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Globally, there are 2 billion 'informal' workers, who lack access to social protection while facing profound health risks and socioeconomic exclusions. The informal economy has generated most jobs in Low and Middle-Income Countries (LMICs), but few studies have explored informal workers' complex health vulnerabilities, including in the face of climate change. This paper will discuss recent action-research in Indore (India), Harare, and Masvingo (Zimbabwe) with informal workers like vendors, waste-pickers, and urban farmers. We conducted qualitative interviews (N = 110 in India), focus group discussions (N = 207 in Zimbabwe), and a quantitative survey (N = 418 in Zimbabwe). Many informal workers live in informal settlements ('slums'), and we highlight the interrelated health risks at their homes and workplaces. We explore how climate-related threats—including heatwaves, drought, and floods—negatively affect informal workers' health and livelihoods. These challenges often have gender-inequitable impacts. We also analyse workers' individual and collective responses. We propose a comprehensive framework to reveal the drivers of health in the informal economy, and we complement this holistic approach with a new research agenda. Our framework highlights the socioeconomic, environmental, and political determinants of informal workers' health. We argue that informal workers may face difficult trade-offs, due to competing priorities in the face of climate change and other risks. Future interventions will need to recognise informal workers' array of risks and co-develop multifaceted solutions, thereby helping to avoid such impossible choices. We recommend holistic initiatives to foster health and climate resilience, as well as participatory action-research partnerships and qualitative, intersectional data-collection with informal workers. • Climate change is exacerbating many risks to informal workers' health and livelihoods. • WASH access may foster gender equality and decent work, while tackling heat stress. • Policymakers can partner with informal workers to create inclusive, multi-pronged interventions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Instead of diminishing with the spectacular advancement of medical expertise in the country , unqualified biomedical practice in India has been strengthened by the growth of the pharmaceutical production in the twenty first century. In public health discourse, the view that the informal health practitioners have to be punished and abolished has been countered by the recommendation that they could be trained and incorporated in primary health care where public health amenities are inadequate. The quality of care provided by the informal health care practitioners has also been subject to clinical assessment based on standardized patient vignettes. Based on a sociological approach, this paper examines the time line of chronically ill patients under lived conditions to arrive at an understanding of the role of informal health practitioners in long term treatment and highlights the setbacks. This paper draws on 253 household surveys from two villages in Madhya Pradesh, in depth interviews with four unqualified practitioners in the area, twenty five unstructured interviews of chronic patients, twenty five structured interviews on the cases of untimely death and FGDs with health workers in 2021. Informal health care practitioners offer consultation cum dispensing of medicines and are the primary source of biomedical care in the remote study area without any public transport. But they are 'for profit' economic actors who are ill-equipped to handle chronic diseases. What sets them aside from the qualified private doctors in the town is their social obligation to balance their profit motive with the ethics of proximity and neighborly ties with the villagers amidst whom they reside. These features of the market and community place the informal health care practitioners at the cusp of economy and society and defy simple binaries that they are either crooks or assets. • Unqualified health practitioners provide medical care in India where none is available. • Assessing their practices, clientele and exact role is crucial to health care policy. • One point standardized patient vignettes are used to assess their quality of care. • Their treatment of chronically and severely ill patients over time also has to be examined. • They are 'for profit' economic actors, but embedded in the community. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Hierarchies of power among healthcare professionals are well documented, nonetheless, power remains neglected, understudied and under-theorised in health systems analysis and policy discussions, especially in the domain of Traditional, Complementary and Alternative Medicine (TCAM). Sociological and public health scholarship has documented the persistence of medical dominance in the health system, theorised as the limitation, subordination, exclusion and incorporation of other professions. This paper explores how interprofessional power dynamics shape the integration of TCAM into Indian primary healthcare centres, as part of a nationwide policy of TCAM integration and medical pluralism implemented since 2005. We conducted interviews (n = 37) with health system administrators, nurses, pharmacists, TCAM and biomedicine doctors, and observed day-to-day activities of primary healthcare centres for six months in Odisha state, India. Thematic analysis enabled the identification of themes and exploration of sub-themes. The analysis revealed multilayered forms of medical dominance within the primary healthcare system and identified multiple sites where everyday power is mobilised. Biomedicine practitioners exercised authoritative power and restricted TCAM doctors' access to facility-level resources, i.e. financial and workforce support, which inhibited the integration policy implementation. Significantly, TCAM doctors were 'ordered' to practice biomedicine at primary healthcare centres, which was beyond the scope of the integration policy. However, TCAM doctors were also able to exercise countervailing power in their day-to-day activities in the primary healthcare centres and sought to assist patients' health behaviour change through their authoritative knowledge about 'how to live a healthy life'. The health system actors involved in policy implementation hold a range of forms of power specific to the circumstances, influencing the integration processes. We explain these dynamics in relation to existing theories of medical dominance and countervailing power, while introducing a previously unreported dimension of dominance: 'co-optation', which enrols TCAM practitioners in the practice of biomedicine. • Medical dominance in Indian primary health care centres (PHCs) is multi-layered. • AYUSH doctors working in PHCs experience subordination, exclusion and limitation. • A new form of medical dominance – co-optation – was also uncovered in this setting. • Co-optation here involved AYUSH doctors being ordered to undertake biomedical tasks. • Via countervailing power, AYUSH doctors retained autonomy in community-based work. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]