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The discovery of the Nag Hammadi Codices (NHC) in 1945 rates as one of the two most profound occurrences for Biblical archaeology and interpretation during the last hundred years, along with the Dead Sea Scrolls (1946–1956). The codices allow us to document Christian monastic culture, gnostic Christianity and gnostic offshoots in the desert climate of Late Ancient Egypt. The recovery of the related Codex Tchacos (CT) brought further excitement for contemporary readers by 2006, it being sensational that narratives of "Judas the betrayer" and "doubting Thomas" were found in the whole collection of writings. The text named the [First] Apocalypse of James, significantly, was found to be in both NHC and CT in different Coptic versions (from near the sacred sites of Chenoboskion and El Minya), but yet another more fragmentary version in Greek had turned up much earlier among the huge cache of papyri found at Oxyrhynchus (also, like the other places, on the banks of the Nile). Given the opportunity for comparison, what distinguishes the three versions? Does comparative analysis better tell us what this ancient text is about? Does the strong presence of Gnostic Christian insights in the Coptic texts still imply a historical Jamesian community is being honoured? This paper concentrates on three comparable passages in the three versions that apparently contain historical memories of James and his followers. It works on the reasonable hypothesis that the Greek version of Oxyrhynchus Papyri (P.Oxy. 5533) (hereafter = PO) is prior and read with different purposes than the two Coptic translated versions of CT (CT 2.10–30) and NHC (NHC V,3. 24–44). When a critical approach, involving a socio-linguistic comparison, is applied, we will see that the three versions of the text were not directly related to each other, but that narratives about James the Just were available to desert monastics from the second century CE. The paper argues for a literal transmission of traditions from a Jewish Christian community around James into Egypt, that the textual figure of James in the Oxyrhynchus fragments points to a 'mutual familiarity' between PO and CT, while the NHC tradition of James has been further elaborated by processes of compilation and addition. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The story of the patriarch Joseph is a very recurring theme in medieval visual artistic Christian tradition. Joseph, Jacob's beloved son, is a prefiguration of Christ. The story in Genesis 41, 37–44 fosters the creation of two iconographic types: Joseph's investiture and Joseph on the Pharaoh's chariot. The narrative places patriarch Joseph in the court of the Pharaoh of Egypt. However, Christian visuality was created according to the iconic criteria for the representation of political power, contemporary to the configuration of both iconographic types. The aim of this paper is to study the visual mechanisms used in the iconic configuration of the iconographic types of Joseph's investiture and Joseph on the Pharaoh's chariot, when the monarch bestows upon Joseph the privilege of his trust. The iconographic analysis of some early and medieval examples of the artistic visuality of Joseph's story, in Eastern and Western traditions, confirms that they refer back to late ancient and medieval Byzantine tradition. Likewise, it was detected that the resources used in the visual configuration of both iconographic types are linked to the conventionalised mechanisms of the symbolic construction of power. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper argues that interreligious dialogue through study and friendships across the religious divide makes participants less susceptible to religious and cultural misinformation that is often used to maintain social bubbles, in which members draw clear boundaries between "us" and "them". Differences between social groups can culminate in a struggle between "good" and "evil" that can escalate into tension and violence. Preventing tensions and conflicts requires respect for differences, willingness to engage in dialogue, and a sound understanding of what religion is and the historical processes that have determined its development, distinguishing between empirical facts and images to which believers adhere. Because the author is a Dutch sociologist turned journalist from a conservative Christian family involved in interreligious dialogue in the Netherlands, Israel, and Egypt, the literature review presents contemporary religious developments in all three countries. The literature review is flanked by the author's personal narrative on the events that changed his views on truth and spirituality, making him more aware of the commonalities between peoples of different beliefs and leading him to a lifelong commitment to interreligious and intercultural dialogue. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper investigates the role of magic and religion in the context of the Brooklyn Papyrus (47.218.48 and 47.218.85) snakebite treatments. It examines the extent to which these two factors are involved in the treatments and how they shed light on the importance of treating the mind and body of the patient. Information regarding the methods and ingredients used in snakebite treatments in ancient Egypt is obtained from the author's doctoral thesis in which the Brooklyn Papyrus (47.218.48 and 47.218.85) is transliterated and then translated into English and offers a commentary on the text. This translation enabled the author to understand that magic and religion form part of the snakebite treatment process. Investigating the relationship between these two factors and medical treatment ingredients and methods enables one to know that magic and religion are inextricably linked in the role of healing. The role played by magic and religion in these treatments resulted in a holistic form of treatment in the process of attempting to heal the ancient Egyptian snakebite victim and patient. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper explores the nature of Coptic struggles for religious equality in Egypt in the period between 2013 and 2021. The key research question informing this paper is: in a context where the space for civic action to demand rights for equality and religious freedom is deeply circumscribed, who fills the vacuum of mediating Coptic grievances and what are the implications for institutionalizing religious freedom and promoting the greater public good? The methodology informing this paper is a multi-scalar linking national level political analysis of the relationship between the President and the Patriarch with the relationship between the church leadership and authorities in the governorate of Minya and its implications for local level governance of sectarian violence against Copts. The paper makes three key propositions. First, the relationship between the President and the Pope cannot be assumed to be a proxy for state-church relations more widely because the positively demonstrated political will of the President has not led to the institutionalization of religious equality at different levels of governance. Second, the assumption of Bishop Makarious of a representational role in defending and promoting the rights of Copts has led to a trade off in institutional rights encroaching on the principle of ecclesiastical affairs being free from governmental meddling. The third proposition is that the political vacuum created by the elimination of mediation of rights via civil society actors has not only negatively affected opportunities for championing the institutionalization of rights at different levels but has also wielded a loss for the promotion of public good more broadly. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article deals with the way in which the "theological" as the question of the Biblical G-d's involvement in the world, as in the Talmuds, and in light of Heidegger's thought about forgetting and forgetfulness (Verborgenheit and Vergessenheit), becomes a political question about the attitude of the Jew and Israel toward the Heimat. In Heidegger, forgetting is about beings hiding from the view rather than about a psychological or "subjective" process to which forgetting has been reduced in modernity. The Heimat hides from the persons' life, no matter how strongly the persons strive for their Heimat "subjectively" or politically, Heidegger argues. The essay further detects a residual modernity and subjectivism in Heidegger's concession to forgetting as only a secondary operation, a loss, in comparison to the primary, "authentic" relationship to the Heimat, which, for him, one can and should hope for. That residual modern subjectivity in Heidegger enables and necessitates a comparison with the roles forgetting plays in relationships between G-d, Israel, and the Land in the two Talmuds as, similarly to Heidegger, dealing with and working against forgetting, if not Being, then the Law of the mutual obligations between G-d and Israel. The resulting analysis distills a conundrum in the Palestinian rabbis. Delivery on Israel's obligations towards G-d conditions Israel's arrival to the Land, that is to say Israel's fully successful exodus from Egypt. Yet, any clear memory of, and delivery on, these obligations, i.e., any humanly delivered testament to the law of G-d, constitutes an acute danger of forgetting masked as a would-be-certitude in the "memory" of the would-be-original law. Regaining the status of a full-fledged, never-tamed primordial power in relationships between G-d and Israel, forgetting, in the Palestinian rabbinic thought, undermines the deployment of logos as a way to formulate the Law fully. Letting the G-d in the world, logos however proves prone to reducing G-d to (a) theos, thus drawing the G-d into disappearance and forgetting. Such a counter-current to the copulation of theos with logos, the primordial power of forgetting operates even before any memory captured in words and images becomes possible. Arriving from antiquity to modernity, this counter-current continues to operate despite the currently prevalent demotion of forgetting to a subjective political act of a person or nation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

According to Numbers 21:4–9, the Nehushtan was a copper/bronze snake effigy that functioned as a 'magical' healing tool to cure the early Israelites from venomous snakebites they incurred during their desert wanderings. What is unclear from the narrative is the symbolic significance of the event, the materials used, the technical skills required, and whether magic was at play. Firstly, when considering the magical effects of the Nehushtan, we must define which type of magic—apotropaic or sympathetic—was involved. Based upon existing scholarship on the topic, the general consensus is that the Nehushtan represented sympathetic magic, underpinned in this instance by homeopathic/imitative magic. To highlight this point, this study will provide selected examples of both types of magic so that the Nehushtan's association with sympathetic magic can be illustrated. Secondly, and most importantly, we must consider why the image of a snake was chosen if the very affliction (envenomation) suffered by the people was caused by the creature now being posited as a symbol of divine healing. Did the ancient perceptions of snakes and healing play a role in this decision? Why did the early Israelites not question the logic behind the use of a magical snake effigy when both magic and effigies were technically prohibited by biblical laws? To answer these questions, the study will consider the historical background (the Exodus from Egypt), the set (geographical location), and the setting (cultural contact and influence) in which the narrative of the Nehushtan took place. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This work examines the environmental challenges occasioned by Samaria's 'imperial singleness' in prophet Hosea's text from an African perspective. The interaction between the 'seat of power' in Samaria and imperial forces in Hosea's time appears to have negatively influenced Israel's attitude towards land use (Hos 12:1, 2; 1 Ki 21:1–28; 2 Ki 9:26). Such interface becomes evident in a shift, by Samaria's 'seat of power', from Yahweh's prescribed land-use policy to those of their imperial masters—Assyria and Egypt. Despite Israel's liberation from Egypt by Yahweh during the exodus (Hos 11:1), their susceptibility to treaty alliances with these imperial forces remains vivid in Hosea's narrative (Hos 7:1–16; 12:1–2). Echoing the words of Ngwa, such an alliance seemingly classifies Samaria's monarchy as a 'localised imperial singularity' and a 'single hero' as against the 'communal oneness with the divine, humans and the earth itself'. This 'localised imperial singleness' and its effect on Israel's land was subjected to a critical engagement premised on the principles of interconnectedness and the voice of the earth, while a combination of Mburu's African Hermeneutics and Kavus' Ecological Hermeneutics is employed for the purpose of critical decolonial discourse. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines the idea of ustāḏiyyat al-ʿālam (mastership of the world), in the political thought of the Muslim Brotherhood (MB). Ustāḏiyyat al-ʿālam was formulated by the movements' founder, Ḥasan al-Bannā, as the ultimate goal of the MB, the last of a gradual seven-stage plan to Islamize the individual, the family, society, the government, and the state, and restore the caliphate. In an attempt to unpack this abstract concept, this article offers a contextualized reading of its use in the foundational tracts of the MB general guides, and in pertinent commentaries on some of these tracts. We point to an inherent ambiguity in the concept, which intertwines ideational and active elements of domination, ranging between the homiletical task of propagating Islam to the world and striving to rule the world. Within the MB, ustāḏiyyat al-ʿālam is found to serve alternately as a privileged status of the Islamic nation, a duty, a mechanism of power legitimation, and as a source of motivation in times of despair, while utilized in anti-MB campaigns to discredit the MB and curb its internationalization. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Exodus 7:8–15:21 contains a sequence of conflicts between YHWH and Pharaoh that can be divided into three parts: the Snake Confrontation, the Ten Plagues of Egypt, and the Parting of the Reed Sea. A careful reading of the entire narrative in conjunction with a New Kingdom Egyptian funerary text—the Book of Gates (BG)—reveals that both works share a number of similarities in terms of themes, terminologies, and structure. However, significant differences also occur at some crucial junctures as the respective stories unfold. These findings suggest that the Israelite author (or group of authors) might have made use of the tradition related to BG—with polemical changes—as one of his sources in framing the Exodus 7–15 narrative, in order to juxtapose the sequence of YHWH's miracles with the progression of Pharaoh's impending death. In this regard, Exodus 7:8–15:21 can be read as a polemical parody of the already well-established myth concerning the sun god's journey through the Netherworld. According to this parodic reading, YHWH is the deity par excellence who stands above the Egyptian pantheon and controls order in Egypt. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Tracing back political Islam to the French Campaign that invaded Egypt in 1798, the article argues that political Islam emerged and developed from within the folds of the modern nation state in Egypt. The article conceptualizes three historical phases: from 1805 to 1849, 1849 to 1879, and 1879 to the mid-1920s. Each of these phases is centered around a common theme that characterized the discourses, knowledge, and structures of politics, the economy and "Islam", as they encountered the West, which are, in order, technology, civilization, and ideology. The works of Ḥasan al-ʿAṭṭār will be explored as an example of the first phase, and the works of Rifāʿah al-Ṭahṭāwī will be the example of the second phase, where Islam, as it encounters politics, becomes the foundation of state nationalism. The third phase will start with a transitional period of undifferentiated discourses, but will quickly, after the British occupation in 1882, differentiate into three political Islams: liberal, represented by Muḥammad ʿAbduh and al-Ummah Party; official, represented by ʿAlī Yūsuf and the Reform on the Constitutional Principles Party; and extra-state, radical Islamism, represented by ʿAbd al-ʿAzīz Jāwiš, and the Nationalist Party. The article will explain the national and international political and economic contexts that surrounded and participated in the formations of political Islam in all its varieties. Against the popular academic conviction of rooting Ḥasan al-Bannā's thought in Muḥammad ʿAbduh's work, and rooting ʿAbduh in Jamāl al-Afghānī's movement, this article will explain the rupture and contradictions between Afghānī and ʿAbduh, on the one hand, and the rooting of al-Bannā's ideology in ʿAbd al-ʿAzīz Jāwīš's thought, on the other hand. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The relationship between religion and transnationalism has only recently gained scholarly attention to document the influence religious organizations have on mediating transnational ties. While scholarship on second-generation transnationalism has gained interest, second-generation Arab Americans remain understudied. Yet, Arab Americans, especially Muslim Arab Americans, have been progressively encountering overt anti-Arab and Islamophobic sentiments for two decades, since 11 September. These experiences of discrimination are bound to affect their transnationalism. Based on 32 semi-structured interviews with children of Arab immigrants from Egypt, Iraq, Jordan, Palestine, Lebanon, and Syria, this study finds that religious organizations are important transnational social fields for the second generation, especially those who experienced discrimination. This study finds that for Muslim Arab Americans, mosques are important transnational social fields in which they engage in transnational ways of being and belonging that connect them to their parental homeland and transnational identity. Consistent with reactive transnationalism, when experiencing discrimination Muslim Arab Americans increased their participation within their mosques in two ways. First, mosques are places Muslim Arab Americans draw on the support of other Arab Americans who have experienced discrimination. Second, the social networks of Muslim Arabs provide important historical and cultural knowledge about their parental homeland; knowledge that Muslim Arab Americans would later use to advocate and educate others when/if they reencountered discrimination. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article aims at revisiting the history of Egyptian Islamic activism during the important decade of the 1970s, by reintroducing a crucial element that is absent from the existing academic literature: the role played by Salafi ideas in the religious socialization of 1970s Egyptian Islamic activists. Far from only being the product of Saudi Arabia's intense petrodollar-funded proselytization efforts, these Salafi ideas had already gained a foothold in Egypt in the first half of the 20th century, when they started being promoted by organizations such as Ansar al-Sunna al-Muhammadiyya, which saw itself as a rival to the Muslim Brotherhood. Reintroducing this element helps complexify a historiographical narrative of the 1970s that has been mostly centered around the Muslim Brotherhood and the posthumous role played by the ideas of radical thinker Sayyid Qutb (1906–1966), and it is key to a more accurate and nuanced understanding of the subsequent evolutions of Egyptian Islamic activism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article focuses on the Egyptian Muslim Brotherhood's relationship with violence after the 2013 military coup. Following the Brotherhood's sudden ouster from government, scholars predicted that renewed repression would lead to the radicalization of wings of the movement, particularly speculating that the youth would resort to violence as a way to respond to the regime. Indeed, calls in favor of the use of violence were recorded and associated with the activities of the New Office in Egypt during 2015, and with radicalization within the country's prisons. Yet, this phenomenon has remained limited with reference to both time and context. Relying on interviews with members in Egypt, Turkey and the UK (2013–2021), this article critically unpacks the Brotherhood's relationship with violence in the aftermath of the coup, investigating how the majority of Brotherhood members who subscribed to the movement's peaceful resistance navigated nonviolent and violent strategies advocated by competing movements' factions, as they became exposed to state-led violence. It looks at how members, male and female, endured repression, what role violence had in their resistance, if any, and how they justified it. The conclusion reflects on the role that violence plays in the Brotherhood's strategies to reunite and rebuild after 2013. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the wake of the Tunisian Revolution of 2011, Ennahda leader Rached Ghannouchi distanced his party from the main Islamist paradigm, which is spearheaded primarily by the Muslim Brotherhood in Egypt, and announced the separation of the religious movement entirely from its political wing (al-Siyasi and al-da'awi). In addition to reassuring Tunisians that Ennahda's socio-political project is rooted in its "Tunisianity," these measures aimed at signaling Ennahda's joining the camp of post-Islamist parties and Muslim democrats such as the AKP in Turkey and the JDP in Morocco. In this article, using the comparative case studies, I examine the patterns, similarities, and differences between the Tunisian Ennahda party and the Egyptian Muslim Brotherhood in terms of their evolutions from an Islamist to a post-Islamist discourse and identity. I argue that the Ennahda party outpaced the Muslim Brotherhood in that shift considering the local/regional realities and the new compromises dictated by the post-revolutionary political processes in both countries. Although the Muslim Brotherhood managed to come to power and govern for only one year before being deposed by the army, Ennahda's political pragmatism (consensus, compromise, and coalition) enabled it to fare well, ultimately prodding the party to adapt and reposition itself intellectually and politically. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Academic research on Islam in Egypt often focuses on the entanglement of religion and politics, mostly analysed with regard to public spaces. This article seeks to nuance the focus on pious activism and the idea that Islam is dominating everyday life in Egypt by taking individuals' intimate non-religious perspectives into consideration. This research on individual pieties, on being religious and doing being religious, especially opened up the worlds of individuals who are different. Drawing on fieldwork with young Alexandrians this article considers the subtle voices that are currently becoming increasingly louder, which hint at tendencies away from mainstream Islam and express alternative options and different versions of belief. These silent, and often silenced, voices are heard only under exceptional circumstances, because they often coincide with criticism of present social and political conditions. Criticism that mixes religious, social, and political content is almost impossible to express publicly in Egypt. By focusing on these narratives, this article tries to understand the relationship between criticism of Islam and processes of individualization. In addition, it seeks to analyse these narratives in order to explore the dynamic character of the self in the realm of religiosities and non-religiosities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Since the 1980s, discourse on religious piety has taken many different forms, from mosque lessons by lay preachers—such as 'Amr Khalid—to religious TV programmes and leisure activities. Within this widespread religious culture and cultivation of forms of visible piety, wearing the veil became an almost uncontested norm for women. As Saba Mahmood demonstrated, the veil became a crucial way to express and cultivate a 'pious self'. Yet especially since the 2011 revolution and its aftermath, many young Egyptians started to question political, religious and patriarchal authorities. Amongst others, this took on open or hidden forms of non-believing, as well as a search for new forms of spirituality. Based on fieldwork and interviews, this contribution looks into the motives and experiences of women who decided to cast off the veil. In view of the hegemonic piety discourse, this is a huge issue, which is met by fierce reactions and accusations of immorality and non-belief. Whereas for some women this decision is an expression of religious doubt or a turn to a non-religious worldview, for others it is a way to contest the current piety discourse in a search for a more personal and spiritual connection with God. While the relationship with religion among my interlocutors might differ, they share a common attempt to uncover their 'authentic selves'. By unveiling, they express their wish to define their own space and ideas regarding religion, gender and their bodies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]