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This paper uses distinctions between differing senses of "private," "public" and "political" in the United States to argue for the value of framing food issues as a collective problem that calls for broadscale demands for justice. We argue that food choices do not simply belong to the realm of private preferences and market transactions. Rather, they are a set of decisions that have systemic causes and public consequences. They are shaped and constrained by public policies that underwrite the transportation of food over long distances as well as particular crops and foodstuffs, and by the vendors and advertisers who try to convince us to eat more of the foods they produce. Because the consequences of eating an abundance of empty calories are not easily remedied at the personal level, citizens need to demand public, systemic solutions, including better food information, youth food education, and a healthier food supply. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Although political parties are not mentioned in the U.S. Constitution, the two-party electoral system is wellestablished in American elections and gerrymandering naturally occurs to benefit the party that controls both a state's legislative chambers and the governor's office. Tracing the evolution of partisan gerrymandering and examining the gerrymandering practices, this research finds that redistricting manipulation enabled by two-party electoral system, is a tale as old as time and it has continued for over two hundred years, rising or falling depending on the intensity of partisan politics. In 21st century, political polarization and gerrymandering have been feeding off each other. When the redistricting process is manipulated by entrenched partisan gerrymanders, it has become counterproductive to fair representation, competitive election, and translating public will into policies. As long as the foxes are allowed to guard the hen houses, partisan politicians will continue to abuse "one person, one vote" principle and pick voters. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Purpose: Housing is essential to health. Governmental rental assistance is one way to increase access to affordable housing, but little is known about how it varies by rural/urban location. This paper seeks to address that gap by examining rural/urban and within‐rural differences in receipt of rental assistance, with particular attention differences by health and disability. Methods: We used data from the 2021 National Health Interview Survey (n = 28,254) to conduct bivariate analyses to identify significant differences in receipt of rental assistance by rural/urban location. We then conducted logistic regression analyses to generate odds ratios of receiving rental assistance, adjusting for self‐rated health, disability, sociodemographic characteristics, and the US Census region. Findings: When limiting the sample to those who rent (20.6% of rural residents and 29.6% of urban residents), rural residents were nearly 5 percentage points more likely to receive rental assistance (13.1% vs 8.2%, P<.001). Rural recipients of rental assistance were more likely to have a disability than urban residents (27.9% vs 20.3%, P<.05) and were more likely to report fair/poor health (41.6% vs 31.4%, P<.05). Conclusions: Rural residents are less likely to rent their homes, but, among those who rent, they are more likely to receive governmental rental assistance. This may be reflective of the greater need for rental assistance among rural residents, who were in poorer health and of lower socioeconomic status than urban renters. As housing is essential to good health, policy attention must prioritize addressing a persistent and growing need for affordable housing in rural and urban areas alike. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

INTRODUCTION JUUL is a high-nicotine pod-based vaping device that is popular among adolescents and young adults. On 23 June 2022, the US Food and Drug Administration (FDA) denied authorization to market JUUL, and ordered JUUL Labs to remove products from the US market. The next day, a US federal appeals court temporarily suspended the ban. The mixed public discourse surrounding the FDA ban warrants further investigation. METHODS This study examined Twitter data to describe public reaction to these announcements. Posts containing terms 'JUUL' and/or '#JUUL' (N=97548 unique tweets) were collected from 23 June to 3 July 2022, from Twitter's Streaming Application Programming Interface (API). After removing retweets, we used an inductive approach to become familiar with the data, generated a codebook, and conducted a content analysis on a random sample of n=4000 tweets. RESULTS A total of 2755 (68.9%) tweets discussed JUUL in the context of the FDA ban. News (n=1425/2755; 51.7%) about the JUUL ban, government distrust (n=588; 21.3%), and individual rights (n=253; 9.2%) were the most prevalent themes. Less commonly discussed themes included inconsistencies between policies (n=174; 6.3%), mentions of switching to other products (n=162; 5.9%), smoking cessation (n=99; 3.6%), and craving for JUUL (n=94; 3.4%). Sentiment analysis of JUUL ban-related posts (n=2755) demonstrated that 1989 (72.2%) tweets were categorized as neutral, while anti-ban posts (n=566; 20.5%) were more prevalent than pro-ban posts (n=200; 7.3%). CONCLUSIONS Besides straightforward announcements of the JUUL ban and its suspension, Twitter posts discussed government distrust, individual rights, and policy inconsistencies. While most posts conveyed neutral sentiments, anti-ban posts were almost three times more prevalent than pro-ban posts. Our findings suggest that text-based social media platforms like Twitter may be an effective instrument to understand opinions, attitudes, and beliefs regarding the FDA's JUUL ban. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article begins with an overview of the policy environment in the United States and abroad for skilled immigration, with a particular focus on "supply-driven" versus "demand-driven" systems. The overview emphasizes that firms play a central role in the skilled immigration process in most countries. I then survey the ample evidence that skilled immigrants have a strong positive effect on firm outcomes, followed by a discussion of the many margins of adjustment that firms have when their access to skilled immigrants is affected by national immigration policy. Finally, given such margins of adjustment and the importance of skilled immigrants to firms, I consider how the policies that affect skilled migration shape the global geography and quality of innovation. I conclude by discussing policy implications and open questions. In particular, I emphasize that evaluations of the impact of skilled immigration should not be constrained within borders: immigration flows and national immigration policies affect the global geography of innovation and investment. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

English-language reporting on the continuing difficulties in accessing Evusheld reflects the marginalization of immunocompromised people in discussions about the public policy response to Covid-19. Moreover, the lack of available data on global Evusheld access, particularly in low-income countries, has emerged as a key form of nonknowledge that must be redressed within public health research. Through examining how knowledge about domestic and global barriers to Evusheld access circulates, and does not circulate, within The New York Times , this paper identifies a case study of the social production of ignorance related to a key issue in the Covid-19 pandemic. Drawing on science and technology studies, the history of science and media studies, I situate these trends in the context of longer explanatory histories of nonknowledge. First, through a critical discourse analysis of the New York Times' reporting on Evusheld access in the U.S., I trace the individualizing framework evident in many articles to longstanding trends in reporting on health and illness, and to the structural marginalization of immunocompromised people in U.S. Secondly, I argue that the near-total absence of reporting on Evusheld access in low-income countries is consistent with the longstanding structural neglect of health crises in the global south. • New York Times coverage of preventative treatment Evusheld rarely discusses access barriers. • Access barriers discussed are largely logistical rather than structural. • The perspectives of immunocompromised people are rarely included in Times articles on Evusheld. • Failure to include voices from impacted communities contributes to agnogenesis. • Centering the perspectives of constituencies most impacted by a health crisis will advance health equity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

A wide range of sub-national immigration and immigrant-related policies have been adopted in the United States in the last two decades. Using data from the Urban Institute and IPUMS, the authors analyze the impact of state-level policy climates related to enforcement, integration, and public benefits on inter-state mobility for immigrants. The findings of the present analysis show that immigrants are responsive to changes in the state-level immigration policy climate. They are less likely to move out of states that are on balance more supportive of the foreign-born population and more likely to relocate from restrictive states. In addition, the policy impacts do not vary significantly by immigrants' education, language fluency, or employment status, calling into question whether the policies miss their intended targets. These findings have implications for local governments and agencies in policy design and implementation as they continue to develop policies targeting the foreign-born population. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article shows that the submerged nature of the U.S. administrative state in its communications with the public and lack of awareness of policy outputs that undermines public trust in government. Topics discussed include public reputation crisis brought by government failure and ideological assault, as well as legal, resource and political constraints to agency communications, building of salient administrative expertise and enhancement of public participation, and perils of agency salience.

Sexual harassment is a problem that continues to confront mostly women in the American workforce. One of the primary ways to reduce its prevalence and impact is through bystander intervention. A bystander is familiar with the incident and ultimately decides whether to proactively intervene, do nothing, or actually cause further damage to the victim by siding with the perpetrator. While bystanders can become engaged both prior to and during a sexually harassing event, or at the primary and secondary levels of prevention, they can also be involved after the incident, or at the tertiary level of prevention. This present study addressed tertiary prevention in real-life sexual harassment cases drawn from the fashion industry, whereby female models—as independent contractors represented by agencies and with few labor rights—were the victims, powerful men in the business were the key perpetrators, and other actors were the bystanders. Using thematic analysis to understand 18 accounts of harassment, this research identified bystander support from personal associates and some modeling agencies as institutions in the form of emotional resources and action-oriented advocacy. However, other modeling agencies more commonly engaged in bystander opposition, whereby they silenced their models who complained of harassment or continued to send models to work with known perpetrators in the business. This study thus draws attention to the ways in which some bystanders can help, but others can cause further harm through their particular employment relationships with victims that promote worker precarity. Implications for practitioners and public policy reforms for this industry are discussed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Assessing and improving the effectiveness of evacuation orders is critical to improving hurricane emergency response, particularly as the frequency of hurricanes increases in the United States. However, our understanding of causal relationships between evacuation orders and evacuation decision-making is still limited, in large part due to the lack of standardized, high-temporal-resolution data on historical evacuation orders. To overcome this gap, we developed the Hurricane Evacuation Order Database (HEvOD) – a comprehensive database of hurricane evacuation orders issued in the United States between 2014 and 2022. The database features evacuation orders that were systematically retrieved and compiled from a wide range of resources and includes information on order type, announcement time, effective time, and evacuation area. The rich collection of attributes and the resolution of the data in the database will allow researchers to systematically investigate the impact of evacuation orders, as a vital public policy instrument, and can serve as an important resource to identify gaps in current policies, leading to more effective policy design in response to hurricanes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

BACKGROUND: Federal housing assistance is an important policy tool to ensure housing security for low-income households. Less is known about its impact on residential environmental exposures, particularly lead. OBJECTIVES: We conducted a quasi-experimental study to investigate the association between federal housing assistance and blood lead levels (BLLs) in a nationally representative US sample age 6 y and older eligible for housing assistance. METHODS: We used the 1999-2018 National Health and Nutrition Examination Survey (NHANES) linked with US Department of Housing and Urban Development (HUD) administrative records to assess BLLs of NHANES participants with concurrent HUD housing assistance (i.e., current recipients, 푛=3,071) and those receiving assistance within 2 y after the survey (i.e., pseudo-waitlist recipients, 푛=1,235). We estimated BLL least squares geometric means (LSGMs), odds ratio (OR) for BLL ≥3.5 μg/dL, and percent differences in LSGMs by HUD housing assistance status adjusting for age, sex, family income-to-poverty ratio, education, country of birth, race/ethnicity, region, and survey year. We also examined effect modification using interaction terms and stratified analyses by program type [i.e., public housing, multifamily, housing choice vouchers (HCV)], and race/ethnicity. RESULTS: Current HUD recipients had a significantly lower LSGM [1.07 μg/dL; 95% confidence interval (CI): 1.02, 1.12] than pseudo-waitlist recipients (1.21 μg/dL; 95% CI: 1.14, 1.28), with an adjusted OR of 0.60 (95% CI: 0.42, 0.87) for BLL ≥3.5 μg/dL. Some effect modification were observed: The protective association of HUD assistance on BLL was strongest among public housing (-19.5% LSGM; 95% CI: -27.5%, -10.7%), multifamily (-12.5% LSGM; 95% CI: -20.7%, -3.5%), and non-Hispanic White (-20:6% LSGM; 95% CI: -29.8%, -10.3%) recipients. It was weaker to null among HCV (-5.7% LSGM; 95% CI: -12.7, 1.7%), non-Hispanic Black (-1.6% LSGM; 95% CI: -8.1%, 5.4%), and Mexican American (-12.5% LSGM; 95% CI: -31.9%, 12.5%) recipients. DISCUSSION: Our research underscores the importance of social-structural determinants like federal housing assistance in providing affordable, stable, and healthy housing to very low-income households. More attention is needed to ensure housing quality and racial equity across HUD's three major housing assistance programs. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Cannabis legalization policies are rapidly changing in the United States. While there are concerns that recreational legalization will negatively affect young people, previous reviews have not provided clear indication of such effects. The purpose of this rapid systematic review was to examine whether recreational legalization was associated with increases in prevalence of cannabis use and use disorder among adolescents and young adults. PubMed/MEDLINE, Embase, Scopus, PsycInfo, Web of Science, Dissertations & Theses Global, the Trip Database, and OpenGrey were searched from date of inception through Marcy 17, 2022 to retrieve all relevant records. English language and human subject filters were applied. Two reviewers screened abstracts and titles, assessed full text articles, and coded the final included articles. Studies including primarily 10- to 19–year-olds were classified as adolescent, and those between 18 and 26 years as young adult. Our search identified 33 research reports (22 with adolescent samples; 14 young adult). For adolescents, ten studies reported no change in use prevalence associated with legalization, six reported a decrease, and seven reported an increase. Among young adults, most studies (8) showed an increase in at least one prevalence measure, four showed no change, and one showed a decrease. Only two adolescent and one young adult study examined cannabis use disorder, both adolescent studies showed an increase, and the young adult showed no change. The majority of studies had risk of bias. Recreational legalization may be associated with increases in prevalence of cannabis use in young adults while results for adolescents are mixed. Policymakers and practitioners should consider appropriate prevention and treatment options for young people. Trial Registration: PROSPERO #CRD42021276984. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

A majority of individuals with limited English proficiency (LEP) in the U.S. are foreign-born, creating a complex intersection of language, socio-economic, and policy barriers to healthcare access and achieving good outcomes. Mapping the research literature is key to addressing how LEP intersects with healthcare. This scoping review followed PRISMA-ScR guidelines and included PubMed/MEDLINE, CINAHL, Sociological Abstracts, EconLit, and Academic Search Premier. Study selection included quantitative studies since 2000 with outcomes specified for adults with LEP residing in the U.S. related to healthcare service access or defined health outcomes, including healthcare costs. A total of 137 articles met the inclusion criteria. Major outcomes included ambulatory care, hospitalization, screening, specific conditions, and general health. Overall, the literature identified differential access to and utilization of healthcare across multiple modalities with poorer outcomes among LEP populations compared with English-proficient populations. Current research includes inconsistent definitions for LEP populations, primarily cross-sectional studies, small sample sizes, and homogeneous language and regional samples. Current regulations and practices are insufficient to address the barriers that LEP individuals face to healthcare access and outcomes. Changes to EMRs and other data collection to consistently include LEP status and more methodologically rigorous studies are needed to address healthcare disparities for LEP individuals. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Objective: Parental leave and breastfeeding breaks influence the ability to initiate and continue breastfeeding. We investigated how eligibility criteria in the Family and Medical Leave Act (FMLA) and Affordable Care Act (ACA) affect access to unpaid parental leave and breastfeeding breaks and assessed affordability and alternative policy models. Methods: We used family income data to assess the affordability of unpaid leave by race and ethnicity. We used 2017-2018 US Current Population Survey data to determine the percentage of private sector workers aged 18-44 years who met the minimum hour (1250 hours of work during a 12-month period), tenure (12 months), and firm size (≥50 employees) requirements of FMLA and ACA. We analyzed eligibility by gender, race and ethnicity, and age. We also examined parental leave and breastfeeding break policies in 193 countries. Results: Most Latinx (66.9%), Black (60.2%), and White (55.3%) workers were ineligible and/or unlikely to be able to afford to take unpaid FMLA leave. Of 69 534 workers, more women (16.9%) than men (10.3%) did not meet the minimum hour requirement. Minimum tenure excluded 23.7% of all workers and 42.2% of women aged 18-24 years. Minimum firm size excluded 30.3% of all workers and 37.7% of Latinx workers. Of 27 520 women, 28.8% (including 32.9% of Latina women) were excluded from ACA breastfeeding breaks because of firm size. Nearly all other countries guaranteed mothers paid leave regardless of firm size or minimum hours and guaranteed ≥6 months of paid leave or breastfeeding breaks. Conclusions: Adopting a comprehensive, inclusive paid parental leave policy and closing gaps in breastfeeding break legislation would remove work-related barriers to breastfeeding; reduce racial, ethnic, and gender inequities; and align US national policies with global norms. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]