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• Examines women's use of courts to claim their shares in ancestral property, as promised by India's 2005 Hindu inheritance law. • Probes High Court judgements over 2005–2020 across regions, using online databases. • Identifies opposing parties, type of property disputed, regional variations in cases, time taken for case disposal. • Analyses case outcomes, source of property granted, and gender bias in language of judgements. • 77% of rulings grant women some property, but only half of these grant their direct share in coparcenary Joint Family Property. Recent decades have seen progressive reform of inheritance laws towards gender equality, both globally and in South Asia. Yet, a wide gender gap persists in actual ownership due to family resistance to endowing daughters with property. Given this, do women use courts to claim their rights across regions? Who are the opposing parties? What kind of property is most disputed? How long do cases take? To what extent do judgements favour women, and does the language of judgements reveal gender stereotypes? No prior study has addressed these questions. This paper does so for India. Here, under the Hindu Succession Amendment Act of 2005 (HSAA 2005), Hindu women achieved legal equality in inheritance rights over all property, including agricultural land and coparcenary joint family property (JFP) in which they now have direct shares by birth. To analyse women's use of courts to claim their coparcenary shares, we draw on the four main online data sources to extract 505 cases (from over 2900 examined) relating to women coparceners, where judgements were delivered in High Courts over 2005–2020. Brothers were the most commonly listed opponents to women's claims and most of the disputes related to land, especially agricultural. In 77% of the cases filed by women or against them, the rulings granted women some share in parental property. But only in 52% of these positive rulings did they receive their direct shares in JFP, while receiving property through other rights in the rest. The legal route thus holds some promise of positive outcomes, but progress specifically in the implementation of the HSAA 2005 remains limited. This will require activating new channels of support for women. Located in the interface of social science and law, this paper would also have relevance for other countries, both methodologically and in substance. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

[Display omitted] • The paper shows how spirituality strategically supports an Adivasi self-empowerment movement in India. • Spirituality provides motivation, makes groups' indigeneity visible, and protects their activities against reprisals. • Tribal groups in India using this strategy can escape debt bondage and gain their own land. • Action organisations working with subaltern groups can orchestrate spirituality to achieve progressive goals. Spirituality strategically enables self-empowerment in a clandestine movement of Adivasis which this paper calls 'the Programme'. To explain how social movements and action organisations can orchestrate spirituality, this paper examines how the Programme helps landless rural people overcome debt bondage and gain land by employing spiritual repertoires. The paper addresses the question how, in the context of an increasingly tribalised politics in India, spiritual orchestration allows some Scheduled Tribes to make substantive economic gains, especially on debt freedom and land rights. The paper draws on an analysis of qualitative data collected through workshops, interviews and visits to villages across several Indian states, which has been anonymised to protect identities and avoid divulging sensitive information. The study finds that spirituality supports self-empowerment in three ways: first, it provides motivation and ideological reinforcement for people engaging in struggles against debt bondage and for land rights; second, it makes tribal identity more visible and helps groups make claims as indigenous owners; third, it offers groups protection from reprisals and creates platforms for engaging powerful actors. These findings are significant because, for activists and scholars who work with subaltern groups in India or other contexts, they demonstrate that the orchestration of spirituality can strengthen action repertoires for self-empowerment and help groups secure or protect economic and social gains. The paper adds insights to research on social movements and organisations on how to strengthen the 'weapons of the weak'; it contributes empirical knowledge about how strategies to overcome debt and exploitation can succeed; and it underscores the importance of protecting freedom of religion and belief in development practice. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

• This paper re-focuses attention on the big picture question of the persistently low level of female labour force participation in India. • We show how attention on a binary indicator (in the labour force or out of it) misses a crucial aspect of women's economic/productive work. • We suggest that women's work in developing countries should be viewed in terms of at least three categories. • We find that the social norm that places the responsibility of domestic chores exclusively on women is primarily responsible for women's inability to participate in paid work. • We demonstrate the existence of 'virtuous cycles' within families: a history of working women in the family increases the probability of the woman being in paid work. Based on primary data from a large household survey in seven districts in West Bengal in India, this paper analyses the reasons underlying low labor force participation of women. In developing countries, women who are engaged in unpaid economic work in family enterprises are often not counted as workers, whereas the men are. We show that for women, not being in paid work is not synonymous with not being in the labour force. Women are often involved in expenditure saving activities i.e. productive work within the family, over and above domestic chores and care work. We document the fuzziness of the boundary between domestic work and unpaid (and therefore invisible) productive work that leads to mismeasurement of women's work and suggest methods to improve measurement. Counting women's expenditure-saving activities yields a substantially higher estimate of women's participation in economic work. On social norms, we show that religion and visible markers such as veiling are not significant determinants of the probability of being in paid work. We find that being primarily responsible for domestic chores lowers the probability of "working", after accounting for all the conventional factors. Our data shows substantial unmet demand for paid work. Given that women are primarily responsible for domestic chores, we find that women express a demand for work that would be compatible with household chores. We demonstrate the existence of 'virtuous cycles' within families: a history of working women in the family (mother or mother-in-law ever worked) increases the probability of being in paid work between 18 and 21 percentage points. This suggests that the positive effects of increasing women's labour force participation today are likely to have positive multiplier effects on the prospects for work in future generations of women. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

• India is a least likely case for welfare expansion, challenges dominant explanations and offers a new case. • Welfare expansion accompanied by deepening of democratic state is a legacy of civil society mobilization. • State-civil society dynamics can converge into sustained patterns of both policy and institutional transformation and defending the reforms against political attacks. In the past two decades India experienced an unprecedented expansion of the rights-based welfare. This expansion cut across a range of sectors − education, employment, public health, poverty reduction − but was also accompanied by a dramatic expansion and deepening of state institutions and a shift from patronage politics to citizen empowerment. In this paper we show that India was a least likely case for welfare expansion and that contrary to what the traditional welfare state literature suggests, civil society was a key driver of reform, but even more vitally has played a significant role in institutionalizing reforms, especially at the local level. We focus on the case of the National Rural Employment Guarantee Act, the world's largest public works program, to discuss how civil society in India effectively framed welfare issues, mobilized to defend the law, helped institutionalize new governance structures like social audits by working with the state and are ensuring continuous accountability by cultivating what we call "user publics". We draw on the existing literature, fieldwork on village level welfare reform in different subnational regions of India, direct involvement in civil mobilization around rights based laws for over a decade and an ongoing project in which we are collaborating with some of the key architects of the reforms including an archive of over 3000 primary documents. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

• I am conducting a long-term study on how Sri Lankan Tamil refugees in India take their place and deal with space. • This paper examines the stages between refugeehood and citizenship. • The results suggest that refugeehood is about complex day-to-day living practices that shape identities. • The refugee camp is more than a humanitarian space of assistance, more than a space of exception and biopolitical control. This article looks at subjectivities and regimes of homing from a position of liminality and questions the placements dynamics displayed by Sri Lankan Tamil refugees in Tamil Nadu, India. Based on long-term and longitudinal fieldwork conducted in Keezhputhupattu refugee camp near Pondicherry between 2010 and 2023, this study analyses the experience of the refugees, which combines a "know-how" that they have developed due to a life in exile since 1983, which is linked, among other things, to a sometimes well-developed diasporic network; and a restrictive agency that has been granted to them by the Indian and Tamil Nadu authorities, which places them in a regime that is intended to be exceptional. The results of the study are significant and show how families spanning three generations may reproduce their new normalcy and negotiate their lives. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

• We present evidence on short and long-term impact of the COVID-19 crisis on India's rural youth. • A third of those in salaried job lost their jobs, and half of those who worked out of state returned home after the lockdown. • While many male workers took up informal employment, most female workers dropped out of the labor force. • Using RCT, we find that a government-supported digital platform had no effect on job search intensity or employment. This paper presents evidence on the short and long-term impact of the COVID-19 crisis on India's rural youth. We interviewed about 2,000 vocational trainees from Bihar and Jharkhand three times after the first national lockdown in 2020, between June 2020 and December 2021. We find that a third of respondents who were in salaried jobs pre-lockdown lost their jobs, and half of those who worked out of state returned home shortly after the lockdown. We report a stark difference between men and women: while many male workers took up informal employment, most female workers dropped out of the labour force. In the second part of the paper, we use a randomised experiment to document the effects of a government-supported digital platform designed to provide jobs to low-skilled workers. The platform turned out to be difficult to use and publicised only few job ads. We find no effect on job search intensity or employment. Our findings suggest that bridging the gap between rural young workers and urban formal labour markets requires more active and targeted policy interventions, especially for female workers. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

• To assess the trend of global income inequality, we must address the challenges of scarce and heterogeneous data and the diversity of opinions on what inequality means, which generates much uncertainty about the results. • This paper provides a new transparent and open-access dataset to facilitate a comprehensive analysis of global distributional changes since 1950 and their implications for inequality and overall welfare. • Inequality has unequivocally increased both between and within countries when considered in terms of dollar distances between people (absolute inequality). • When inequality is considered more as relative distances, the results are less robust. However, it can be said with a high degree of consensus that global inequality has declined since 2000, driven by strong growth in China, India, and other emerging countries, and will likely continue to do so for a few more years. • The main exceptions to the consensus on the decline in relative inequality after 2000 come from extreme sensitivity towards either end of the distribution (i.e., stagnation of the very poor or high concentration of income among the very rich). I analyze trends in global income distribution since 1950 using a new companion WIID dataset with standardized country income percentiles. I investigate the robustness of these trends with respect to key data choices, as well as the degree to which the inequality trend depends on specific distributional views (such as the use of absolute versus relative inequality, or relative emphasis at the bottom versus the top). The results show a robust increase in absolute inequality, along with a more nuanced trend in relative inequality, with a very robust decline after 2000 that was interrupted by the COVID crisis but is expected to continue at least until 2028. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Trust in political institutions is considered to be distinctly crucial for maintaining the stability and legitimacy of such institutions. In this paper, I document an important channel through which characteristics of political institutions could affect political trust by studying the impact of a change in representation on political trust. I use the delimitation exercise of 2008 as a source of change in representation of districts within state legislatures in India and respondents' self-reported confidence in politicians and state government from two rounds of the IHDS (India Human Development Survey) as measures of political trust. Implementing a difference-in-differences strategy with a household panel, the estimates show that households living in districts that gained representatives in the state legislative assembly show an improvement in reported confidence in both politicians and the state government. There is no evidence of a symmetric negative effect for households living in districts that lose seats. Further, this improvement in confidence is accompanied by an improvement in economic performance as proxied by night time luminosity and is associated with an increase in voter turnout as well as a decrease in age and corruption of electoral candidates in gaining districts. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The association between social diversity and state-provided public goods is a central political economy problem. This paper highlights how status inequality is a distinct political channel when diverse groups are spatially segregated. Social status impacts citizens' ability to petition the state successfully and modulates state favoritism or discrimination. We use data from nearly 600,000 Indian villages to show that caste-based status inequality modifies the effect of diversity on local public goods politics. Diversity only negatively impacts local public goods in units where lower-caste groups are numerically preponderant. Such diversity deficit is further amplified when higher-caste groups numerically dominate larger administrative units and lower-caste groups are segregated. • We revisit the theoretical and empirical relationship between status-inequality and development, at a local scale. • We show that when local units are dominated by lower-status groups, public goods are negatively associated with diversity. • The association reverses when higher-status groups are numerically preponderant. • We also show that spatial segregation modulates diversity-development association much to the detriment of low-status groups. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

• The Agenda 2030 commitment to LNOB operates as a form of 'doublespeak' in India. • The Agenda 2030 call to end extreme inequality requires facilitating the 'hegemonic struggle'. • The absence of religion in Agenda 2030 masks the way that religion is leveraged by populists. • Pastoralism is a 'pious occupation' where religion shapes connections to the land and animals. • Religion is an important factor in the hegemonic struggle that the LNOB commitment should enable. The 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development pledged to 'leave no one behind' (LNOB). This article suggests that LNOB can be a form of 'doublespeak', susceptible to being used to mask ideologies and policies that worsen social, political and religious divisions. Despite stated commitments to LNOB, both Agenda 2030 and the Modi-led Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) government of India adhere to narrow models of development that fail to address and exacerbate the growing problem of religious and other inequalities. This article argues for reclaiming LNOB's radical potential by conceptualising it as an empty signifier that takes on meaning through the hegemonic struggle to articulate what 'left behind' means. It develops this argument through a case study of Hindu Nationalist developmental normativity and two mobile pastoralist communities in Gujarat: Hindu Rabaris and Sufi Muslim Fakirani Jats. The empirical data show that in Gujarat's marketised neo-liberal land regime, mobile pastoralism as a livelihood is increasingly stressed and liable to be constructed as 'left behind'. Simultaneously, the Hindu and Sufi religious practices that shaped pastoralists' relationships with land and animals are being transformed and, framed by the BJP government's promotion of a Hindu nationalist religious identity, are shifting towards adoption of communal Hindu and Muslim identities that exacerbate social and religious inequalities, with particular effects on women. The paper concludes that LNOB has potential to tackle religious and other inequalities and generate a more radical and democratic politics of development if the range of demands that are met by this 'empty signifier' is broadened to challenge the hegemonic representations that dominate, and religion's centrality in this struggle is recognised. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

• Transfer preferences of middle-level bureaucrats shape spatial disparities in local state presence. • Bureaucrats regularly lobby against transfer orders that do not align with their preferences. • Bureaucrats prefer jurisdictions close to their home locations and avoid relocating over long distances. • Jurisdictions less preferred by bureaucrats are more likely to experience state absence. • Regional disparities in the representation of bureaucrats impact the distribution of local state absence. Most states lack the ability to maintain a uniform presence at the local level. While in some places, citizens experience an attentive and present state that is quick to address their demands, in other parts, the same state can be unresponsive and absent. The unevenness in state presence shapes its capacity to delivery services and its legitimacy in the eyes of the citizens. What explains the spatial unevenness in local state presence? This paper argues that the transfer preferences of mid-level bureaucrats are an important determinant of local state presence. Using a mixed-methods approach that combines insights from qualitative fieldwork and a unique dataset on the transfers history of mid-level bureaucrats in Indian land bureaucracy, I show that bureaucrats have strong transfer preferences and regularly lobby to avoid being placed in jurisdictions further away from their homes or being relocated over long distances. Jurisdictions less preferred by bureaucrats are more likely to experience state absence at the local level. Further, spatial disparities in local state absence are concentrated according to historical patterns of development across different regions of the state; historically less developed regions with lower bureaucratic representation within the state and experience a more prolonged duration of bureaucratic absence on account of bureaucratic lobbying against transfer directives. This paper highlights the importance of transfer preferences of individual bureaucrats and their collective representation in shaping the quality of local governance. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

• Three studies in India and Bangladesh use pro-WEAI to examine empowerment impacts of agricultural interventions and labor market changes. • Pro-WEAI shows potential in detecting empowerment impacts within the project lifespan. • Findings suggest the need for intentionality in designing women's empowerment projects. • It is important to collect data on both women and men to track progress toward both women's empowerment and gender equality. This introduction to a special section describes how a recently developed measure, the project-level Women's Empowerment in Agriculture Index (pro-WEAI) can be used to assess empowerment impacts of agricultural development interventions in India and Bangladesh as well as broader changes in rural labor markets. The special section comprises three papers. The first examines the impact of membership in self-help groups in five states in rural India on women's and men's empowerment and gender equality. The second presents experimental evidence from a pilot project in Bangladesh that provided trainings in agricultural extension, nutrition behavior change communication, and gender sensitization to husbands and wives together. The third investigates changes in women's roles within the jute value chain in the Southern Delta region of Bangladesh as household members migrate out of the study area and the availability of male labor declines. Although these papers focus on Bangladesh and India, pro-WEAI can be applied to impact assessments of agricultural development projects more generally. The three papers show both the usefulness of this new measure in detecting changes in empowerment indicators within the lifespan of a project and the value of having explicit empowerment objectives in agricultural development projects. The papers also demonstrate the value of having data on both men and women so that project designers can be more intentional about including both of them and monitoring outcomes for both to promote more gender equitable outcomes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

• Countries with populations and economic activity concentrated in low-lying coastal regions are vulnerable to sea-level rise. • As the ocean advances inland, millions of coastal inhabitants will have to retreat, either by choice or force majeure. • Linkages among environmental stress, public assistance and population change are assessed for coastal India and Bangladesh. • Compensatory public assistance strongly dampens the migration response to rising environmental stress. • Damage compensation should direct public resources to households that choose to relocate as the coastal threat mounts. Linkages among climate change–related environmental stress, public assistance, and the spatial pattern of population change are assessed for neighboring coastal areas of India and Bangladesh. Environmental stress is measured using historical cyclone impacts, salinization, and land loss from erosion. Household migration decisions are based on current and expected future income streams in different locations. Rising environmental damage raises costs, but it may also induce increased public assistance that moderates or neutralizes those costs, diminishing migration incentives, even in areas hard-hit by climate change. Econometric estimates for the Sundarbans region shared by India and Bangladesh suggest that endogenous public assistance strongly dampens the migration response to rising environmental stress in both countries, though the assistance response and migration dampening are lower in Bangladesh. A broader analysis for the coastal region from India's Odisha State to eastern Bangladesh finds that present and past cyclone impacts are highly significant for explaining coastal population changes, although responses are lower in India because of lower environmental stress and greater public-assistance intensity. A counterfactual simulation suggests that, as a result of cyclones since 1970, the affected regions are 8–10% less populous in Bangladesh but only 2% less populous in India. The paper's findings motivate a discussion of the implications for alternative policy regimes as land erosion increases, and sea-level rise and salinization continue with climate change. After comparing the efficiency and equity of regimes that provide universal damage compensation or leave coastal households to fend for themselves, the paper suggests an alternative approach that focuses public resources on compensation for households that choose to relocate as the coastal threat mounts. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

• The study evaluates the impact of regional farm radio broadcasts on adoption of rice and wheat HYVs in India. • Radio increased the percent gross cropped area under the spatially heterogeneous rice HYVs by 2.4 pp. or close to 0.3 SDs. • It had no impact on wheat HYVs, a spatially homogeneous technology with ample social learning. • Radio increased rice yields by 15% but had no impact on wheat yields. Can mass communication play a role in spurring technology adoption and productivity growth in agriculture, particularly when there are significant barriers to social learning? To answer this question, I estimate the impact of regional radio broadcasts, that included significant farm programming, on the adoption of high-yielding varieties (HYVs) of rice and wheat during the Green Revolution in India. I exploit the staggered expansion of the regional radio network to identify the impact. Using an annual district-level administrative dataset from 1966 to 1978, I find that introduction of regional farm radio broadcasts led to a large persistent increase in the adoption of HYVs of rice, a spatially heterogeneous technology less amenable to social learning. By contrast, there was at most a transient impact on the adoption of HYVs of wheat, a spatially homogeneous technology with a lot of scope for social learning. Importantly, I find that the regional farm radio broadcasts increased rice yields by 15%, a magnitude potentially large enough to justify the investments in the expansion of the regional radio network. Overall, this paper demonstrates that mass communication can indeed play a key role in diffusing profitable agricultural innovations when there are significant barriers to social learning. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

• Rice and wheat cultivating households gain from high global food prices. • Welfare gains mainly accrued to net producers. • In-kind food transfers insulated food consumption. • High rice and wheat prices led to greater workdays on own farm. This paper studies the impact of high global rice and wheat prices on household welfare in India. I use the 2007–08 surge in global food prices and household share of area under rice and wheat at the baseline to show that rice and wheat cultivating households gain from high prices. These welfare gains mainly accrue to net producers. I observe that net producer households were able to maintain their per capita spending and consumption of rice and wheat by decreasing consumption of market purchased rice and wheat and increasing consumption of government-subsidized rice and wheat. Net consumers, on the other hand, experienced a decline in the total per capita consumption of rice and wheat even though they substituted their market purchases with homegrown produce and subsidized grains. The role of in-kind food transfers in insulating households from high prices was evident for both net producers and consumers. The combined effect of substitution within food staples from different sources was that both net consumer and producer households could maintain their total calorie intakes and resist an increase in the total food expenditure. Finally, I find evidence that high rice and wheat prices induced working-age adult males in net producer households to increase total workdays and workdays on their own farm. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

• The labour market for women in India's formal manufacturing sector experiences a simultaneous process of job destruction and creation. • Exchange rate depreciation leads to higher gross job creation rates but job destruction rates are insensitive to exchange rate changes. • Exchange rate depreciation increases gross and net job creation for men and women in states with flexible labour laws. • In states with inflexible labour laws, depreciation increases gross job creation for women (but not for men) with no effect on net job creation. • Firms use female workers as a 'buffer' to adjust the workforce in response to exchange rate fluctuations, particularly when labour laws are rigid. India's disappointing performance in creating productive employment for women, in spite of its increased integration with the world markets, contrasts with the experience of several countries in Asia. A number of studies have analysed the supply and demand side factors responsible for this situation. However, no study has examined the gender differences in job flows – job creation, destruction and reallocation. Net employment changes may conceal large changes in gross job flows and the associated adjustment costs. Using plant level panel data from India's formal manufacturing sector for the period 1998–2014, this paper estimates the magnitude of job flows and analyses the impact of industry-level changes in exchange rates on job flow dynamics of men and women across state-industries. Even as net employment grew sluggishly for women, we find that, the labour market was characterised by a simultaneous process of job destruction and creation. Our analysis provides evidence for an asymmetric impact of exchange rates on job flows, with depreciation (appreciation) resulting in higher (lower) gross job creation rates with no effect on job destruction rates. Exchange rate depreciation results in higher gross and net job creation rates for both men and women in states with flexible labour laws. In states with inflexible labour laws, however, depreciation causes an increase in gross job creation for women (but not for men) with no effect on net job creation. Exchange rate depreciation also causes women to face higher job reallocation than men, particularly in states with inflexible labour laws. Participation in global value chains and output tariff reductions are found to exacerbate the effects of exchange rate changes on women's job flows. Firms operating under rigid labour market conditions tend to employ female workers as a 'buffer' to adjust the workforce in response to short term fluctuations in export competitiveness. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

• This study investigates the impact of Universal Salt Iodization in early life on children's test scores in rural India. • The program raised basic numeracy and literacy skills for the pooled sample and overall literacy scores for girls. • Children from poor households and those residing in, or near the major salt producing state, benefited more from the policy. • Universal Salt Iodization has the potential of improving children's cognition in other developing countries at a low cost. This paper studies the impact of a large-scale public health intervention in early life on cognitive skills in childhood. Iodine deficiency is the most common predictor of brain damage globally which has prompted over 140 countries to implement Universal Salt Iodization. While small-scale interventions report positive effects of iodine supplementation on cognition, the causal impact of salt iodization at scale is unknown across low-income countries. This study evaluates the effect of Universal Salt Iodization on cognitive test scores of school-aged children in rural India. I exploit exogenous variation in the timing of the exposure to the policy in early life, comparing children residing in naturally iodine sufficient and deficient districts over time, using a difference-in-differences strategy. Exposure to the program increased basic numeracy and literacy skills by at least 2.4 percentage points and improved school progression. It further raised literacy scores by 6.1% of a standard deviation for girls. The effects on test scores are higher for poor children and for those residing in, or nearby, the major salt producing state where iodized salt consumption was lower at baseline. This is the first study to show that a blanket fortification policy can deliver considerable, yet heterogenous, improvements in cognition in the medium run in a developing country context. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

• We study the impacts of women's Self-help group membership on women's and men's empowerment. • We measure empowerment using two alternate indices: the A-WEAI and the Pro-WEAI. • We find that SHG membership has a significant positive impact on aggregate measures of women's empowerment. • We also find that SHG membership reduces the gap between men's and women's empowerment scores. • The impacts are driven by increase in control over income, decisionmaking over credit, and active involvement in groups. Women's groups are important rural social and financial institutions in South Asia. In India, a large majority of women's groups programs are implemented through self-help groups (SHGs). Originally designed as savings and credit groups, the role of SHGs has expanded to include creating health and nutrition awareness, improving governance, and addressing social issues related to gender- and caste-based discrimination. This paper uses panel data from 1470 rural Indian women from five states to study the impact of SHG membership on women's empowerment in agriculture, using the project-level Women's Empowerment in Agriculture Index (pro-WEAI) and the abbreviated Women's Empowerment in Agriculture Index (A-WEAI). Because SHG membership was not randomized and women who self-select to be SHG members may be systematically different from non-members, we employ nearest neighbor matching methods to attribute the impact of SHG membership on women's empowerment in agriculture and intrahousehold inequality. Our findings suggest that SHG membership has a significant positive impact on aggregate measures of women's empowerment and reduces the gap between men's and women's empowerment scores. This improvement in aggregate empowerment is driven by improvements in women's scores, not a deterioration in men's. Greater control over income, greater decisionmaking over credit, and (somewhat mechanistically, given the treatment) greater and more active involvement in groups within the community lead to improvements in women's scores. However, impacts on other areas of empowerment are limited. The insignificant impacts on attitudes towards domestic violence and respect within the household suggest that women's groups alone may be insufficient to change deep-seated gender norms that disempower women. Our results have implications for the design and scale-up of women's group-based programs in South Asia, including the possibility that involving men is needed to change gender norms. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

• Self-help groups (SHGs) are now viewed as promising platforms for multiple development interventions for several reasons. • Study provides qualitative insights on dynamics of SHG meeting attendance in SHG-led health intervention in India. • Finds meeting regularity and attendance are barriers to wide coverage, particularly for most vulnerable women. • Social capital developed between SHGs and sponsor organization is critical to successfully layer health interventions. • Social capital between SHG and sponsoring organization is developed through benefits received from past association. Women-led self-help groups (SHGs) are increasingly being utilized as platforms for delivering development activities by funding agencies and governmental bodies. However, there is currently little understanding as to whether SHGs are effective or equitable platforms for delivering health or livelihoods interventions. Social capital is hypothesized as a comparative advantage when utilizing SHGs as development platforms, however the specific mechanisms have yet to be explored. This paper investigates the efficacy and equity of SHGs as platforms for development programs through analyzing 64 interviews and 6 focus group discussions collected from an agriculture and behavior change intervention delivered through SHGs in eastern India. We find that while, theoretically, SHGs are a promising platform for health messaging this is largely dependent on SHG norms of attendance, which itself is closely tied to socioeconomic conditions and social capital. Social capital is important both within SHGs as well as between SHGs and the implementing organization. Sites with more mature SHGs had greater economic security allowing more active participation in the intervention than sites with more poverty and young SHGs. The former sites also had greater norms of trust and reciprocity (social capital) with the implementing organization that led them to accept additional interventions. In the latter sites, SHG members had competing demands on their time and less trust in the implementers, making it difficult to attend both SHG meetings and health sessions. We put forth a materialist understanding of social capital formation, where SHG members must have already received substantive benefit from membership for new activities to be successfully incorporated into their agenda. Further, using SHGs as a nutrition message delivery platform should not detract from individual engagement with more vulnerable members of the community. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]