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The corridor-enclosed cloister characterized Buddhist monasteries during the Sui and Tang periods. This architectural form was first introduced by Emperor Liang Wudi from the palace and continued to prevail until the eleventh century, when a gradual transformation occurred, resulting in the corridor evolving into a long, narrow image hall. This paper examines the ritual and pictorial programs of the Sui-Tang Buddhist corridor to gain insight into this transformation and its ceremonial significance. Specifically, it explores how the corridor was empowered by the state-sponsored maigre feast as a place of worship and how the monastic community of a particular school appropriated the space to celebrate an unbroken dharma-transmission lineage from the Buddha to a specific group of Chinese patriarchs. Lastly, the paper aims to comprehend the adaptation of the corridor into an image hall, which was influenced by political and religious shifts in the eleventh century when Buddhist monasteries were no longer designated as the ritual arena for the state-sponsored maigre feast. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The religious worldview of the mantranaya (esoteric Mahāyāna or Vajrayāna) can arguably be seen as rooted in the perspective that reality (tattva) is to be self-experienced (svasamvedya) through contemplative practices, serving as both their means (upāya) and expression (caryā). The tantric path-model of Padmavajra's Guhyasiddhi, an exegetical text in the Guhyasamāja tradition, supposedly enables individuals to rapidly realize reality, a state also referred to as mahāmudrā or other, within a single lifetime. This path-model describes a transformation leading to the revelation of ultimate realization leaving behind conventional means. These two levels correspond to two stages, the stage of arising (utpattikrama), serving as the foundation for the stage of the arisen (utpannakrama). While the first stage is like a supporting framework giving rise to the correct view, in the second stage, the practitioner cultivates the view that has arisen. The practices of the latter stage eventually become inseparable from the view itself, meaning they are practical expressions of the view exemplified in doctrines like unmattavrata and other forms of observances integral to the mahāmudrā doctrine. Thus, contemplative practices and the established worldview mutually inform each other in a reciprocal relationship. Simultaneously, this system of practice and view continues to influence and shape religious practices and rituals as they are transmitted, e.g., through teacher–disciple lineages (guruparaṃparā). In this paper, I will explore this relationship through the critical edition and annotated translation of Guhyasiddhi's first chapter by Padmavajra (ca. late 8th and early 9th century), in which a clear exposition of the relationship in question is presented. My analysis of it, thus connecting the work to more general Buddhist concepts, follows a two-level framework, that is, the well-known two-fold system of conventional/implicit (a) and definitive/explicit (b), which can be seen as equivalent to utpatti- (a) and utpannakrama (b). The efficiency of promoted practices accords with the practitioner's correct assessment of tattva which, following Padmavajra, is the basis for engagement in tantric practices per se. The first part provides the analysis, given in 1.1–1.5, of Padmavajra's system and is based on the second part, the annotated translation (2.1) and critical edition (2.2) of Padma-vajra's Guhyasiddhi chapter one. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The present paper addresses esoteric Buddhist rituals in Japan, with special focus on the changes that happened in its practice in the first couple of centuries after its initial arrival to the country. Although esotericism originated in India, it was the brief spotlight it gained in China during the Tang Dynasty (especially in the 8th century) that determined its transmission to Japan in the beginning of the 9th century, where it spread rapidly and reached a particular culmination within the same time period, i.e., the Heian Period (794 to 1185/1192). On the one hand, the Shingon school, established by the monk Kūkai (774-835), was essentially the first time the esoteric Buddhist teachings were systematised, and although the founder's person and teachings are still very much revered to this day, changes have begun right after his death in 835. On the other hand, the Tendai school, a rival for imperial recognition and support and also established (or rather introduced) in the beginning of the 9th century by the monk Saichō (767-822, a contemporary of Kūkai) included some esoteric teachings, and with the practices introduced by later Tendai monks, such as Ennin (794-864) or Enchin (814-891), this school cultivated esoteric practices that are still extant in Japan today. Firstly, the meaning and usage of the honzon (an icon of a deity) in esoteric Buddhist rituals is clarified in the paper, while later the evolution of two specific icons that were used during the Fugen Enmei rituals of both the Shingon and Tendai schools is introduced, with explanations as to why there are two different types of iconographies extant for the same kind of ritual. The paper contributes to the study of those esoteric practices that were created and developed in a locally recognized Buddhist milieu that served specific purposes in Japan and are found in no other Buddhist cultures in Asia. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines the utilization of the mantra of light and its associated maṇḍala practices by Wang Hongyuan 王弘願 (1876–1937), a Chinese Buddhist during the Republican Period, and his adherents, which has not yet been noticed by previous scholars. With the import of esoteric Buddhist doctrines and practices from Japan, the mantra of light, which was a rarely used mantra in pre-modern China, gained renewed significance. This led to the widespread adoption of the ritual practices of this mantra by Wang Hongyuan and his surrounding Buddhist groups in early modern China. The rituals of this mantra were used as a supplement or substitute for near-death Pure Land practices. This paper presents Pure Land Buddhist practices intertwined with esoteric Buddhist elements or "esoteric" approaches to Pure Land rebirth in modern Chinese Buddhism which have been overlooked by previous scholars. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Inscriptions of Buddhist mantras and dhāraṇīs were interred in Chinese tombs on behalf of the deceased from the Tang dynasty onward as the fear of postmortem judgment and punishment in the ten courts of hell became firmly rooted. This notion of the afterlife and the practice of enclosing dhāraṇī inscriptions in tombs seem to have been received by Korean Buddhists by the beginning of the Koryŏ (918–1392). This paper, through a close examination of a wooden inner coffin excavated in 2014 from a tomb in Nongso-myŏn, Ullim-ri, Sunch'ang-gun, North Chŏlla Province of Korea, sheds new light on the use of dhāraṇī on funerary objects and structures during the Koryŏ. The coffin bears, on its lacquered exterior walls, inscriptions of the Mantra of the Six-Syllable King of Great Clarities (Oṃ maṇi padme hūṃ) and the Mantra for Shattering Hell (Oṃ karadeya svāhā). While defining the dhāraṇī coffin from Nongso Tomb as one form of funerary dhāraṇī, this paper situates it in the historical trajectory of such practice by comparing it with Liao (916–1125) precedents. The dhāraṇī coffins from Koryŏ and Liao tombs attest that the Buddhists made use of mantras and dhāraṇīs promising salvation of the deceased from hell during their lifetime and beyond. This study shows that two different kinds of dhāraṇīs, which are similarly named and believed to have the power of shattering hell, were practiced by Chinese and Korean Buddhists. It also proposes that the Mantra for Shattering Hell (Oṃ karadeya svāhā) may have been transmitted to the Korean peninsula as part of the food bestowal ritual before its incorporation into the funerary context. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Buddhist heritage in India is receiving reasonable attention for tourism development with a particular emphasis on promoting Buddhist circuits. One Buddhist pilgrimage circuit covering eight locations including four most sacred places, namely, Bodhgaya, Sarnath, Kushinagar, and Lumbini, is popular for spiritual and religious reasons. Fieldwork conducted in these four sites reveals complex patterns of visitation that question the idea of a circuit as a tourism product. The primary circuit-goers are foreign Buddhist followers, but the magnitude of their visitation is very low. They constitute less than 10 percent of visitors and are far outnumbered by domestic visitors. Domestic visitors driven by recreational purposes hardly complete the entire circuit; their visits are directed to two popular sites while other sites are used as "middle-of-the-trip centers" or places for daytrips. The interviews with various stakeholders including religious institutions, private tour operators, and relevant government agencies, show that the itineraries of circuit-goers depend on several factors including the convenience of travel, accommodation facilities, the ability to perform pilgrimage rituals, and institutional governance for tourism. This paper argues that Buddhist pilgrimage circuits operate more as a cultural landscape at a cognitive level rather than as a distinct physical route and a product that can be effectively translated into as strategy for tourism development in Buddhist sites. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Despite numerous research findings related to medieval Chinese Buddhism, the witchcraft role of bird totems in Buddhist history has not received sufficient attention. In order to fill this gap, this paper analyzes how Buddhist monks in medieval China developed a close relationship with bird-totem worship. This relationship has been documented in Buddhist scriptures, rituals, oral traditions, biographies, and mural art. Although bird-totem worship was practiced in many regions of medieval China, this paper specifically examines the visual culture of bird totems in Tibetan and Chinese Buddhism. Furthermore, some details of this culture were recorded in Buddhist texts and images. According to these works, various bird-totem patterns and symbols are believed to be effective ritual arts used by Tibetan and Chinese Buddhist monks to influence nature and the supernatural through ritual and magic. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Several sites in East Asia have been identified as Potalaka, originally thought to be located near the southern seas of India. The basis of this phenomenon is built upon the nature of Avalokiteśvara as a mediator between sentient beings and buddhas, the nature of Potalaka as a boundary between their worlds, and Buddhist philosophy. The belief in the abode of Avalokiteśvara bodhisattva on Earth incorporates various places into a Buddhist world transcending borders. This paper examines Korean beliefs about Potalaka and Avalokiteśvara through legends about Naksan Temple, with special emphasis on their relationship with mountain and sea worship. At the same time, the study attempts to connect the beliefs with the philosophical background of Hwaŏm tradition, which is in close relation with this ritual site. The aim of this approach is to point out the unique and universal, as well as the local and translocal elements in Korean narratives about Potalaka. In other words, the paper searches for patterns that are to be found in the wider Buddhist world and characteristics that are created by the specific religious environment of Korean culture. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Three Japanese Buddhist scriptural manuscripts related to the practice of calling back the soul are kept in Nanatsudera, Hōbodaiin in Toji, and Kōshōji, respectively. They show complex lineage connections that have been discussed little. This paper discusses the relations between the two sutras contained in the three manuscripts, traces their respective origins, and analyzes how Japanese authors transformed the apocryphal sutras into a liturgical text. Both the Nanatsudera and the Hōbodaiin manuscripts consist of the Sutra on Calling Back the Soul, while the Kōshōji manuscript comprises the Duxing Sutra. All of them were classified as Buddhist apocrypha written by Chinese authors. While the two sutras share similar text structures and the use of words, their contents reveal remarkable differences. The Sutra on Calling Back the Soul focuses mainly on how to release the souls of the dead and how to prevent fulian (reconnection with the dead), while the Duxing Sutra focuses on the healing of diseases and the alleviation of disasters through the restitution of the souls of the living. The Sutra on Calling Back the Soul has exerted a long-lasting effect in Japan where it was paraphrased into a liturgical text for the removal of disasters and the prolongation of life. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Since 1995, thousands of people in Taiwan have pledged each year to donate their cadavers to the medical college run by the Buddhist Tzu Chi (Ciji) Foundation. The "surge of cadavers" seems intriguing in a society where ancestor worship continues to be salient. Drawing on my fieldwork in 2012–2013 and 2015, the purpose of this paper is to describe a series of practices involving the transformation of a cadaver into a Buddhist moral subject: the donor, the family, and the medical school engage in various endeavors and rituals involving "emotional practices" to honor the deceased; situate the donation as a "good death"; and fulfill the family's obligations to ancestor worship. I argue what makes the ritual transformation efficacious is the dominant currency of emotional practices. Emotional practices "authenticate" the ritual transformation. The main ethic for commemorating the cadaver donation is not generosity or dāna but equanimity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines woodblock prints of the Sūtra of the Dhāraṇī of the Precious Casket Seal of the Concealed Complete-Body Relics of the Essence of All Tathāgatas, a short text that came to serve as a backbone for the textual relic cult and, starting in the early Koryŏ, became an important part of consecratory deposits of Buddhist icons. This article focuses on how material embodiments of dhāraṇīs were enshrined in the Korean context and how such enshrinement defined their function and meaning. Through an analysis of the Dhāraṇī of the Precious Casket Seal in diverse forms, visual designs, and ritual contexts from the eleventh to the fourteenth century, the article demonstrates that the materiality of this important dhāraṇī was key to its performativity as a sacred object that could consecrate otherwise manmade architectural or iconic entities. By so doing, this study reveals key aspects of the Buddhist visual culture that have long remained obscure, while contributing to the growing scholarship on textual materiality in premodern Korea. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Beliefs about supernatural phenomena that have no scientific basis are called paranormal beliefs (Lyons, 2005). Religions may have a significant influence on the development of paranormal beliefs; therefore, the current study compared and contrasted paranormal beliefs among Muslims and Buddhists. Both Islam and Buddhism believe in the existence of jinn or ghosts; however, the beliefs about ghosts are different in the two religions. Buddhists believe that some humans are transformed into any of seven different types of ghosts and that one may safeguard oneself against ghosts by using ghost traps. They also believe in ghost marriage, i.e., a marriage between deceased people. Islam proposes three types of jinn, and these jinn can be categorized as either believers (Muslims) or nonbelievers (Kafirs). Muslims believe that jinn can cause mental and/or physical harm to human beings through possession, causing misfortune, or inflicting sickness. Islamic teachings testify to the harmful effects of the evil eye. Islam allows verses of the Holy Qur'an to be worn as charms or amulets to safeguard against the evil eye and jinn. However, the true teachings of Buddha prohibit all types of charms and amulets; Buddhism does not believe in the evil eye or possession by supernatural forces. We observe that cultural influences play an important role in shaping superstitious behaviors as both Muslims and Buddhists of the South Asian region wear specific kinds of amulets and charms to treat different physical and mental diseases. Similarly, going to living saints and touching their feet and other practices are performed by people of both religions in the subcontinent. Moreover, certain phenomena such as a black cat crossing one's path or the shattering of a mirror are considered signs of misfortune and curses by people of both religions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Generally acknowledged as a Southern Song text by an obscure Chan monk, the Xiaoshi Jingang keyi 銷釋金剛科儀 includes a chapter-by-chapter exposition of Kumārajīva's fifth-century Chinese translation of the Diamond Sūtra and survives in multiple different editions from the Ming-Qing era. It has claimed attention from scholars from different fields of Chinese religions and been considered in the context of the study of precious scroll (baojuan 寶卷) or Buddhist ritual literature. With due attention to different components of the whole text rather than the exposition alone, and by situating the work in the history of Chinese Buddhist commentarial and liturgical works on the Diamond Sūtra , this article examines the textual and reception history of the Xiaoshi Jingang keyi. Focusing on its overall structure, source material, and use of verses. I demonstrate that the Xiaoshi Jingang keyi finds roots in the pre-existing Chinese Buddhist literature on the Diamond Sūtra , and show how it inspired Buddhist monastics to compose commentaries on it up to the mid-sixteenth century. 一般被認為係南宋時期一位不知名禪僧所作的《銷釋金剛科儀》包含了對公元五世纪鳩摩羅什譯本《金剛經》經文的逐章闡釋，有多個明清時期的版本流傳。這部作品吸引了來自中國宗教研究多個領域學者的關注，並曾分別被置於寶卷和佛教儀式文本研究的視域下探討。本文通過全面考察《銷釋金剛科儀》的各個組成部分而非單單釋經的部分，以及將其放在與《金剛經》有關的漢文佛教註疏和儀式文本的發展脈絡當中，从文本史和接受史的角度對《銷釋金剛科儀》進行了研究。文章重點關注作品的整體結構、材料來源和當中偈頌的使用，指出《銷釋金剛科儀》和此前漢文佛教文獻中《金剛經》相關文本之間的源流，并略述明代中前期佛教僧人創作的多部《銷釋金剛科儀》注釋。 [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Beginning in 2020, young people in Thailand have led rallies to protest the interference of the military and the monarchy in politics. They have also condemned the role played by Buddhist discourse and court ritual in celebrating kings as divine. 'No God, No King, Only Human' reads a protest sign. Simultaneously, however, some groups of protesters have used the same 'religious' repertoire, such as the astrological tradition of the court, in their activism, turning it into an instrument of resistance. This article explores this apparent ambivalence via an ethnographic focus on divination, a long-standing central feature of Thai politics. Drawing from a decade of fieldwork conducted with diviners (mo du) and their clients from both pro-regime and pro-democracy camps, including prominent young activists, I argue that progressive individuals do not necessarily need to reject cosmological ideas and rituals deemed conservative in order to resist. Rather, many proactively co-opt them to enhance their own position in the polity, further demonstrating the inability of those in power to live up to accepted moral standards. This strategy, which builds on a Southeast Asian tradition of millenarianism, mobilises dogmatic notions including karma in support of narratives and practices of resistance. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The protection of one's home and ensuring the safety of one's family have been deep-rooted concerns throughout time and in all cultures. Ānzhái 安宅 ("pacifying one's residence") rituals can be traced to ancient China and are still practiced in contemporary China. In this study, we will focus on the Fóshuō ānzhái shénzhòu jīng 佛說安宅神呪經 (AZSZJ; T.21, No. 1394), one of the extant Buddhist scriptures dealing with home protection. There have been (at least) two lines of transmission of ānzhái scriptures and on the basis of internal and external evidence, we project the compilation of the extant version of this text to include the late 6th century and mid 7th century and show that the scripture—in earlier catalogues labeled as "fake"—entered the Buddhist canon on the basis of a mistake or confusion by Míng Quán when he recorded it in his Dà-Zhōu kāndìng zhòngjīng mùlù大周刊定眾經目錄. The main part of the study consists of an annotated translation of AZSZJ and a preliminary analysis of the difficult terminology appearing in parts of the text. In the last part, we discuss some aspects of the text's traditional Chinese and Buddhist elements and how they were skillfully combined in order to make the overall text attractive for the medieval Chinese Buddhist community and to successfully compete with other contemporary ritual practices concerned with the safety of one's home. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article considers the support that Buddhist ritual practices may offer families and relatives of missing people. Families of missing individuals experience a specifically defined form of grief known as ambiguous loss. Such loss is usually denied the traditional funerary or commemorative practices of other forms of bereavement. Nevertheless, psychologists and humanitarian organizations stress the importance of such practices and their socio-cultural context as a way for families to effectively process ambiguous loss. I highlight the value in these practices coming from Buddhist religious groups within Buddhist communities, while noting that disappearances often present exceptionally difficult circumstances for many religious traditions, including Buddhism. Examples are drawn from the Pāli Nikāyas supporting the argument for a "reconfiguration" of ritual to meet these needs, and case studies are cited to demonstrate religious communities supporting, via ritual practices, families of missing individuals. I therefore propose ritual as an element of Buddhist praxis that may effectively address the psychological and social requirements for families of missing people. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

How can comparative categories be used with vigorous attention to historical context and cultural variation? My example is the concept of prayer applied to various forms of premodern Buddhism. After analyzing past attempts to square theocentric notions with Buddhism, I propose a more circumspect mode of comparison. Adopting a performative approach to the study of religious language, I stipulate prayer as "speech acts directed toward seen and unseen sentient beings." This strategy broadens the addressees in prayer discourse to include Buddhas, bodhisattvas, minor gods, ghosts, spirits, and other beings. It also covers a wide range of Buddhist practice and focuses on exchange, morality, and bodily engagement. The article then analyzes a specific ritual, the supreme offering, found in many articulations across Buddhist cultures. The conclusion argues that this approach offers several insights. Engaging a wide range of beings in the cosmos, the supreme offering envisages a hierarchical moral community. The different steps in prayer highlight the importance of karma in Buddhist ritual. As a regimen of practice, the supreme offering aims at forming ethical dispositions and cultivating character. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The "similarity" (gongtong 共通) and "dissimilarity" (chayi 差異) between the Buddhist precepts and Confucian rites in the Wei, Jin, and Southern and Northern Dynasties reflected a "dialogue of civilizations" (wenming duihua 文明對話) at the levels of concept, system, and life. During these periods, the Chinese system of rites were compared and interpreted with the Buddhist monastic codes by Buddhist monks and Confucian scholars, so a history of the ideas interpretation process of "interpreting precepts with rites" (yi li shi jie 以禮釋戒) was achieved. The result of such a process was two-fold: from the perspective of lay Buddhist ethics, they were in common with each other; from the perspective of monastic precepts, they were irreconcilable contradictions. Thus, on the one hand, the eminent Chinese monks "were emulating the Confucian rites to justify Buddhist precepts" (ni li yi zheng jie 擬禮義證戒) to stress their commonalities. On the other hand, the differences between the precepts and rites continued to be discovered, and the Buddhist subjective consciousness (zhuti yishi 主體意識) of "the distinction between precepts and rites" (jie li you bie 戒禮有別) was gradually established. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

For decades, scholars have suggested that the rise of the Chan (J. Zen) Buddhist tradition between China's Tang (618–907) and Song (960–1279) dynasties involved an unprecedentedly bold claim to religious authority. Chan masters were understood to be not just eminent Buddhist monastics but actual living buddhas, whose recorded words were considered equally authoritative to Buddhist scriptures. Central to the formation of Chan identity as a school of buddhas was the ceremony of "ascending the hall," during which Chan masters serving as abbots of public monasteries preached to and answered questions from members of the monastic assembly and the lay public. This article presents a new interpretation of the ascending the hall ceremony's role in constituting Chan masters as figures of buddha-like authority, paying particular attention to the problem of likeness itself. According to prevailing scriptural and visual-cultural conventions, buddhas were larger-than-life figures with marvelous bodies and miraculous powers. Chan masters in the Song, by contrast, were typically presented as conspicuously lacking these spectacular features. Drawing on overlooked passages from Song period Chan literature, I analyze how Chan Buddhists managed the question of their likeness to the Buddha—but never categorically resolved it—through an intertwined process of routinely ascending the hall and composing literary representations of ascending the hall. Ultimately, I suggest, they succeeded in translating the concept of buddhahood into a distinctively Chinese cultural idiom. By analyzing accounts of Chan ritual failure in the writings of Song period Chinese literati, however, I also argue that there were limits to Chan masters' capacities to incorporate their own unlikeness to the Buddha into a new, specifically Chinese, vision of buddhahood. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article examines the employment of tantric ritual as a tool of conflict resolution in Tibetan Buddhist society. In particular, the analysis focuses on the cult of the tantric Buddhist deity Yamantaka, who is often invoked in tantric ritual to resolve communal crisis or defend society against the enemies of Buddhism. Yamantaka, whose cult in medieval times stretched from India, through the Tibetan plateau, to Mongolia, China, and Japan, is a prime example of a tantric "war-god" who has been adopted throughout the Buddhist world in the context of ritualized violence. The adoption of violent tantric ritual created fissures, especially in Tibetan Buddhist society, that led to various legal and ideological conflicts aimed at restricting its practice. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Buddhist rituals in Vietnam, characterized by region and religious sects and more or less influenced by Chinese Buddhism over the centuries, have relatively different characteristics among regions, especially the Northern Delta region, Hue City and Ho Chi Minh City. Directly influenced by the teachings and laws of Buddhism, Buddhist rituals in Vietnam have also contributed a unique cultural identity to the world's Buddhist community, which affirms the unity in diversity of Buddhism in Vietnam and the world. Based on specialized and interdisciplinary approaches, the article presents the key features of Buddhist rituals in Vietnam today. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses material religion in a commercial setting and sets off this discussion with Walter Benjamin's The Work of Art in the Age of Mechanical Reproduction (1936). Benjamin argues that mechanical reproduction emancipated works of art from religious rituals and evaporated the aura of art. This has resonance among some Tibetan Buddhists in the context of mass-produced Buddhist material objects. Are such objects fit to be given as gifts, implemented in rituals, and worshipped on altars? Based upon ethnographic work at a Tibetan Buddhist market in urban China, the article argues that although objects manufactured in factories for profit are not made or handled according to Buddhist tradition, the aura can be produced in different ways and at different points of an object's life. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]