum dispensing of medicines and are the primary source of biomedical care in the remote study area without any public transport. But they are 'for profit' economic actors who are ill-equipped to handle chronic diseases. What sets them aside from the qualified private doctors in the town is their social obligation to balance their profit motive with the ethics of proximity and neighborly ties with the villagers amidst whom they reside. These features of the market and community place the informal health care practitioners at the cusp of economy and society and defy simple binaries that they are either crooks or assets. • Unqualified health practitioners provide medical care in India where none is available. • Assessing their practices, clientele and exact role is crucial to health care policy. • One point standardized patient vignettes are used to assess their quality of care. • Their treatment of chronically and severely ill patients over time also has to be examined. • They are 'for profit' economic actors, but embedded in the community. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In India traditional care givers has provided care to family members and kith and kin. It is noteworthy that when it comes to family providing care to ailing, elderly and children, care work has been genderised in nature. There has been change in recent decade in Indian economy where many women have involved in jobs outside home leaving a care gap. The other sociological shift is the breaking of traditional joint family system making it difficult for the family members to carry the work of care-giver. This transition in family and economic systems leaving a gap in care giving has enabled markets to enter in creating paid workforce. This paper explores how care work has grown to become commercialized in nature and how it has shifted from feminine unpaid work to paid and genderised nature of work in India. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines the political embeddedness of public-sector primary care in urban India. The low quality of urban healthcare in many low- and middle-income countries is well documented. But there is relatively little analysis showing how the politics of urban healthcare delivery contribute to quality shortfalls. This study integrates urban and political theory and draws on ethnographic fieldwork in municipal government-run primary care clinics in Pune, India. I conceptualize Pune's municipal doctors as street-level bureaucrats: frontline state agents charged with delivering public services, who regularly confront conflicts between their mandate and its realization in practice. I observe how the municipal doctors experience and respond to these conflicts; delineate the historical design of the municipal institutions in which they operate; and interview doctors, nurses, nonclinical staff, administrators, and elected officials, who collectively shape primary care delivery in municipal clinics. My findings show how the doctors' work is characterized by routine departures from public service ideals. The departures stem from local electoral politics (politicians' patronage and clientelistic relations with municipal employees and patients) and weak administrative capacity (misuse and incompetent planning of public resources). The doctors are compelled to follow extra-policy directives, meaning instructions that have little to do with healthcare goals and that emphasize the political utility rather than medical purpose of their work. In response, the doctors circumscribe their clinical practice. They aim, as one doctor put it, only to "ensure the ordinary," or to sustain a deficient status quo. In these conditions, improving quality of care requires not just behavioral interventions targeted at doctors. It requires normative, social, and organizational shifts in public service planning and delivery so that doctors are positioned – materially and affectively – to meet urban healthcare challenges in low-resource contexts. • Urban politics and corruption can contribute to low quality of public healthcare. • Doctors in municipal primary care clinics in India confront politics in everyday work. • Ethnography can show how doctors experience and respond to political directives. • Doctors receive directives to accommodate patronage, clientelism, and mismanagement. • Regularly facing deficits in public integrity, doctors sustain low-quality care. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]