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The papers of Sir George Arthur are important to historical research in several countries. For this reason they have been divided. The Canadian papers were considered of such importance that the Toronto Public Library Board of Trustees, assisted by the generosity of the Carnegie Corporation of New York and the University of Toronto Press, has undertaken their publication, under the editorship of the late Chief Librarian, Charles Rupert Sanderson, LL.D., M.A., B.Sc. They were first published in six paper-bound parts, and then in the present three volumes. The emphasis in Volume One is on the restoration of order after the Rebellion of 1837, and the defence of the province against invasion and brigandry. The trials of the political prisoners and the prevention of a Torv reign of terror were two problems complicated by differences of opinion with Lord Durham. Defending the border and stamping out lawlessness were complicated by the attitude of the Commander of the Forces, Sir John Colborne, who vacillated between blind optimism and equally blind panic. Volume One closes with the attacks at Prescott and Windsor.

The papers of Sir George Arthur are important to historical research in several countries. For this reason they have been divided. The Canadian papers were considered of such importance that the Toronto Public Library Board of Trustees, assisted by the generosity of the Carnegie Corporation of New York and the University of Toronto Press, has undertaken their publication, under the editorship of the late Chief Librarian, Charles Rupert Sanderson, LL.D., M.A., B.Sc. They were first published in six paper-bound parts, and then in the present three volumes. Volume Three continues the story of the constitutional development of the province. The inner workings of Lord Sydenham's form of practical politics are shown clearly in the manipulating of the elections for the united House of Assembly, and in the choosing of the Executive Council. Robert Baldwin's place in that Council brought the whole question of responsible government into prominence, as Lord Durham's Report had done two years earlier. When Arthur left the province in March, 1841, Sydenham was confident that constitutional stability had at last been achieved. A disturbing feature of Arthur's last days in Canada was the repercussions of the McLeod case, and this too is discussed at length in Volume Three of the papers.

The Federalist Papers constitute a key document in the understanding of the American government. Written by John Jay, James Madison, and Alexander Hamilton, these 85 texts were published between 1787 and 1788 to convince the state of New York to ratify the Constitution.Today, the Papers are studied in courses on American government, American political thought, and constitutional law. However, the size and organization of the full text, notwithstanding its complex political concepts and context, make it difficult for students to apprehend. The Reader's Guide will be a key tool to help them understand the issues at hand and the significance of the Papers then and now. Organized around key issues, such as the branches of the government, the utility of the Union, or skepticism of a national regime, the work will walk the reader through the 85 Papers, providing them with the needed intellectual and historical contexts.Designed to supplement the reading of The Federalist Papers, the guide will help elucidate not only their contents, but also their importance and contemporary relevance.

Thisbook is distinctive because it will be a political science oriented introduction to The Federalist Papers. As most of the editions have introductions by historians, and some of them quite good, there is no readily available edition with a political science focus. Such a focus would not ignore the historical dimensions of the founding and that particular era, but would supplement this historical background with a concentration on the key questions political scientists tend to ask when reading and teaching The Federalist Papers. Questions of power, separation, blending, federalism, and structural design and how they impact the practice of government, questions we political scientists ask, will be the central feature of this edition. The primary audience for this edition would be courses in American Political Thought, American Government (most of which include components of the Federalist Papers) plus courses on the Presidency, Congress, The Judiciary, and Federalism.

This authoritative edition of the complete texts of the Federalist Papers, the Articles of Confederation, the U.S. Constitution, and the Amendments to the U.S. Constitution features supporting essays in which leading scholars provide historical context and analysis. An introduction by Ian Shapiro offers an overview of the publication of the Federalist Papers and their importance. In three additional essays, John Dunn explores the composition of the Federalist Papers and the conflicting agendas of its authors; Eileen Hunt Botting explains how early advocates of women's rights, most prominently Mercy Otis Warren, Judith Sargent Murray, and Charles Brockden Brown, responded to the Federalist-Antifederalist debates; and Donald Horowitz discusses the Federalist Papers from the perspective of recent experiments with democracy and constitution-making around the world. These essays both illuminate the original texts and encourage active engagement with them.

As a prolific scholar and theologian, Bernard Lonergan authored a significant amount of material aside from the works with which he is commonly associated. Shorter Papers is a collection of lesser-known items written by Lonergan over the course of his career. Together, they offer privileged access to the author's thought and work, as well as a glimpse at some of his most personal qualities.The items in this volume extend from some of the earliest writings – the Blandyke Papers, for instance, which predates any of the materials represented in the Collected Works – to pieces written near the end of Lonergan's life. Organized chronologically, they give an impression of his development as a writer, his ever-strengthening religious commitment, and his role as teacher. As a sampling of pieces from the late 1920s to the early 1980s, Shorter Papers testifies to the cumulative impact of Lonergan's work, as well as to the amazing continuity that he maintained throughout his career as an author and intellectual.

The 605 documents presented in Volume 7 of The Papers of James Monroe date from April 1814, the midpoint of Monroe's term as secretary of state under President James Madison, to March 1817, just prior to his inauguration as president.Volume 7 opens in the midst of the War of 1812, documenting Monroe's role as military adviser to President Madison during an ill-fated defense of Washington in August 1814, his appointment as secretary of war in September 1814, and his return to the State Department in March 1815, when he began the work of normalizing relations with the European nations after the end of the Napoleonic wars. Relations with Great Britain remained uneasy, but Monroe reduced friction by negotiating the 1817 Rush-Bagot Treaty, which led to disarmament of the Great Lakes. Numerous documents detail the ill will between the United States and Spain caused by the war, disagreement over possession of Florida, and the revolutions in Spain's American colonies. The volume also addresses the presidential election of 1816. Monroe, in line with the accepted practice at the time, avoided any overt acts that would indicate he was seeking the office. Correspondence with friends and confidants and several campaign essays written by Monroe nevertheless reveal a strategy of a quiet campaign to garner support for his candidacy.

This is a compilation of papers and works from the fictional author Sir Roger de Coverley, who “contributed” to Joseph Addison's The Spectator.

This fifth volume of The Papers of James Monroe presents many important and never-before published documents relating to the critical years 1803–1811, providing a documentary record of the early American Republic as well as of a future president of the United States.For academic scholars, college and high school students, and general readers interested in the history of the United States, The Papers of James Monroe series has established itself as the go-to resource for primary documents about President James Monroe and the early history of the United States. In this latest volume, readers have access to more than 400 annotated original documents, some of which have never before been published. This fifth volume of this acclaimed series presents a chronologically organized collection of documents covering the period from January 1803 through April 1811. Following an introductory essay, the subjects covered include Monroe's involvement in treaty negotiations with England, Spain, and France—most notably, those talks surrounding the Louisiana Purchase; his candidacy in the 1808 presidential election; and his appointment as secretary of state in 1811.The documents in this volume illuminate the decisions made by American, British, French, and Spanish leaders during this specific period, especially regarding events leading up to the War of 1812, which illustrate how monumental events such as war can result from the choices of certain key individuals.

This book reconnects The Federalist Papers to the study of American politics and political development, arguing that the papers contain previously unrecognized theory of institutional power, a theory that enlarges and refines the contribution of the papers to political theory, but also reconnects the papers to the study of American politics.

Historians and social scientists have long identified bureaucracy as the modern state's foundation and the reign of France's Louis XIV as a model for its development. A World of Paper offers a fresh interpretation of bureaucracy through a close examination of the department of the Sun King's last foreign secretary, Jean-Baptiste Colbert de Torcy. Torcy, who served as foreign secretary from 1696-1715, is widely regarded as one of the most brilliant foreign ministers of the ancien regime. Building on the work of his predecessors, he fashioned a skilled team of collaborators as he managed the complex issues of war and peace during the turbulent final decades of Louis XIV's reign. John Rule and Ben Trotter examine Torcy's department to depict administrative structures as they emerged through the circulating stream of paper that connected his office with provincial administrators and diplomats abroad. They explore the collection and centralization of information during Torcy's tenure through the creation of a modern state archive, discreet intelligence gathering, and the surveillance and management of the French mails. They also study the postal carriers, couriers, household officers of the royal court, genealogists hired for research, and an informal'brain trust'of experts, and advisors who carried vital information in and out of the department every day. A remarkable reconstruction of the department of Jean-Baptiste Colbert de Torcy, A World of Paper demystifies bureaucracy and explores the ways in which the modern information state developed from his labours.

Here, in a single volume, is a selection of the classic critiques of the new Constitution penned by such ardent defenders of states'rights and personal liberty as George Mason, Patrick Henry, and Melancton Smith; pro-Constitution writings by James Wilson and Noah Webster; and thirty-three of the best-known and most crucial Federalist Papers by Alexander Hamilton, James Madison, and John Jay. The texts of the chief constitutional documents of the early Republic are included as well.David Wootton's illuminating Introduction examines the history of such American principles of government as checks and balances, the separation of powers, representation by election, and judicial independence—including their roots in the largely Scottish, English, and French new science of politics. It also offers suggestions for reading The Federalist, the classic elaboration of these principles written in defense of a new Constitution that sought to apply them to the young Republic.

The papers of Sir George Arthur are important to historical research in several countries. For this reason they have been divided. The Canadian papers were considered of such importance that the Toronto Public Library Board of Trustees, assisted by the generosity of the Carnegie Corporation of New York and the University of Toronto Press, has undertaken their publication, under the editorship of the late Chief Librarian, Charles Rupert Sanderson, LL.D., M.A., B.Sc. They were first published in six paper-bound parts, and then in the present three volumes. The mood of Volume Two is noticeably calmer. As the imminent danger of attack from without and within receded, the question of the future form of government of the colony became predominant. In the spring of 1839 Lord Durham's Report reached Upper Canada, and its recommendations aroused heated controversy. Sydenham's appointment confirmed the belief that the report was going to be implemented, and Volume Two ends with the passing of the measure for union in both houses of the Upper Canadian legislature.

In 1987 Tony Blair's New Labour won a landslide victory in the British elections. To show it meant business, the new government immediately embarked on a major legislative programme, granting devolution to the outlying «Regions» joined with England in the UK. The cabinet papers concerned with this initiative have just been released, and Peter Raina is publishing them, with brief commentaries, in two volumes. This one concerns Scotland and Wales. The papers show just how much interdepartmental work was involved in this comparatively modest exercise, and how dependent ministers were on the Civil Service and their legal teams. They also raise questions which have recently been much amplified. The drive for devolution had contradictory aims – to offer more self-sufficiency and foster development; but also to take the sting out of nationalist movements, so as to preserve the Union. Readers can judge how democratic and how fruitful the scheme really was.

«Raina's documentation provides invaluable insight into the high-powered and high-level political calculations that made it happen. It is perhaps the most signal achievement of the era and this expertly curated collection on its genesis and evolution is unquestionably of permanent value.» (Professor Marc Mulholland, Professor of Modern History, Oxford) This is the second volume in which Peter Raina presents the Blair government's Devolution papers. Here, the focus shifts to Northern Ireland in the midst of the «Troubles» – a situation where discrimination and bigotry in a society divided by religious and national affiliations had erupted into hatred, violence and fear. Tony Blair, his minister Mo Mowlam and a team of civil servants and others reached for American help and worked intensely with Gerry Adams, Leader of Sinn Fein, and with the government of the Republic in the South of Ireland to bring the warring factions together. Their efforts were concentrated into an astonishing single month. The Devolution plans, as such, have not stood the test of time but, with effort from all sides, a fragile truce was achieved and a virtual end to the «Troubles». This was an enormous achievement. The papers are an object lesson in how patient diplomacy and negotiation can work, even in the most intractable of situations.

The agenda of the 11th CEE Forum Conference in Bratislava, Slovakia, held on 25-26 April 2019 was focused on the reassessment of the Central and Eastern European position in Europe and in the world, seeking for the specificities of this region, being often perceived as a double periphery – of the West and of the East. Since thirty years have passed since the disintegration of the bipolar world, the time has come for a critical reconsideration of the earlier scholarly findings or commonplaces and the formulation of more nuanced and refined conclusions. The selection of papers offered by the organizers in this volume provides an up-to-date view of the CEE region and issues and problems shared by the CEE countries

This book began as a collection of papers presented at a conference entitled ‘The Future Business of Higher Education'held at Oxford University. The contributions range from those who grapple with the question of what a University should do, through those concerned with making Higher Education more efficient, to some who were already planning for some technologically inevitable virtual future. These disparate leanings led to inevitable conflict and a challenge in editing into book form. In compiling and editing the chapters the editor has tried to preserve some of the diversity of opinion presented at Oxford. By doing so it is apparent that some individual contributors would find unacceptable much of what others in the book have to say. The traditionalists clash with the modernizers, the Left with the Right, Public with Private and the theorists with the practitioners. It is this very divergence of philosophical opinion as to the future of Higher Education that makes this book such an enjoyable and stimulating read.

Exam Board: SQALevel: HigherSubject: Modern StudiesFirst Teaching: September 2014First Exam: Summer 2015Practise for your SQA exams with three specially-commissioned Hodder Gibson Practice Exam Papers.- Practise with model papers written and checked by experienced markers and examiners- Get extra advice with specially-written study-skills guidance sections- Gain vital extra marks and avoid common mistakes with examiner tips

From 1970 to 1977 a major project to uncover source material for students of contemporary British history and politics was undertaken at the British Library of Political and Economic Science. Fiananced by the Social Science Research Council, and under the direction of Dr Chris Cook, this project has attempted a unique and systematic operation to locate, and then to make readily available, those archives that provide the indispensable source material for the contemporary historian. This volume (the fifth in the series) provides a guide to the papers of propagandists who were influential in British public life. Included in this volume are the papers of such persons as newspaper editors, leading economists, social reformers, socialist thinkers, trade unionists, industrialists and a variety of theologians and philanthropists. In all, this volume not only completes the findings of the project but opens up the archive sources of a hitherto neglected area of research into contemporary social and political history.

Die Auseinandersetzung mit der eigenen Geschichtlichkeit ist eine Herausforderung, der sich die Geschichtswissenschaft zu stellen hat. Auch die Mittelalterforschung hat sich in den vergangenen Jahren damit befasst. Vor diesem Hintergrund versucht der Sammelband, die Möglichkeiten und Grenzen mediävistischer Wissenschaftsgeschichte am Beispiel der Forschungen zu »Lehnswesen« und »Feudalismus« als Konzepte normativer Ordnung im 20. Jahrhundert auszuloten. Er nimmt dazu die Konstitutionsbedingungen des Wissens aus unterschiedlichen Perspektiven in den Blick.

This book does not follow the current North American fashion of writing with the aid of a pair of scissors and a glue-pol. It is not a set of'readings'in the sense that it makes available in a single volume numerous items published previously elsewhere: all of the contributions were originally written for inclusion in these Papers. This fact notwithstanding, the essays do not follow any one theme, nor are they given unity by a shared frame of reference. Each author dealt with some aspect of the 1962 election without any concern with what was being attempted by the others. As a result, the Papers do not pretend to give a complete and well-rounded account of the 1962 contest. When the careful and conscientious reader has put down the Papers he will have within his grasp a sort of do-it-yourself kit containing the materials out of which several election theories can be constructed. The authors hope that by unpacking and displaying the kit, they will have tempted many readers into trying to put some of the pieces together with the help of such additional equipment as they have acquired in their own observations of Canadian elections.

Among the many commemorations of World War I, little was made of the 100th anniversary of the secret Treaty of London between Italy and the Western War Allies in April 1915, which sealed the fate of South Tyrol for the duration of the twentieth century by passing it from Austria to Italy. In May 2015, a symposium was held in the medieval Prösels Castle in the Italian Dolomites to mark this historical moment. Contributors set out to explore the political, social and cultural impact of South Tyrol's existence «on the threshold» during the twentieth century. Individually and collectively, the essays in this volume challenge the simplistic reading of South Tyrol as merely a geographic region torn between Germanic and Italian cultures; instead, they explore the dynamic effects of its geographical, political and cultural history since 1915. South Tyrol, as a modern regional state in Europe, faces many of the same problems as other European regions, be they individual states or sub-state regions. Most of the contributions in this volume are from academics and intellectuals within the Province of Bolzano/Bozen who negotiate and discuss these issues through their native languages: German, Italian and Ladin. By making their research accessible through English translations and abstracts, this volume seeks to bring their work on historical and contemporary developments in South Tyrol to a wider European and global audience.

This volume provides a cross-national analysis of the changing identities of various national and ethnic groups, their new political influence in the emergent democracies and their efforts to revive suppressed cultures. It begins with a theoretical analysis of the concepts of national identity and ethnicity. It features case studies of contemporary Belarussian, Polish and Ukrainian national identities before turning to a study of Eastern Europe's hidden ethnic minorities, like the Finno-Ugric peoples in Russia, the Lemkos in Poland and the Gypsies in Bulgaria.

This book contains fresh approaches to the interaction between regime and society in twentieth-century Russia. It offers new answers to familiar questions: • How useful is'totalitarianism'as a model to categorise authoritarian regimes? • What chances existed for tsarism to establish itself as a constitutional monarchy? • Were Trotsky and Lenin dictators in waiting? • How did the Bolsheviks make the Lenin cult? • What opposition did intellectuals offer in the Soviet regime? • What is the nature of contemporary Russian constitutionalism? It is required reading for historians, political scientists, sociologists and everyone interested in modern Russia.

Die Beiträge des Bandes fragen nach der Thematisierung von Herrschaft, Macht, Recht und Gewalt in Tierepen des Mittelalters und der Frühen Neuzeit: Lässt sich hier neben satirischer Kritik auch eine epistemisch tiefer greifende Auseinandersetzung mit den Geltungsgründen politischer Ordnung beobachten? Dabei werden nicht nur Reaktionen auf vorbestehende Normgeltungen sichtbar, sondern auch originäre Reflexionen des Poltischen.

Modern economies must'grow'because money borrowed for investment can be repaid only by expanding production and consumption to meet the burden of usurious rates of interest. The roots of this dynamic between debt and growth lay in the financial revolution of the late seventeenth and early eighteenth centuries in Britain which established a new usurious monetary system.For the first time in history credit was made widely available, but only on condition of an exponentially increasing debt burden. To pay back debts production had to increase correspondingly, leading to the industrial revolution, economic'growth', and modernity itself.Though private creditors gained a monopoly over the creation of credit, and were disproportionately enriched, the resulting economic growth for a time was great enough to benefit most debtors as well as creditors, ensuring widespread prosperity.That is no longer the case. With today's eco-crisis we have reached the limits of growth. We no longer have the natural resources to grow fast enough to pay our debts. This is the real root of our current financial crisis.If we are to live sustainably, our system of money and credit must be transformed. We need a non-usurious monetary system appropriate to a steady-state economy, with capital broadly distributed at non-usurious rates of interest.Such a system was developed by an early nineteenth century American thinker, Edward Kellogg, and is explored here in depth. His work inspired the populist movement and remains more relevant than ever as a viable alternative to the a financial system we can no longer afford.

The 5th Environmental Justice and Global Citizenship conference was held at Oxford, UK in 2006. This decidedly trans-disciplinary, international event attracted participants from traditionally separate academic perspectives; each ambassadors for their disciplines and each seeking and making connections with other disciplines and other understandings. Some of the presentations from this conference have been further developed for inclusion in this book, yielding 14 chapters of paradigmatic richness covering issues ranging from environmental education and the nature of global multinational corporations, to the role of environmental activism and consideration of how democratically representative some campaigns may be. This book will be of great interest to anyone working in these areas as well as an excellent introductory journey for those seeking to become pan-paradigmatic.

This book is a selection of the scholarly works presented at the 2nd International Redefining Europe Conference in Prague, 2005 as a part of the Ashburn Institute's analogous initiative, the goal of which is to advance people's understanding of the future of European civilisation, and to explore the varying dynamics of transatlantic relations. This volume is a 2nd publication in the Redefining Europe Conference Series. The third manuscript will appear in print following the Renewing the Transatlantic Relationship: Prospects for Europe and the United States in an Emerging Multipolar World Conference held in Norman, OK, November 2008. This book is targeted at scholars and students in political science and related disciplines.

This edited collection consists of research papers dealing with different interdisciplinary subtopics from the multifaceted interplay between language and the political sphere. Being intertwined and thus inseparable, language and politics have received a lot of scholarly attention in the last 30 years. The papers published in this collection are at the intersection of several disciplines including critical discourse studies, political science, media, political psychology and sociology. They report on cutting-edge empirical research with discursively communicated political ideas and politicians'utilization of language to persuade the voters to think, behave and vote in a certain way. The papers comprise quantitative, qualitative or mixed methodological approaches (re)addressing multiple social theories and perspectives and challenging existing paradigms. They contribute to burgeoning discussions of theoretical approaches and nuanced case studies in the field placing language as the central medium of politics.

This book documents Japan's psychological deterioration caused by its defeat in August 1945. Also, Japan's traumatic transformation from authoritarianism to democracy is detailed. The study exposes an ideological war between the Soviet Union and the USA within American-occupied Japan, which triggered violent polarization among the Japanese. Under General MacArthur's tutorage, the defeated Japanese were expected to become a peace-loving people, but the Cold War derailed Japan's progress toward freedom and democracy. The “Red Purge,” instituted by MacArthur's Headquarters (GHQ) from 1949 to 1950, triggered the devastating side effects on Japan's academic freedom and freedom of speech. Stanford University Professor Dr. Walter C. Eells (1886–1962) served at the GHQ as an influential education adviser and became the most vocal advocate of the Red Purge. Japanese Marxist historians have constructed the popular postwar narrative of the Red Purge, blaming the GHQ for every failure. The vast archival materials, including the GHQ papers, Eells papers, and Japanese-language documents, revealed that the Red Purge was a serious propaganda battle between the Americans and the Soviets in a war-torn Japan. This propaganda war engendered the violently polarized political climate, in which the conservative Japanese government behaved according to the dictates of US Cold War policy. By revealing feverish tensions within the GHQ regarding communist influences in Japanese universities, this study sheds bright new light on the Red Purge and its lasting impact on Japan's political future.

In 1941, the paper emperors of the Australian newspaper industry helped bring down Robert Menzies. Over the next 30 years, they grew into media monsters.This book reveals the transformation from the golden age of newspapers during World War II, through Menzies'return and the rise of television, to Gough Whitlam's ‘ It's Time'victory in 1972.During this crucial period, twelve independent newspaper companies turned into a handful of multimedia giants. They controlled newspapers, magazines, radio and television stations. Their size and reach was unique in the western world.Playing politics was vital to this transformation. The newspaper industry was animated by friendships and rivalries, favours and deals, and backed by money and influence, including from mining companies, banks and the Catholic Church.Even internationally, Australia's newspaper owners and executives were considered a shrewd and ruthless bunch. The hard men of the industry included Rupert Murdoch, Frank Packer, Warwick Fairfax's top executive Rupert Henderson, and Jack Williams, the unsung empire builder of the Herald and Weekly Times.In Media Monsters, Sally Young, the award-winning author of Paper Emperors, uncovers the key players, their political connections and campaigns, and their corporate failures and triumphs. She explores how the companies they ran still influence Australia today.‘ Essential reading for anyone with a serious interest in how power has been exercised in this country.'— Frank Bongiorno‘ A masterful account of the rise and rise of Australia's newspaper dynasties.'— Bridget Griffen-Foley‘ Original and deep, Media Monsters provides a rich source of fresh information and analysis to the history of the Australian press.'— Rodney Tiffen‘ An absorbing, if salutary, history lesson.'— Julia Taylor, Books + Publishing

Between the Nazi occupation and the anti-communist revolution of 1956, Poland underwent twelve years of Stalinist rule. Using recently-opened archives, historians and social scientists from four countries give the first analysis of the rise and fall of this system. The book is organised in three parts: Construction (external and domestic), Conflicts (above all, communists against the Church and peasantry) and Collapse (during 1956). An Epilogue reviews the whole period in the light of contemporary political debates.

'This collection examines different themes and offers novel interpretations of Hegel's political philosophy. Thus, it sheds new light on what has been perhaps the most controversial area of Hegelian scholarship. It includes eight essays by a group of international scholars at different stages of their career. Its distinctive contribution is that it explores both Hegel's early and mature political philosophy. It includes a paper on Hegel's early essay on'Natural Law', published in two instalments in 1802 and 1803, and the System of Ethical Life, also published in 1802-1803, as well as papers on Hegel's Philosophy of Right (published in 1821). Two papers also discuss'The German Constitution', written between 1798 and 1802. The volume comes as an addition to the current debate that has been occasioned by the bicentenary of Hegel's Philosophy of Right'--

The book represents a selection of papers presented at an international symposium in Singapore on the role of theory and practice in the mutually interactive and mutating relations between institutions and cultures. In effect, the papers turn about a single theme: the ways in which power is expressed through those institutions by means of which cultures mediate their requirements. The symposium brought together scholars and academics from a variety of disciplines, including literature, philosophy, cultural studies, sociology, comparative literature and comparative religions. In terms of the geography of cultures and the history of institutions, the range of reference to this book of the symposium is global: from Hong Kong awaiting 1997, through the travails of political democracy in Singapore, and Cultural Studies à la Greenblatt or under the aegis of Shakespeare as cultural idol, through German Romantic theory and its relevance to current theorizing about theory in America, to Zen Buddhism and Nagarjuna and how these two sources refract the concerns of Jung, Lacan and Derrida; through Colonialism and postcoloniality and how they have shaped identity and mediated power to the current crises in education created by these mediations, specifically, in literary studies. The aim of the symposium was twofold: to theorize about the impulse to theorize in relation to the plurality of cultures and institutions which comprises our contemporary world; and to ground this impulse in those specificities and contingencies which provide resistance to such theorizing.

Packed with insight into contemporary issues and analysis of the latest developments in UK and US Politics, including the 2019 UK General Election and 2020 US election, this textbook is specially designed to help your students perform to the best of their abilities in the AQA Politics Paper 1 and Paper 2 exams. This Student Textbook:- Strengthens your students'understanding of comparative politics through dedicated comparative politics chapters and synoptic links throughout- Builds your students'confidence by highlighting key terms and connections between different topics in the specification- Develops your students'skills of analysis and evaluation through activities, debates and exam-style questions- Provides answer guidance for exam-style questions online at www.hoddereducation.co.uk

An innovative reassessment of philosopher P. F. Strawson's influential “Freedom and Resentment”P. F. Strawson was one of the most important philosophers of the twentieth century, and his 1962 paper “Freedom and Resentment” is one of the most influential in modern moral philosophy, prompting responses across multiple disciplines, from psychology to sociology. In Freedom, Resentment, and the Metaphysics of Morals, Pamela Hieronymi closely reexamines Strawson's paper and concludes that his argument has been underestimated and misunderstood.Line by line, Hieronymi carefully untangles the complex strands of Strawson's ideas. After elucidating his conception of moral responsibility and his division between “reactive” and “objective” responses to the actions and attitudes of others, Hieronymi turns to his central argument. Strawson argues that, because determinism is an entirely general thesis, true of everyone at all times, its truth does not undermine moral responsibility. Hieronymi finds the two common interpretations of this argument, “the simple Humean interpretation” and “the broadly Wittgensteinian interpretation,” both deficient. Drawing on Strawson's wider work in logic, philosophy of language, and metaphysics, Hieronymi concludes that his argument rests on an implicit, and previously overlooked, metaphysics of morals, one grounded in Strawson's “social naturalism.” In the final chapter, she defends this naturalistic picture against objections.Rigorous, concise, and insightful, Freedom, Resentment, and the Metaphysics of Morals sheds new light on Strawson's thinking and has profound implications for future work on free will, moral responsibility, and metaethics.The book also features the complete text of Strawson's “Freedom and Resentment.”

In this book, Michael J. Shapiro stages a series of pedagogical encounters between political theory, represented as a compositional challenge, and cinematic texts, emphasizing how to achieve an effective research paper/essay by heeding the compositional strategies of films. The text's distinctiveness is its focus on the intermediation between two textual genres. It is aimed at providing both a conceptual introduction to the politics of aesthetics and a guide to writing strategies. In its illustrations of encounters between political theory and cinema, the book's critical edge is its emphasis on how to intervene in cinematic texts with innovative conceptual frames in ways that challenge dominant understandings of life worlds. The Cinematic Political is designed as a teaching resource that introduces students to the relationship between film form and political thinking. With diverse illustrative investigations, the book instructs students on how to watch films with an eye toward writing a research paper in which a film (or set of films) constitutes the textual vehicle for political theorizing.

Seminar paper from the year 2019 in the subject Politics - Methods, Research, grade: 1,0, University of Mannheim, course: Methods of International Relations: Social Network Analysis in R, language: English, abstract: In this paper I examine what determines cosponsorship in the EP. In order to answer this question, I briefly discuss the relevant literature and theoretical considerations before I present my hypothesis. Then I first present the results of a social network analysis of members of the European Parliament (MEPs), specifically members of the Legal Affairs Committee (JURI) based on amendment cosponsorship. To conclude, I discuss those findings and express thoughts about future improvements of the dataset. A large part of the work of representatives in legislative bodies consists of crafting bills and amendments to them. Often, representatives cooperate in this task. There are many reasons for this: Getting more support from colleagues or acceptance from constituents, the sharing of workload or to signal policy positions. Tam Cho and Fowler even found that the interconnectedness of representatives can influence the productivity of their institution, leading to influential bills. Fowler used cosponsorship to determine connectedness or social distance in order to explain roll call votes while controlling for ideology and party. Cosponsorship has been found to have position taking and policy significance. But research about these effects is largely focused on the US with its presidential two-party system. The European Parliament (EP) plays an increasingly important role not only for research but also in the polity of the European Union (EU). As a body consisting of publicly elected representatives from national parties organizing in political rather than in national groups, it constitutes a peculiar case to study.

Equality--the battle cry of the French Revolution--has come to be accepted as everyone's birthright today. But what is equality? Is it a chimera in a world manifestly still abounding in inequality among individuals, nations, and races? To this eternally fascinating subject, eighteen outstanding political scientists, jurists, and philosophers address themselves with vigor and profundity in this important and illuminating work.Part I deals with fundamental concepts of equality. The first paper in this section explores such issues as the meaning, the justification, and the dialectics of equality, wherein some of its manifestations are confronted and limited by others. While the second paper criticizes the first essay and examines the legal aspects of equality. Another paper pursues the notion of proportionate equality to what he views as its ultimate reality: that of a purely formal logical concept, while another argues that'egalitarianism'has reference to human interests, which in fact give it content. Another viewpoint considers how far different kinds of equality are compatible with one another and with the enlargement of freedom and fraternity in industrial society. The final paper in this section talks widely over basic issues raised by the various interpretations of equality.Part II deals with sources of beliefs about equality. The papers in this section consider the implications for egalitarianism of Christianity, Judaism, and Hinduism. The final essay in this section surveys the treatment of and implications for egalitarianism in the thinking of the existentialists.Part III is concerned with the political and legal applications of equality. One of the papers suggests that Tocqueville's'providential fact of the gradual development of the principle of equality'might possibly be on the eve of a reversal, and concludes with justification of political equality. Another attacks the notion of equality of opportunity, contending that it is not an authentic expression of the democratic ideal and temper, which requires instead an'affirmation of being and belonging.'Following that the highly topical problem of equality in the administration of justice is discussed as well as, the deals with many subtle distinctions involved in the application of the idea of equality to the rule of law. The book concludes with the topic of treatments of the problem of equality in the realm of international politics and organization.

This volume contains a collection of twenty-nine papers written by H. G. Wells. The essays first appeared in the'New York World', the'Chicago Tribune', and many other American and European papers. They primarily concern post-war international politics, and would be of considerable utility to those with an interest in the subject. The essays include:'The Immensity of the Issue','Armaments - The futility of Mere Limitation','The Trail of Versailles - Two Great Powers are Silent and Absent','The Unknown Soldier of the Great War','The President at Arlington','The First Meeting', and more. Herbert George Wells (1866 - 1946) was a seminal English writer whose notable works include'The War of the Worlds'(1897) and'The Time Machine'(1895). Many vintage texts such as this are increasingly scarce and expensive, and it is with this in mind that we are republishing this book now, in an affordable, high-quality, modern edition. It comes complete with a specially commissioned biography of the author.

The Oxford Handbook of Thucydides contains newly commissioned essays on Thucydides as an historian, thinker, and writer. It also features chapters on Thucydides'intellectual context and ancient reception. The creative juxtaposition of historical, literary, philosophical, and reception studies allows for a better grasp of Thucydides'complex project and its intellectual context, while at the same time providing a comprehensive introduction to the author's ideas. The volume is organized into four sections of papers: History, Historiography, Political Theory, and Context and Reception. It therefore bridges traditionally divided disciplines. The authors engaged to write the forty chapters for this volume include both well-known scholars and less well-known innovators, who bring fresh ideas and new points of view. Articles avoid technical jargon and long footnotes, and are written in an accessible style. Finally, the volume includes a thorough introduction prefacing each paper, as well as several maps and an up-to-date bibliography that will enable further study. The Oxford Handbook of Thucydides offers a comprehensive introduction to a thinker and writer whose simultaneous depth and innovativeness have been the focus of intense literary and philosophical study since ancient times.

At a point in history marked by dramatic challenges to the existing political and social order, the question of legal and political obligation emerges as a focal point of international concern. Amid the clamor for radical change in the established order, theories of political obligation demand renewed examination. In this volume, eighteen leading specialists in the legal, philosophical, and political science aspects of the question offer their views on this timely topic. Part I examines the nature of moral, legal, and political obligation. The first essay presents a set of definitions that denies the very existence of obligation. While the second essay disagreeing particularly with respect to the relationship of political to moral tenets, and the third discussing the highly complex interplay between law and morality. The following essay approaches obligation as existing in the context of an established political and legal system and stresses the importance of evaluating the negative consequences of challenges to the law as well as those arising from the absence of challenges. The next paper maintains that political obligation is so complex that its very existence depends upon rational deliberation in particular contexts. The fifth, explores four significant theories but accepts only the one based on the broadest definition of obligation. While the final essay in this part considers political obligation a unique and generalized moral obligation. Part II takes up the conditions of obligation and of obedience. The first essay in this part discusses the conditions necessary to generate a'felt obligation.'The second paper, concentrates on exposing key obstacles to empirical proof that behavior is or is not motivated by'felt obligation.'While the third draws upon a large body of literature and court decisions dealing with compliance to the law. The forth essay is a case study of Rome probes the role of obligation during that city's seven cent

Shortly after Hooke died in 1703, his miscellaneous papers and unpublished manuscripts were entrusted to Richard Waller, who edited and published some of them in a volume titled The Posthumous Works of Robert Hooke (1705; reprinted, Frank Cass, 1968). Waller himself died, however, before he was able to complete the task of republishing Hooke's papers and they were eventually handed on to William Derham. After delaying for what some of Hooke's followers thought to be a scandalously long time, Derham finally published this volume in 1726. It contains numerous papers and notes by Hooke as well as a number of important papers and letters written by Hooke's contemporaries and found, evidently, among Hooke's literary remains.This is an exact facsimile reproduction of Derham's edition of the Philosophical experiments and Observations of the late Eminent Dr. Rober Hooke (1726) except that an analytical table of contents, prepared by the General Editor, has been added.First Published in 1967. Routledge is an imprint of Taylor & Francis, an informa company.

Glenn Beck, the New York Times bestselling author of The Great Reset, returns with his contemporary adaptation of The Federalist Papers with the inclusion of his own commentary and annotations to help readers interpret and understand the Constitution. Glenn Beck revisited Thomas Paine's famous pre-Revolutionary War call to action in his #1 New York Times bestseller Glenn Beck's Common Sense. Now he brings his historical acumen and political savvy to this fresh, new interpretation of The Federalist Papers, the 18th-century collection of political essays that defined and shaped our Constitution and laid bare the “original argument” between states'rights and big federal government—a debate as relevant and urgent today as it was at the birth of our nation. Adapting a selection of these essential essays—pseudonymously authored by the now well-documented triumvirate of Alexander Hamilton, James Madison, and John Jay—for a contemporary audience, Glenn Beck has had them reworked into “modern” English so as to be thoroughly accessible to anyone seeking a better understanding of the Founding Fathers'intent and meaning when laying the groundwork of our government. Beck provides his own illuminating commentary and annotations and, for a number of the essays, has brought together the viewpoints of both liberal and conservative historians and scholars, making this a fair and insightful perspective on the historical works that remain the primary source for interpreting Constitutional law and the rights of American citizens.

The essays included in this volume are based on papers delivered at the International Symposium on Varieties of Marxism, held at the Van Leer Jerusalem Foundation on June 16-19,1974, and dedicated to the memory of George Lichtheim. When the idea of such a symposium was first raised, the organizers planned to have George Lichtheim as one of the main speakers at the event. In our last and brief meeting in London, I suggested this to him and Lichtheim gave his consent to attend the symposium, though at that time no date was yet fixed. His tragic death a few months later left a gap not only in the program of the symposium but in Marxist studies generally; it was felt that per­ haps one way of paying tribute to his contribution to the study of a subject so near to his mind would be to name the symposium in his memory and devote an introductory paper to an attempt at an intel­ lectual portrait of George Lichtheim as an historian of ideas. The volume as published includes all papers delivered at the sym­ posium, with the excep,tion of the papers of J. L. Talmon (Jerusalem) on'Marxism and Nationalism'and Gajo Petrovic (Zagreb) on'Yugo­ slav Marxism'. Appended is also a short obituary written by me on Lichtheim for the journal Political Science published by the American Political Science Association.

The book reveals different dimensions of modeling in the historical sciences. Papers collected in the first part (Ontology of the Historical Process) consider different models of historical reality and discuss their status. The second part (Modeling in the Methodology of History) presents various forms of idealization in historiographic research. The papers in the third part (Modeling in the Research Practice) present various models of past reality (e.g. of Poland, Central Europe and the general history of the feudal system) put forward by historians. Other papers consider the status of scientific laws and historical generalizations. The volume will be of interest to those who study analytical philosophy of history, methodology of history and social sciences, social philosophy as well as theory and history of historiography.

British discourse during the Mandate, with its unremitting convergence on the problematic ‘native question', and which rested on racial and cultural theories and presumptions, as well as on certain givens drawn from the British class system, has been taken for granted by historians. The validity of cultural representations as pronounced within official correspondence and colonial laws and regulations, as well as within the private papers of colonial officials, survives more or less intact. There are features of colonialism additional to economic and political power, which are glaring yet have escaped examination, which carried cultural weight and had cultural implications and which negatively transformed native society. This was inevitable. But what is less inevitable is the subsequent collusion of historians in this, a (neo-) colonial dynamic. The continued collusion of modern historians with racial and cultural notions concerning the rationale of European rule in Palestine has postcolonial implications. It drags these old notions into the present where their iniquitous barbarity continues to manifest. This study identifies the symbolism of British officials'discourse and intertwines it with the symbolism and imagery of the natives'own discourse (from oral interviews and private family papers). At all times, it remains allied to those writers, philosophers and chroniclers whose central preoccupation is to agitate and challenge authority. This, then, is a return to the old school, a revisiting of the optimistic, vibrant rhetoric of those radicals who continue to inspire post and anti-colonial thinking. In order to dismantle, and to undo and unwrite, A Discourse on Domination in Mandate Palestine holds a mirror up to the language of the Mandatory by counteracting it with its own integrally oppositional discourse and a provocative rhetoric.

The period between 1880 and 1914, the subject of this volume, sees increasing questioning of free trade, especially in those sectors impacted adversely by foreign competition, and within political circles, where the notion of protecting native industries shifted from an agricultural to an industrial base. There was a greater willingness, especially in the Conservative party, to consider it as a viable policy. The ‘constituencies'or interest groups created by free trade however defended it fiercely among the Liberal party and in manufacturing industries, primarily those highly dependent on export markets. Debates on commercial policy in this period had another dimension which had been subsidiary in earlier periods—the colonial empire and the economic, political, and cultural ties with it promoted. The period between 1880 and 1914 was one where the language of empire was at its height and the economic relationship between the Mother Country and the colonies entered political debate in a forceful way.The sources include several petitions from parliamentary papers attacking the system of commercial treaties pursued by the British government. Towards this end, extracts from the journal Fair Trade, and a body of newspaper material detailing extra-parliamentary movements against free trade, from the Leeds Mercury, Glasgow Herald, Pall Mall Gazette, and Daily Mail, are also included. Making the transition to the early twentieth century and the rise of the labour movement, printed sources such as Fabian tracts on tariff reform, as well as material from the International Free Trade Congress, are incorporated.

This volume explores the period between Smith's 1776 The Wealth of Nations and ends in the early days of the Anti-Corn Law League campaign on the eve of the 1841 General Election, which prominently featured contrasting commercial policy options between Conservative and Liberal parties. During this period, we witness the growth of free trade sentiment, with opposition to monopolies like the old Chartered Companies, and attempts to create more liberal bilateral commercial treaties. Most importantly, we see the imposition of the protectionist Corn Laws in 1815 at the behest of a Parliament largely based on the landed interest. Between 1815 and 1846, the Corn Laws become the fulcrum of the entire debate on commercial policy, the ‘keystone in the arch'of the protective system, and slowly, divisions begin to emerge throughout society and between the political parties, culminating in the formation of the Anti-Corn Law League and their attempt to influence politics via ‘pressure from without'. The sources include printed matter such as the diaries of Lord Colchester; various parliamentary papers on commercial policy; printed correspondence of William Pitt, Lord Melbourne, Joseph Sturge; periodical literature from numerous sources such as the Eclectic Review, and The Oriental Herald. Also included is a considerable body of newspaper material from the Manchester Times, Dundee Advertiser, and The Chartist, reflective of the growing importance of the provinces and manufacturing interests in commercial, and local and national politics.

No figure in the Labour movement has attracted such extremes of emotion as has James Ramsay MacDonald. Loved and almost worshipped for more than 30 years, his formation of the National Government in August 1931 incurred hatred, bitterness and contempt from those whom he had led for so long. MacDonald's career and the admiration and odium which it engendered is without parallel in British politics. Originally published in 1978, this book provides an answer to the charge that MacDonald deliberately betrayed the Labour movement by forming a coalition government with the Conservative and Liberal Parties. It examines the criticism that he ruthlessly proceeded to destroy the Labour Party in the General Election of October 1931 – an election which he pledged, only two months earlier, would not be held. Using the private papers and authorised (auto)biographies, and the Cabinet minutes of the day, this book reconstructs what really happened between August 1 and 24 1931, and accounts for the mercilessness with which he is remembered by the Labour Party.