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Thisbook is distinctive because it will be a political science oriented introduction to The Federalist Papers. As most of the editions have introductions by historians, and some of them quite good, there is no readily available edition with a political science focus. Such a focus would not ignore the historical dimensions of the founding and that particular era, but would supplement this historical background with a concentration on the key questions political scientists tend to ask when reading and teaching The Federalist Papers. Questions of power, separation, blending, federalism, and structural design and how they impact the practice of government, questions we political scientists ask, will be the central feature of this edition. The primary audience for this edition would be courses in American Political Thought, American Government (most of which include components of the Federalist Papers) plus courses on the Presidency, Congress, The Judiciary, and Federalism.

The 605 documents presented in Volume 7 of The Papers of James Monroe date from April 1814, the midpoint of Monroe's term as secretary of state under President James Madison, to March 1817, just prior to his inauguration as president.Volume 7 opens in the midst of the War of 1812, documenting Monroe's role as military adviser to President Madison during an ill-fated defense of Washington in August 1814, his appointment as secretary of war in September 1814, and his return to the State Department in March 1815, when he began the work of normalizing relations with the European nations after the end of the Napoleonic wars. Relations with Great Britain remained uneasy, but Monroe reduced friction by negotiating the 1817 Rush-Bagot Treaty, which led to disarmament of the Great Lakes. Numerous documents detail the ill will between the United States and Spain caused by the war, disagreement over possession of Florida, and the revolutions in Spain's American colonies. The volume also addresses the presidential election of 1816. Monroe, in line with the accepted practice at the time, avoided any overt acts that would indicate he was seeking the office. Correspondence with friends and confidants and several campaign essays written by Monroe nevertheless reveal a strategy of a quiet campaign to garner support for his candidacy.

This book reconnects The Federalist Papers to the study of American politics and political development, arguing that the papers contain previously unrecognized theory of institutional power, a theory that enlarges and refines the contribution of the papers to political theory, but also reconnects the papers to the study of American politics.

This fifth volume of The Papers of James Monroe presents many important and never-before published documents relating to the critical years 1803–1811, providing a documentary record of the early American Republic as well as of a future president of the United States.For academic scholars, college and high school students, and general readers interested in the history of the United States, The Papers of James Monroe series has established itself as the go-to resource for primary documents about President James Monroe and the early history of the United States. In this latest volume, readers have access to more than 400 annotated original documents, some of which have never before been published. This fifth volume of this acclaimed series presents a chronologically organized collection of documents covering the period from January 1803 through April 1811. Following an introductory essay, the subjects covered include Monroe's involvement in treaty negotiations with England, Spain, and France—most notably, those talks surrounding the Louisiana Purchase; his candidacy in the 1808 presidential election; and his appointment as secretary of state in 1811.The documents in this volume illuminate the decisions made by American, British, French, and Spanish leaders during this specific period, especially regarding events leading up to the War of 1812, which illustrate how monumental events such as war can result from the choices of certain key individuals.

This book contains fresh approaches to the interaction between regime and society in twentieth-century Russia. It offers new answers to familiar questions: • How useful is'totalitarianism'as a model to categorise authoritarian regimes? • What chances existed for tsarism to establish itself as a constitutional monarchy? • Were Trotsky and Lenin dictators in waiting? • How did the Bolsheviks make the Lenin cult? • What opposition did intellectuals offer in the Soviet regime? • What is the nature of contemporary Russian constitutionalism? It is required reading for historians, political scientists, sociologists and everyone interested in modern Russia.

On September 4, 1971, the office of Lewis Fielding, a psychiatrist practicing in Los Angeles, was broken into. It looked like a run of the mill drug raid. A month later, a homeless man was charged with burglary and the case was considered closed. On June 17, 1972, five men were charged with breaking and entering at the headquarters of the Democratic National Committee in the Watergate Hotel in Washington, D.C. With these two burglaries, one seemingly innocuous while the other was more serious because of the venue, the scandal known as Watergate was born. As the tale of Richard Nixon and his Plumbers began to unfold, it was discovered that one of Lewis Fielding's patients was Daniel Ellsberg, the man who released the Pentagon Papers to the New York Times. Ellsberg was high on Nixon's list of enemies and he vowed to destroy him at all costs. In Wild Man, Tom Wells explores the life of Daniel Ellsberg to discover what makes an individual enact the most severe breach of government security ever to occur in the United States. As Wells follows Ellsberg from his early days as a piano prodigy to his years of great promise at Harvard, we see the development of a volatile, narcissistic loner with a voracious sexual appetite, a highly developed intelligence and, most importantly, the overwhelming need to take centre stage in the pageant known as America. In Wild Man, Tom Wells creates an unforgettable picture of Daniel Ellsberg, an American Everyman for the seventies who embodied the promise and paranoia of that uncertain time. This is a thrilling piece of biography that will stand as one of the great American portraits.

This book analyzes the newspaper coverage of one of America's most famous and dramatic trials–the trial of the “Chicago 8.” Covering a five month period from September 1969 to February 1970 the book considers the way eight radical activists including Black Panther leader Bobby Seale, antiwar activists Tom Hayden, David Dellinger, and Rennie Davis, and leading Yippies, Abbie Hoffman and Jerry Rubin are represented in the press. How did the New York Times represent Judge Hoffman's decision to chain and gag Bobby Seale in the courtroom for demanding his right to represent himself? To what extent did the press adequately describe the injustice visited on the defendants in the trial by the presiding Judge, Julius J Hoffman? The author aims to answer these questions and demonstrate the press's reluctance to criticize Judge Hoffman in the case until the evidence of his misconduct of the trial became overwhelming.

Journalism in the Civil War Era presents the historical context of Civil War journalism—placing the press of the era within the entire nineteenth century. It gives a broad account of journalism in the Civil War, reflecting on the political, military, legal, and journalistic issues involved in this era. It is written with chapters that examine these various facets of the journalism of the period, but they are connected by the theme of the development of the wartime press, with an emphasis on the professional, political, social, economic, legal, and military factors that affected it. It provides: An in-depth look at the political press in the 1850s and 1860s, and how it played a major role in the nation's understanding of the conflict; Technology's role in carrying information in a timely fashion; The development of journalism as a profession; The international context of Civil War journalism; The leadership journalists displayed, including Horace Greeley and his New York Tribune bully pulpit; The nature of journalism during the war; The way freedom of the press was advanced by polarizing political extremes. The work is historical, written in an engaging style, and meant to encourage readers to explore and analyze the value of freedom of the press during that very time when it most comes under fire—wartime. “David W. Bulla and Gregory A. Borchard explore ties between journalism and politics and between New York and the Midwest (then known as the West) before the Civil War. Newspapers shared an increasing emphasis on information over opinion. Facts often tended to fit the editors'agendas with winners overplaying their triumphs and losers becoming more restrained. Major newspapers, particularly the New York Herald with the largest investment in correspondents, placed news on the front page and interpretation inside, even while publisher James Gordon Bennett initially blamed Lincoln for the war. Major dailies increasingly reported news from the front and smaller papers relied more on opinion and local angles.”—William E. Huntzicker, Minneapolis writer and author of The Popular Press 1833-1865'Bulla and Borchard have produced what has been long needed in the study of U.S. Civil War journalism: a social and cultural history of the American press that goes beyond anecdotal accounts of war news. They explore the nature of the Civil War-era press itself in all its strengths and weaknesses, ranging from political and economic grandstanding and over-the-top verbal grandiloquence to the sheer bravery and determination of a number of editors, publishers, and journalists who viewed their tasks as interpreters and informers of the day's news. Using a mix of carefully selected case studies as well as an extensive study of newspapers both large and small, this highly readable work places the Civil War press squarely where it belongs—as a part of the larger social and cultural experience of mid-nineteenth century America.'—Mary M. Cronin, Department of Journalism, New Mexico State University'The study of Civil War journalism has traditionally been treated as a facet of the history of war correspondence, but war reporting does not exist in a vacuum, as David Bulla and Gregory Borchard skillfully show readers in their latest edition of Journalism in the Civil War Era. This new edition freshens the book's original version by expanding on their insightful examination of the way the American Civil War ushered in the greater reliance on the information model of journalism, which would exist side-by-side with the existing partisan model. Few scholars have attempted the sort of holistic study that examines not only the nature of Civil War journalism but,

The book represents a selection of papers presented at an international symposium in Singapore on the role of theory and practice in the mutually interactive and mutating relations between institutions and cultures. In effect, the papers turn about a single theme: the ways in which power is expressed through those institutions by means of which cultures mediate their requirements. The symposium brought together scholars and academics from a variety of disciplines, including literature, philosophy, cultural studies, sociology, comparative literature and comparative religions. In terms of the geography of cultures and the history of institutions, the range of reference to this book of the symposium is global: from Hong Kong awaiting 1997, through the travails of political democracy in Singapore, and Cultural Studies à la Greenblatt or under the aegis of Shakespeare as cultural idol, through German Romantic theory and its relevance to current theorizing about theory in America, to Zen Buddhism and Nagarjuna and how these two sources refract the concerns of Jung, Lacan and Derrida; through Colonialism and postcoloniality and how they have shaped identity and mediated power to the current crises in education created by these mediations, specifically, in literary studies. The aim of the symposium was twofold: to theorize about the impulse to theorize in relation to the plurality of cultures and institutions which comprises our contemporary world; and to ground this impulse in those specificities and contingencies which provide resistance to such theorizing.

Glenn Beck, the New York Times bestselling author of The Great Reset, returns with his contemporary adaptation of The Federalist Papers with the inclusion of his own commentary and annotations to help readers interpret and understand the Constitution. Glenn Beck revisited Thomas Paine's famous pre-Revolutionary War call to action in his #1 New York Times bestseller Glenn Beck's Common Sense. Now he brings his historical acumen and political savvy to this fresh, new interpretation of The Federalist Papers, the 18th-century collection of political essays that defined and shaped our Constitution and laid bare the “original argument” between states'rights and big federal government—a debate as relevant and urgent today as it was at the birth of our nation. Adapting a selection of these essential essays—pseudonymously authored by the now well-documented triumvirate of Alexander Hamilton, James Madison, and John Jay—for a contemporary audience, Glenn Beck has had them reworked into “modern” English so as to be thoroughly accessible to anyone seeking a better understanding of the Founding Fathers'intent and meaning when laying the groundwork of our government. Beck provides his own illuminating commentary and annotations and, for a number of the essays, has brought together the viewpoints of both liberal and conservative historians and scholars, making this a fair and insightful perspective on the historical works that remain the primary source for interpreting Constitutional law and the rights of American citizens.

During his presidency, Thomas Jefferson both sponsored and wrote for his own newspaper, the National Intelligencer and Washington Advertiser. The newspaper spoke on behalf of his policies and those of his Republican, anti-federalist party, the Democratic-Republicans, the precursor to today's Democrats. Author Mel Laracey focuses on the newspaper's message during Jefferson's first term, showing how the third president used media to promote his administration and its goals against their political rivals, the Federalists. Informing a Nation shows how Jefferson and his allies dealt with political challenges, reveals hitherto unexamined aspects of the early presidency, and raises broad questions of the relationship between the presidency and media today.

In this book, Michael J. Shapiro stages a series of pedagogical encounters between political theory, represented as a compositional challenge, and cinematic texts, emphasizing how to achieve an effective research paper/essay by heeding the compositional strategies of films. The text's distinctiveness is its focus on the intermediation between two textual genres. It is aimed at providing both a conceptual introduction to the politics of aesthetics and a guide to writing strategies. In its illustrations of encounters between political theory and cinema, the book's critical edge is its emphasis on how to intervene in cinematic texts with innovative conceptual frames in ways that challenge dominant understandings of life worlds. The Cinematic Political is designed as a teaching resource that introduces students to the relationship between film form and political thinking. With diverse illustrative investigations, the book instructs students on how to watch films with an eye toward writing a research paper in which a film (or set of films) constitutes the textual vehicle for political theorizing.

The rapid expansion of the newspaper business in the first decade of the American republic had crucial consequences for cultural, commercial, and political life in the early United States, as the nation went from having dozens of weekly newspapers to hundreds. Before organized newsrooms and bureaus came on the scene, these fledgling publications were filled with content copied from other newspapers as well as letters, poems, religious tracts, and ribald anecdotes submitted by readers. Taking up the New Hampshire newspaper industry as its case study, American Intelligence unpacks the ways in which an unprecedented quantity of printed material was gathered, distributed, marketed, and consumed, as well as the strong influence that it had on the shaping of the American political imagination. Ben P. Lafferty also considers the lives of the printers themselves and asks why so many men chose to pursue such a fraught and turbulent profession. This snapshot resonates with the contemporary media-saturated and politically chaotic age.

At a point in history marked by dramatic challenges to the existing political and social order, the question of legal and political obligation emerges as a focal point of international concern. Amid the clamor for radical change in the established order, theories of political obligation demand renewed examination. In this volume, eighteen leading specialists in the legal, philosophical, and political science aspects of the question offer their views on this timely topic. Part I examines the nature of moral, legal, and political obligation. The first essay presents a set of definitions that denies the very existence of obligation. While the second essay disagreeing particularly with respect to the relationship of political to moral tenets, and the third discussing the highly complex interplay between law and morality. The following essay approaches obligation as existing in the context of an established political and legal system and stresses the importance of evaluating the negative consequences of challenges to the law as well as those arising from the absence of challenges. The next paper maintains that political obligation is so complex that its very existence depends upon rational deliberation in particular contexts. The fifth, explores four significant theories but accepts only the one based on the broadest definition of obligation. While the final essay in this part considers political obligation a unique and generalized moral obligation. Part II takes up the conditions of obligation and of obedience. The first essay in this part discusses the conditions necessary to generate a'felt obligation.'The second paper, concentrates on exposing key obstacles to empirical proof that behavior is or is not motivated by'felt obligation.'While the third draws upon a large body of literature and court decisions dealing with compliance to the law. The forth essay is a case study of Rome probes the role of obligation during that city's seven cent

Equality--the battle cry of the French Revolution--has come to be accepted as everyone's birthright today. But what is equality? Is it a chimera in a world manifestly still abounding in inequality among individuals, nations, and races? To this eternally fascinating subject, eighteen outstanding political scientists, jurists, and philosophers address themselves with vigor and profundity in this important and illuminating work.Part I deals with fundamental concepts of equality. The first paper in this section explores such issues as the meaning, the justification, and the dialectics of equality, wherein some of its manifestations are confronted and limited by others. While the second paper criticizes the first essay and examines the legal aspects of equality. Another paper pursues the notion of proportionate equality to what he views as its ultimate reality: that of a purely formal logical concept, while another argues that'egalitarianism'has reference to human interests, which in fact give it content. Another viewpoint considers how far different kinds of equality are compatible with one another and with the enlargement of freedom and fraternity in industrial society. The final paper in this section talks widely over basic issues raised by the various interpretations of equality.Part II deals with sources of beliefs about equality. The papers in this section consider the implications for egalitarianism of Christianity, Judaism, and Hinduism. The final essay in this section surveys the treatment of and implications for egalitarianism in the thinking of the existentialists.Part III is concerned with the political and legal applications of equality. One of the papers suggests that Tocqueville's'providential fact of the gradual development of the principle of equality'might possibly be on the eve of a reversal, and concludes with justification of political equality. Another attacks the notion of equality of opportunity, contending that it is not an authentic expression of the democratic ideal and temper, which requires instead an'affirmation of being and belonging.'Following that the highly topical problem of equality in the administration of justice is discussed as well as, the deals with many subtle distinctions involved in the application of the idea of equality to the rule of law. The book concludes with the topic of treatments of the problem of equality in the realm of international politics and organization.

Between the Nazi occupation and the anti-communist revolution of 1956, Poland underwent twelve years of Stalinist rule. Using recently-opened archives, historians and social scientists from four countries give the first analysis of the rise and fall of this system. The book is organised in three parts: Construction (external and domestic), Conflicts (above all, communists against the Church and peasantry) and Collapse (during 1956). An Epilogue reviews the whole period in the light of contemporary political debates.

The Irish Civil War and Society sheds new light on the social currents shaping the Irish Civil War, from the'politics of respectability'behind animosities and discourses; to the intersection of social conflicts with political violence; to the social dimensions of the war's messy aftermath.

Offering a comprehensive account of the work of Hedley Bull, Ayson analyses the breadth of Bull's work as a Foreign Office official for Harold Wilson's government, the complexity of his views, including Bull's unpublished papers, and challenges some of the comfortable assertions about Bull's place in the English School of IR.

Political theory offers a great variety of interpretive traditions and models. Today, pluralism is the paradigm. But are all approaches equally useful? What are their limits and possibilities? Can we practice them in isolation, or can we combine them? Modeling Interpretation and the Practice of Political Theory addresses these questions in a refreshing and hands- on manner. It not only models in the abstract, but also tests in practice eight basic schemes of interpretation with which any ambitious reader of political texts should already be familiar. Comprehensive and engaging, the book includes: A straightforward typology of interpretation in political theory. Chapters on the analytical Oxford model, biographical and oeuvre- based interpretation, Skinner's Cambridge School, the esoteric model, reflexive hermeneutics, reception analysis and conceptual history. Original readings of Federalist Paper No. 10, Plato's Statesman, de Gouges's The Three Urns, Rivera's wall painting The History of Mexico and Strauss's Persecution and the Art of Writing; with further chapters on Machiavelli, Huang Zongxi and a Hittite loyalty oath. An Epilogue proposing pragmatist eclecticism as the way forward in interpretation. An inspiring, hands- on textbook suitable for undergraduate and graduate students, as well as experienced scholars of political theory, intellectual history and philosophy interested in learning more about types and models of interpretation, and the challenge of combining them in interpretive practice.

This handbook assesses the phenomenon of populism—a concept frequently belabored, but often misunderstood in politics. Rising populism presents one of the great challenges for liberal democracies, but despite the large body of research, the larger picture remains elusive. This volume seeks to understand the causes and workings of modern-day populism, and plumb the depths of the fears and frustrations of people who have forsaken established parties. Although the main focus of this volume is political science, there are more disciplines represented in order to get a whole picture of the debate. It is comprised of strong empirical and theoretical papers that also bear social relevance.

This book began as a collection of papers presented at a conference entitled ‘The Future Business of Higher Education'held at Oxford University. The contributions range from those who grapple with the question of what a University should do, through those concerned with making Higher Education more efficient, to some who were already planning for some technologically inevitable virtual future. These disparate leanings led to inevitable conflict and a challenge in editing into book form. In compiling and editing the chapters the editor has tried to preserve some of the diversity of opinion presented at Oxford. By doing so it is apparent that some individual contributors would find unacceptable much of what others in the book have to say. The traditionalists clash with the modernizers, the Left with the Right, Public with Private and the theorists with the practitioners. It is this very divergence of philosophical opinion as to the future of Higher Education that makes this book such an enjoyable and stimulating read.

This book decisively advances the academic debate on politicisation beyond the state of the art. It is the first book to theorise and conceptualise ‘politicisation'across the epistemic communities of different subdisciplines, bringing together the different strands in the debate: (international) political theory, political sociology, comparative politics, EU studies, legal theory and international relations. This provides a comprehensive discussion of different concepts of politicisation, their ontological and theoretical backgrounds, and their analytical value, including speech-act, practice- and actor-oriented approaches. Furthermore, the linkages of politicisation to the concepts of politics and the political, democracy, depoliticisation, juridification, populism, and Euroscepticism are clarified. Finally, the book shows how the methodological toolbox in empirical politicisation research can be completed regarding different arenas, actors and modes of politicisation. The volume thus provides a much-needed theoretical and conceptual reflection to the newly emerging research field of politicisation in order to recognise and define the key issues and build a solid foundation for further debate and empirical research. ‘When does something come to be considered political - for good or for ill? In social scientific terms, what is politicisation, under what conditions does it occur, created by whom, and with what consequences. These questions drive this outstanding collection of papers that explore how politicization is to be theorized and methodologies for its study. Rather than just a special sphere of activity, the volume demonstrates how politics is best thought of as an activity that can occur across individual and various collective levels. One of the signature contributions of this volume is its exploration of these issues across disciplines: political science, philosophy, sociology and international relations. The texts will be of interest toall students of politics at a time when the very basis of political identity, action, and organization is contested, normatively and analytically. The texts will help bring clarity to these debates.'—David L. Swartz, Department of Sociology, Boston University, USA ‘Politization has become a widely used and disputed term In International Relations (IR) and more recently in comparative politics as well. This edited volume tries to elevate the term politization onto an analytical concept by i.a. opening it up for action theoretical and organizational approaches. One of the great achievements of the editor is to bring conceptual order into a dispersed debate across political science and its subdisciplines. Moreover, the contributions show how to apply the concept(s) of politization on such different subjects such as democratization, de-democratization, transitions, denationalization or the emergence of populism and Euroscepticism. This is a muchawaited bookwhich can become a conceptual point of reference for better understanding the evolution of national and international regimes.'—Wolfgang Merkel, Humboldt University of Berlin, Germany

This book mines the early history of modern Lebanon, focusing on the country's Jewish community and examining inter-Lebanese relations. It gives voice to personal testimonies, family archives, private papers, recollections of expatriate and resident Lebanese Jewish communities, as well as rarely tapped archival sources. With unique access to the Jewish communities in Lebanon and the Greater Middle East, the author presents both history and memory of Lebanon's Jews, considering what, how, and why they choose to remember their Lebanese lives. The work retells the history of Lebanon by placing Lebanese Jews into the country's narrative from the 1920s to 1970s, including an examination of the role they played in the construction of Lebanon's multi-sectarian system.

Political Economy in the Modern State is Harold Innis's transitional and, in some respects, his most transformative book. Completed in 1946, it is a collection of fifteen chapters plus a remarkable Preface selected and crafted to address four main themes: the problem of power and peace in the post-War era; the ascent of specialized and mechanized forms of knowledge involving, most particularly, the media, the state, and the academy; the crisis facing civilization and, more generally, the modern penchant for unreflexive short-term thinking in the face of mounting contradictions; and Innis's growing focus on what would be called media bias.In this new edition, editors Robert E. Babe and Edward A. Comor provide not only a general introduction to Innis's largely forgotten book but also dedicated introductions to each of its fifteen chapters and a comprehensive index. Together, Babe and Comor demonstrate how Innis's volume reflects a shift in Innis's focus, away from analytical relativism towards, instead, a reflexive search for objective truths.

Alena Ledeneva invites you on a voyage of discovery to explore society's open secrets, unwritten rules and know-how practices. Broadly defined as ‘ways of getting things done', these invisible yet powerful informal practices tend to escape articulation in official discourse. They include emotion-driven exchanges of gifts or favours and tributes for services, interest-driven know-how (from informal welfare to informal employment and entrepreneurship), identity-driven practices of solidarity, and power-driven forms of co-optation and control. The paradox, or not, of the invisibility of these informal practices is their ubiquity. Expertly practised by insiders but often hidden from outsiders, informal practices are, as this book shows, deeply rooted all over the world, yet underestimated in policy. Entries from the five continents presented in this volume are samples of the truly global and ever-growing collection, made possible by a remarkable collaboration of over 200 scholars across disciplines and area studies. By mapping the grey zones, blurred boundaries, types of ambivalence and contexts of complexity, this book creates the first Global Map of Informality. The accompanying database (www.in-formality.com) is searchable by region, keyword or type of practice, so do explore what works, how, where and why!Praise for The Global Encyclopaedia of Informality'The chapter introductions, like many of the entries, subsume a huge quantity of analytical and theoretical reflections of enormous depth.... If there were door-to-door encyclopedias sellers, this would be a bestseller.'Periferia'This unique work collaborates with more than two hundred scholars across the globe, illustrating how informal practices are deeply embedded across the planet, playing a crucial role in truly “getting anything done” while still remaining underestimated in policy-making procedures and business life. The book puts international human behavior into perspective, and is wholly mesmerizing.'Philly Biz Leaders'Must-Read Books of 2018, Philadelphia Magazine‘The Global Informality Project unveils new ways of understanding how the state functions and ways in which civil servants and citizens adapt themselves to different local contexts by highlighting the diversity of the relationships between state and society. The project is of great interest to policymakers who want to imagine solutions that are benefi cial for all, but sufficiently pragmatic to ensure a seamless implementation, particularly in the field of cross-border trade in developing countries.'Kunio Mikuriya, Secretary General of the World Customs Organisation, Brussels‘An extremely interesting and stimulating collection of papers. Ledeneva's challenging ideas, first applied in the context of Russia's economy of shortage, came to full blossom and are here contextualized by practices from other countries and contemporary systems. Many original and relevant practices were recognized empirically in socialist countries, but this book shows their generality.'János Kornai, Allie S. Freed Professor of Economics Emeritus at Harvard and Professor Emeritus at Corvinus University of Budapest‘Alena Ledeneva's Global Encyclopedia of Informality is a unique contribution, providing a global atlas of informal practices through the contributions of over 200 scholars across the world. It is far more rewarding for the reader to discover how commonalities of informal behavior become apparent through this rich texture like a complex and hidden pattern behind local colors than to presume top down universal benchmarks of good versus bad behavior. This book is a plea against reductionist approaches of mathematics in social science in general, and corruption studies in particular and makes a great read,

This book looks at the backstage of the Organisation for Economic Co-Operation and Development's (OECD) educational agendas. By explaining the rise and fall of its first educational agenda – Recurrent Education – it explores the organisation's institutional structures and functioning, as well as its decision-making processes. The volume brings together theoretical approaches and empirical findings to expound on the organisation's three overlapping constitutive dimensions of actor, arena, and instrument. The study shows the significance of intertwined institutional and conceptual changes for educational agenda-setting and knowledge production within the organization. The author turns the focus from the diffusion/reception of international policies to their production, and analyses a large volume of internal documents across time (1960s–1980s).

This book explores and problematises the war discourse regarding Egypt's victory in the 1973 War. It traces the process through which this discourse was constructed and reconstructed by the state throughout the periods of President Anwar Sadat, his successor Hosni Mubarak, and afterwards. It uses Critical Discourse Analysis to combine analysis of texts commemorating the war with a study of the socio-political milieu related to personal authoritarianism and the state's intricate relations with the army, the press and Islamists.

The author of this stunning set of essays on politics and public policy makes crystal clear the meaning of the title.'The revolutionaries of contemporary America do not seek to redistribute privilege from those who have it to those who do not. These radicals wish to arrange a transfer of power from those elites who now exercise it to another elite, namely themselves, who do not. This aspiring elite is of the same race (white), the same class (upper middle and upper), and the same educational background (the best colleges and universities) as those they wish to displace.'Wildavsky's bracing work takes a close look at these elites, who probably make up little more than one percent of the population. He sees their common denominator as hostility toward the masses, anti-American attitudes, derision of authority, and a belief in participatory rather than representative politics. The author carries through these themes in a variety of essays on black-white racial relations, social work orientations and black militancy, the politics of budgetary reform, elite and mass trends in the political party system, and the substitution of bureaucratic for democratic modes of advancing the policy process. This work is, in short, vintage Wildavsky: tough minded, spirited, and plain-spoken political analysis. In his new Introduction, Irving Louis Horowitz examines what has changed and what continues to be salient in Wildavsky's line of analysis. Essentially, the report card on The Revolt Against the Masses is that the situation described in these essays has changed somewhat in style but hardly at all in substance. The nuclear shield replaces the ABM treaty, and Afghanistan replaces Vietnam as centers of political gravity-but the same coalition of forces across party and economy still dominate the American political process. The justifiably famous essay on'The Two Presidencies'shows how persistent is the gap between the conflict over domestic priorities and the consensus on foreign policy-and why. This is, in short, a classic text that continues to merit careful study by all those interested in political life. Aaron Wildavsky was, until his death in 1993, professor of political science and public policy at the University of California in Berkeley. He was also director of its Survey Research Center. He served as director of the Russell-Sage Foundation, was a president of the American Political Science Association, and held a number of visiting professorships during his lifetime. Most recently, Transaction has posthumously published Wildavsky's complete essays and papers in five volumes. Irving Louis Horowitz is Hannah Arendt distinguished university professor emeritus at Rutgers, The State University, and longtime friend and associate of Aaron Wildavsky.

Focusing on the forces underlying headlines, this volume examines the processes and outcomes of political socialization-the ways in which an individual acquires the attitudes, beliefs, and values of the political culture from the surrounding environment, and takes on a role as citizen within that political framework.Political Socialization vividly points out the contradiction currently existing between the optimism found in the traditional literature of this field and the reality of dramatic present-day incidents. This book offers a selection of papers that advance the recognized approach and set forth the new thinking on the subject. It provides a survey of both sides of this thought-provoking debate and, as such, remains as valid today as when it was first published in 1970.An incisive introduction by the editor defines and outlines the issues and problems involved, and places the various contributions in perspective. Greenberg voices the belief that'a significant number of the young and highly educated are beginning to bring into question the legitimacy of political, social, and economic arrangements'and that the Vietnam War and the civil rights movement were socializing events, playing as powerful a role as did the Depression for the parents of the younger generation. The debate format will provide the reader with a variety of commentary and lead them to form their own judgment on these major historical intellectual disputes.

From Benjamin Franklin's drawing of the first American political cartoon in 1754 to contemporary cartoonists'blistering attacks on George W. Bush and initial love-affair with Barack Obama, editorial cartoons have been a part of American journalism and politics. American Political Cartoons chronicles the nation's highs and lows in an extensive collection of cartoons that span the entire history of American political cartooning.'Good cartoons hit you primitively and emotionally,'said cartoonist Doug Marlette.'A cartoon is a frontal attack, a slam dunk, a cluster bomb.'Most cartoonists pride themselves on attacking honestly, if ruthlessly. American Political Cartoons recounts many direct hits, recalling the discomfort of the cartoons'targets and the delight of their readers.Through skillful combination of pictures and words, cartoonists galvanize public opinion for or against their subjects. In the process they have revealed truths about us and our democratic system that have been both embarrassing and ennobling. Stephen Hess and Sandy Northrop note that not all cartoonists have worn white hats. Many have perpetuated demeaning ethnic stereotypes, slandered honest politicians, and oversimplified complex issues.

This book outlines and analyzes John Locke's political thought about the oceans with a focus on law and freedom at sea. The book examines the Two Treatises of Government, in which Locke argues that the seas are collectively owned by all humans and are governed by universal natural laws that prohibit piracy. Locke's Two Treatises provides a systematic political theory of the seas that contributes to theories of international law and maritime law, but his text does not answer the practical question of how to enforce law effectively at sea. The book also considers how Locke translated his theoretical ideas into practice when he was involved in policymaking as a member of England's Board of Trade during the 1690s. On the Board, Locke waged a war against pirates by proposing an anti-piracy treaty between Europe's major maritime states, by successfully advocating a new English piracy law, and by supporting the deployment of the English Navy against pirates. Locke's war against pirates was consistent with the natural law theory in the Two Treatises, and helped to build English empire on land and at sea. There is also consistency between Locke's theoretical views about slavery and his work on the Board of Trade. As a Board member, Locke advocated forced migration and forced labor for English convicts, which is consistent with the theory of penal slavery in the Two Treatises and suggests that his theory was intended to justify the enslavement of English convicts. However, there are tensions between Locke's arguments in the Two Treatises and the policies of forced naval service that he supported on the Board. Locke's theories of law and freedom at sea shaped his vision of English national identity, and influenced the English government's policies about slavery and piracy.

This volume places the development of the Joint Module «Comparative Studies in Adult Education and Lifelong Learning» (COMPALL) in the context of international development in higher education and adult education. Based on this framework, the authors discuss the development of the joint module in terms of its institutional and didactical structure as well as participants'motivation and diversity. The book is divided into three parts: (1) Internationalisation in Higher Education, (2) Internationalisation of Higher Education: The Case of Adult Education, and (3) Internationalisation of Higher Education: The Example of COMPALL.

Nationalism is a collection of papers from the British Sociological Association conference, Worlds of the Future. The central themes of the conference were ethnicity and nationalism in the contemporary world. Older discourses on national sovereignty and statehood are evaluated in terms of their validity within a world increasingly defined by transnational integration and global economic competition.

Research on federalism is rarely concerned with its philosophical foundations. However, arguments on why and how best to organise a plurality of states in a multilevel political order have first been discussed by philosophers and continue to inspire contemporary reasoning on international and supranational relations not only in political philosophy. This book offers a unique overview of the philosophical foundations of federalism from both a historical and a systematic perspective. The analyses proposed by renowned scholars from the US and from several European countries cover classic writers such as Hobbes and the authors of the Federalist Papers, Kant and Rawls, and range from anthropological justifications of federal orders to contemporary problems of EU constitutionalism, the principle of subsidiarity and the jurisdiction of the European Court of Human Rights (ECHR). The book is of relevance to anyone interested in philosophical justifications of federalism.

Engels Today marks the centenary of Frederick Engels death through a collection of papers engaging with the thought of Marx's only close collaborator, who was influential in his own right, as well as in his attempted popularisation of'Marxism'. Specialists in different disciplines here address what is still alive in Engels'contributions to them; they discuss matters that remain influential, or controversial, in the works of this great socialist and thinker, relating to Nature, Science, Women, Revolution, Democracy, Economics, Materialism and Class.

India-South Korea bilateral relations achieved a critical landmark with the upgrade of a fast growing relationship to a ‘Strategic Partnership'. As a timely initiative intended to contribute to the process of this upgrade, two premier strategic think tanks, namely the United Services Institution of India (USI) and Research Institute for National Security Affairs (RINSA), South Korea, undertook a joint research project. The project brought together in house security scholars from the Indian and South Korean think tanks to reflect on specified security themes. In true bilateral spirit, a total of eight scholars - four each from USI and RINSA (South Korea), took part in this project. Since both nations today stand at the cusp of a strategic partnership, four themes of strategic significance were chosen for joint research. The themes broadly dealt with Geopolitics of the Regions, India-South Korea Bilateral Relations, Security Cooperation and Nuclear Issues. Each theme was addressed by two scholars-one from India and one from South Korea. This ensured that each theme was ‘viewed'from both vantage spots. This collection of papers is the first structured attempt to state both Indian and South Korean perspectives on chosen strategic themes. The hope is that it will serve as the start point of further engagement and research, and will be able to guide those involved in crafting the trajectory of this strategic partnership.

This book challenges the common image of the European Commission as an insulated technocracy immune to political pressures. Based on an innovative combination of public opinion, protest and media data, it first demonstrates that European integration has become increasingly politicised since the 1990s. Against this background, the Commission is now much more concerned about the public appeal of its policies. That, however, challenges and contradicts the well-worn patterns of supranational regulation in Europe. Rauh systematically compares 17 legislative drafting processes in consumer policy between 1999 and 2009. Based on first-hand insider accounts of involved officials, his analysis indicates that the Commission's policy choices indeed become more consumer friendly under higher levels of public awareness. While this improves the democratic quality of European decision-making, the book also reveals an enhanced conflict potential within the Commission and beyond which threatens to undermine the efficiency of legislative decision-making in the EU.

The First Northern Ireland Peace Process covers the various attempts to end the'Troubles'from 1972-76. These attempts included secret talks with the Provisional IRA and a parallel process to build a political consensus between the British and Irish Governments and the main constitutional parties in Northern Ireland.

This book collects the work of Zhao Baoxu, a prominent scholar of political science, international political scientist and educator. It features more than 14 papers that fully explore the political thoughts of Professor Zhao, who was deeply rooted in his concern for China, its people and the world.Going through the vicissitudes in both the 20th and the 21st centuries, Mr. Zhao witnessed and experienced the twists and turns in the birth and development of political science in China. He also participated and promoted the restoration and advancement of contemporary political science in China. Roaming widely in the studies on social science, philosophy, politics, culture and international relations, he spared no effort to explore the political nature and development trend of human society and the path to rejuvenate China and lead the nation towards a high level of civilization. In addition, he ardently appealed for world peace and common development.Inside this book, readers will discover rich and profound political thoughts, intellectual treasures in the area of social culture and political science in China. Professor Zhao's work offers scholars a unique insight into understanding and grasping the history and development of socialism with Chinese characteristics.

This book explores the relationship between the religious beliefs of presidents and their foreign policymaking. Through the application of a new methodological approach that provides a cognetic narrative of each president, this study reveals the significance of religion's impact on U.S. foreign policy.

Oswald Mosley has been reviled as a fascist and lamented as the lost leader of both Conservative and Labour Parties. Concerned to articulate the demands of the war generation and to pursue an agenda for economic and political modernization his ultimate rejection of existing institutions and practices led him to fascism.

Private papers, diaries and government and Foreign Office records are used within this book to produce an analysis of the attitudes of the British political elite towards the Soviet Union, assessing the influence such attitudes had upon British foreign policy between May 1937 and August 1939.

Although Calvin Coolidge is widely judged to have been a weak and even an incompetent president, this study concludes that he was a leader disabled by a crippling emotional breakdown. After an impressive early career, Coolidge assumed the presidency upon the death of Warren Harding. His promising political career suffered a major blow, however, with the death of his favorite child, 16-year-old Calvin Jr., in July 1924. Overwhelmed with grief, Coolidge showed distinct signs of clinical depression. Losing interest in politics, he served out his term as a broken man. This is the first account of Coolidge's life to compare his behavior before and after this tragedy, and the first to consider the importance of Coolidge's mental health in his presidential legacy.Gilbert carefully documents the dramatic change in Coolidge's leadership style, as well as the changes in his personal behavior. In his early career, Coolidge worked hard, was progressive, and politically astute. When he became Vice President in 1921, he impressed the Washington establishment by being strong and activist. After Harding's death, Coolidge took control of his party, dazzled the press, distanced himself from the Harding scandals, and showed ability in domestic and foreign policy. His son's death would destroy all of this. Gilbert documents Coolidge's subsequent dysfunctional behavior, including sadistic tendencies, rudeness and cruelty to family and aides, and odd interactions with the White House staff.

China's Maritime Power dates back thousands of years. China has one of the oldest naval traditions in the world, dating from at least the end of the Warring States period in 221 BC. Nonetheless, China has historically been a continental state with a large ground force and only a coastal navy with limited blue water capability. The rise of modern day China raises considerable regional and security concerns, besides economic and political competition towards finding a rightful place in power politics of the South Asian Region and hence needs a critical analysis. There is a need to focus future strategies to deal with such challenges, both in the medium and long term. An effort to achieve the same has been undertaken in this book. The book is sure to stimulate further discussions on China's navy and its ambitions.

Drawing on interviews with key players and previously unused archival sources, this book offers a fascinating account of a critical period in Fine Gael's history when the party was challenged to define its place in Irish politics.

Justin D. Garrison provides an original and groundbreaking analysis of Ronald Reagan's imagination as it was expressed mainly in his presidential speeches. He argues that the predominant strain of Reagan's imagination is'chimeric,'that is, imbued with a high degree of optimism, romantic dreaminess, naiveté, and illusion. Reagan spoke often about religion, democracy, freedom, conservatism, progress, America's role in the world, the American people, the American Founding, and peace. These are for him important symbols, which together express his general vision of politics and human existence. These symbols have to be analyzed in depth in order to understand who Reagan really was and what he represented to his admirers. The book concludes that Reagan's vision contains many dubious elements that present dangers for practical politics and claims that the popularity of Reagan's imagination among Americans suggests a problematic self-understanding. Surpassing, existing works on Reagan's ideas and speeches, this book systematically explains the general quality and major components of Reagan's vision, and it draws upon political theory, aesthetics, and American political thought to analyze his imagination.

Chris Brown is a prominent international political theorist who has contributed to debates on pluralism, justice and human rights. This book draws together seventeen of his most important and influential articles from the last twenty years. These essays include influential statements on the role of normative theory and international ethics, the so-called ‘cosmopolitan-communitarian debate'and anti-foundationalist thought in international relations, as well as important contributions to Rawlsian and Post-Rawlsian theories of international and global justice. The most recent papers address subjects such as the notion of global civil society, and controversies over the ethics of pre-emptive warfare, and the inevitably selective nature of humanitarian interventions. The book includes a framing introduction written for this volume, in which Brown discusses his own influences, and the evolution of his thinking throughout his career. Although this evolution has involved a progressively less critical viewpoint towards liberal thought and liberal internationalism, and a greater commitment to universal values, some things have remained constant – in particular a focus on the importance of political judgement and scepticism directed towards the idea that there are simple solutions to complex problems. The collection ends fittingly with a critique of the popular cosmopolitanism of figures such as Bono and Bob Geldof. This collection will be essential reading for all scholars and graduates with an interest in international political theory.

The Rise and Fall of Radical Westminster, 1780-1890 explores a critical chapter in the story of Britain's transition to democracy. Utilising the remarkably rich documentation generated by Westminster elections, Baer reveals how the most radical political space in the age of oligarchy became the most conservative and tranquil in an age of democracy.

This book offers a comprehensive political biography of Kingsley Ozuomba Mbadiwe, (1915-1990), a central figure in Nigerian political history for more than forty years. Starting in 1936 as a protégé of Nnamdi Azikiwe, then Nigeria's most renowned nationalist, Mbadiwe himself by the 1950s became a frontline nationalist. And next to Tafawa Balewa from the North who became Prime Minster in 1957, he was the most important figure in the Nigerian Federal Government between 1952 and Nigeria's first military coup in 1966. During this time he held a succession of important Cabinet positions and was Parliamentary Leader of the National Council of Nigeria and the Cameroons (NCNC), which was in a ruling alliance with the Northern People's Congress (NPC). In contrast, his older prominent political contemporaries, Azikiwe of the Eastern Region, Igbo Leader of the NCNC; Obafemi Awolowo of the Western Region, Yoruba Leader of the Action Group (AG); and Ahmadu Bello of the Northern Region, Fulani Leader of the NPC, all carved out their political careers totally or largely at the regional level. Throughout his political career Mbadiwe's focus was always at the national level. Truly, it has been stated that Mbadiwe was one of the founding fathers of the Nigerian State. Nonetheless, Mbadiwe's ambition for himself to lead Nigeria and for his nation to set it on the path to greatness faced insuperable difficulties. In a country of widespread poverty, high illiteracy, and a grossly underdevelopedprivate sector, there were fierce ethnic and regional conflicts for the control of governments and resources, leading to massive corruption and serious instability. This in turn led to prolonged military rule twenty years in Mbadiwe's lifetime which was often more corrupt and repressive than civilian rule, and was bitterly deprecated by Mbadiwe.

This book provides an innovative interpretation of Hans J. Morgenthau's contribution to international relations, and argues that the concepts of meaning, power as meaning imposition, disenchantment and re-enchantment are central to Morgenthau's theory.