Search

This paper examines if trends in the distribution of the European Regional Development Fund changed after the 1992 signing of the Maastricht Treaty which signaled the member states' commitment to economic and monetary unification. Carrubba (1997) ..PAT.-Conference Proceeding [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper explores the impact of Green parties on policies in western Europe. We look at two cases where Green parties may have been influential - phasing out nuclear power and encouraging renewable energy. ..PAT.-Conference Proceeding [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines both support for democracy as regime principle and satisfaction with democracy in practice in central and eastern Europe, analyzing economic, cognitive, and other variables to identify critical citizens in these countries. ..PAT.-Conference Proceeding [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this paper, we report on the extent to which the U.S. and Europe have converged and diverged over the past 35 years in their regulation of 100 risks randomly selected from a universe of nearly 3000 risks. ..PAT.-Conference Proceeding [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper seeks to answer the question "how has the competitive nature of both political and economic transition affected citizen trust in Post-Communist Europe?" ..PAT.-Conference Proceeding [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Spatial and spatio-temporal lag models have become popular statistical tools in empirical studies of policy diffusion and strategic policy interdependence. While this is undoubtedly a positive development, too often researchers have ignored what is arguably the most important and substantively interesting information contained in their results: the spatial and spatio-temporal patterns implied by their estimates. In empirical models containing “spatial dynamics”, as in those having only temporal dynamics, the coefficients on explanatory variables give only the pre-dynamic impetuses to the outcome variable. In this paper, we discuss how to calculate and present the spatial and spatio-temporal multipliers, which allow one to express the spatial and spatio-temporal responses across units (spatial) and across spatial units and over time to counterfactual shocks, and how to use the delta method to compute standard errors for these effects. We illustrate our recommendations using a recent study of Active Labor Market policymaking in Europe. ..PAT.-Conference Proceeding [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper will draw upon constructivist approaches to develop a theory of soft law, analyze its use and operation in Europe, and suggest ways in which how soft law might usefully be coupled with hard law. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper argues for a strong empirical link between imperial linkages and their re-organization, the Post-WW2 process of restructuring the American and European states, and the emergence of the EEC. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper makes the case that PR systems are likely to generate more environmentally responsive policies than Plurality/Majority systems-even in the absence of environmental legislative parties- as a result of the contagion effect they induce. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this paper we examine and compare the accession negotiations with regard to the institutional changes and the new processes of policy making that have emerged in three of the smaller new EU member states: Slovenia, Hungary and Estonia. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This papers explores the constitutional protections for national identities within the European constitution. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines why EU member states may or may not perceive that body as the appropriate level and institution for advancing national interests in the areas of foreign policy and defense and security policy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper argues that the variation in the success of far right parties in Poland, the Czech Republic, can be explained by the different responses of mainstream political parties to them. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper contends that French protest movement, ATTAC, represents a resistance to perceived threat on cultural identity, and as such a challenge to European institutions and the coherency of a single European constitutional order within the EU. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Ireland has nearly abandoned its traditional role as a major contributor to UN peacekeeping and now concentrates its efforts in support of the EU and NATO. This paper examines this transformation from a global to European-centered policy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper draws on recent Marxist and post-structuralist critiques of the state and sovereignty, and evaluates their radical democratic potential through a consideration of contemporary ?detention centers? for undocumented migrants in Europe. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The paper argues that ethnic cleansing in Europe can best be explained by the interaction between institutional history and competing border setting policies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The political and economic transformations, which the European continent is currently undergoing, are of great importance for the security, stability and prosperity of the region. One process that links these developments is the eastward expansion of the European Union (EU). The decision to invite 8 Central and Eastern European countries (plus the Mediterranean countries of Malta and Cyprus) to join the EU in 2004 is unprecedented in its significance for both the Union itself and the continent. The process leading to EU membership is long and consists of several distinct phases. Once a country expresses a desire to join the Union, it must be approved as candidate. Then, it enters the long phase of accession negotiations. Upon their completion, membership has to be approved both by the EU and the candidate country. Foreign assistance to the accession countries plays a major role in the enlargement process, helping along lagging members. From the theoretical literature on foreign aid, I draw two competing sets of explanations for the distribution of EU aid to the postcommunist countries. One is that amount of aid is determined by the need of the recipient country. Countries with greater needs are expected to receive more aid. Traditionally, wealth and economic growth are used to determine need. In addition, the future EU members have another set of ‘need’ factors, the ability to meet accession criteria. On the demand side, I use measures capturing levels of political and economic reform in each country. The other group of expansions focuses on the interests of the donating country as determining the amount of aid distributed. Countries, which are strategically and economically important partners, are expected to receive more aid, along with countries sharing similar cultural, religious, and historical characteristics. In this paper I use trade with the EU (exports and imports separately) to capture economic importance, and religion and proximity to EU to measure cultural similarities. Using annual per capita data for 12 countries for the 1990-2001 time period, I find support for both sets of arguments. Countries, which are lagging behind in democratic and economic performance receive slightly more Phare aid than the rest of the recipients. However, I find stronger support for the claim that EU aid serves the interests of the donor states more than the needs of the recipient economies. Consistently, in my analysis, I find that countries which import more goods from the EU receive more financial aid than countries which import less. Thus, indirectly, Phare aid ends up supporting the economies of the donor countries. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper, focused on European case studies, considers the general literature in the field and notes the depolitization of what was previously feminist social policy. It then suggests concrete ways in which to bring politics back into the discussion--- in ways that can have pragmatic consequences in policy formation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The electoral increase of the extreme right-wing parties (ERPs) in some Western European democracies since the 1970s have led to the emergence of an extensive literature regarding possible individual and macro-level factors behind this ?unexpected? upsurge. Nevertheless, ideological or issue-based reactions to the ERPs from established mainstream parties have mostly been neglected. It is acknowledged by many scholars that especially the new-type ERPs (those that do not associate themselves with the interwar fascist era) influence political agenda not only by spreading socially authoritarian opinions regarding restrictions on immigrants as well as a ?need? for strict law and order, but also by changing the locations of the established parties in general and the center-right parties in particular. For instance, it has been argued that both of the center-right parties in France (RPR and UDF) have, in time, taken similar positions to that of the National Front on the immigration issue by giving negative messages to immigrants such as encouraging them to leave the country or proposing to cut social benefits provided for them by the government. Another option for established parties can be to further marginalize the ERPs by detaching themselves from them altogether (rather than accommodate) and creating a ?cordon sanitaire? against such parties. In my paper, I will present the possible factors that may encourage the established center-right parties to accommodate the political demands of the ERPs by shifting towards more to the right, hence, closer to the position of the ERPs. Arguing that all parties want to gain and maintain office, I will put forward the following hypotheses: 1-Convergence of established parties toward the center of the ideological spectrum increases the likelihood of a center-right party to move closer to the position of the ERP if that party has an equally powerful challenger (increases the likelihood of accommodation), and 2-Decreasing levels of disproportionality and increasing levels of multi-partyism increase the likelihood of accommodation by the center-right parties in accordance with the ERPs. I will benefit from Comparative Political Dataset 1960-2001 (Armingeon, Meyeler and Menegale) as well as expert scores for political parties in order to measure my outcome and predictor variables. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The profile of the European Green voter has been studied and analyzed extensively over the past decade. We know that Green voters tend to be younger, better educated, urban, white collar, ideologically more on the left, and care about environmental and quality of life issues. When asked which party is their second choice, a high percentage of these voters say it is the Greens. But, we know that Green parties in many European countries do not do very well at the polls and have little, if any, representation in their countries’ national parliaments. Why, then, do more voters who fit this socio-economic and political profile not vote for the Greens? Using both national survey data and qualitative interview data, this paper helps us to understand why some voters choose the Greens and why other do not. Looking specifically at the voters of the French Green Party in various legislative districts, I demonstrate that the intensity of conviction on the issues and the local context—both the presence and activity of the Green party at the local level and municipal election results—are the dominant factors that impact the voter’s decision to vote Green in the national elections. The higher the level of conviction and the greater the Greens’ presence at the local level, the more likely an individual with the above set of characteristics is to vote Green. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper investigates the impact of the influx of new EU-level political actors from the Central and Eastern European Countries (CEECs) on the internal structure and functioning of European Union (EU) institutions (particularly the European Parliament (EP)). The focus includes an examination of existing norms and organizational structures within the EP and a comparison to those existing within the CEEC legislatures. The research focuses in particular on several key aspects of internal legislative behavior and structure including: party discipline structures (whips, roll call voting etc), party and coalition voting cohesion, internal hierarchy structures, committee influence, the role of ideology and inter-institutional relationships. The goal of the research is to determine the similarities and differences between the political institutions of the accession countries and those already existing in the EU that may lead to conflict, change or dysfunction as large numbers of CEEC representatives join their ranks. This research incorporates key issues related to enlargement, including the institutional problems it may cause, especially within the EP as the home of party politics in the EU. In addition, however the research also addresses some aspects of the Europeanization literature as it suggests that the causal arrow may in fact flow from the national level to the European level and not only the other way around. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Conventional wisdom holds that, in the months prior to the war in Iraq, the NATO alliance was shaken in unprecedented fashion by disagreements between the US and some of its European allies regarding the proper course of action to take in Iraq. The argument of this paper, however, is that far from demonstrating either NATO’s irrelevance or weakness, trans-Atlantic relations in this period demonstrated exactly why the NATO-based security arrangement continues to be relevant, and furthermore, that it is functioning precisely as it was intended. What, exactly, did transpire between the allies during these months? Germany, along with France, attempted to dictate to the rest of Europe what European foreign and security policy should be. And what did the rest of Europe – barring the Benelux countries – do in response? They effectively balanced against the German-French initiative by rallying around the US position. That is to say, what occurred in Europe in late 2002 and early 2003 was a version of what has always occurred throughout European history whenever one or more powers have attempted to dominate the security arrangement of the region, namely, the rest of Europe grouped together to balance against the potential hegemon. Prior to the 20th Century, the key to maintaining the balance of power in Europe lay with Britain, which acted as Europe’s offshore balancer, ready to throw its support to those states fighting a potential hegemon. Two world wars and the commencement of the Cold War, however, convinced western leaders that Britain was no longer capable of effectively playing the balancing role. As such, NATO was established as a means by which Europeans could effectively maintain Europe’s power balance, tying as it did the US into the European security architecture and thereby turning the US into Europe’s offshore balancer. As NATO’s first secretary general, Lord Ismay, once noted, “NATO is there to keep the Russians out, the Americans in, and the Germans down.” Put another way, the US was turned into Europe’s offshore balancer to prevent Europe’s two most likely hegemons from making a run at conquering the continent. In the wake of the Cold War, however, the Russian threat has receded into the background while simultaneously Germany has moved into its proper leadership role as Europe’s most powerful state. While the US’s balancing role in Europe has therefore become less relevant vis-à-vis Russia, its balancing role vis-à-vis Germany remains very relevant indeed. Why the relevance of this role remains so widely misunderstood is two-fold: 1) A lack of appreciation of the fact that NATO was created not simply as an anti-Soviet institution, but as an anti-European-hegemon institution; as such, people under appreciate the relevance of NATO with regard to Germany. 2) A lack of understanding of the nature and purpose of power dynamics in the EU, leading to a failure to understand how a militarily weak Germany can nonetheless be a ominous threat to its neighbors. It is precisely these two key points, therefore, that this article addresses. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Southern Europe, particularly Spain and Portugal, represent a nether-region of political analysis. Although anchored geographically within Western Europe, their patterns of economic and political development differed significantly from the northern Europe experience. Large-scale, state-led industrialization did not get seriously underway until the 1960s; democratic politics did not arrive until the mid-1970s. While welfare state scholars are largely content to characterize southern European welfare states as “uneven” or “less developed” versions of their northern counterparts, the problems associated with covering the Spanish and Portuguese citizenry stem directly from the economic and political challenges associated with late development. This paper examines the evolution of social protection for one marginal population -- agricultural workers --and analyzes its effects on the functioning of rural labor markets. At the time of their democratic transitions, Spain and Portugal still had large populations of agricultural workers who worked for low wages on the large latifundia estates of southern Iberia. The Franco and Salazar regimes had thought that the “agrarian social question” would be dealt with through the modernization of their economies that growth in industry would absorb any excess labor created by mechanization. The oil shocks of the early 1970s put an end to such hopes, however, by shrinking the number of jobs available in industry and by cutting off emigration as an escape valve. As Ortí (1984) observes, agrarian workers had long ago been evicted from the market for land; now they were being excluded from the labor market as well. Why, in the post-authoritarian period, did the two countries adopted such different solutions to the problem of rural unemployment. Why has Spanish welfare policy made agricultural workers dependent clients of the welfare state, who provide agricultural employers with a vast reservoir of cheap, temporary labor, whereas the thrust of Portuguese policy has been to “deproletarianize” the southern countryside and to force agricultural workers to migrate to urban areas? I argue that under conditions of democratization, the economic problem of managing deruralization is inextricably linked to the political problem of incorporating groups into politics. In this context, political parties (rather than the state or employers) are key actors, and social protection a strategic tool in their efforts to mobilize (or demobilize) constituencies. This view is at odds with much of the standard literature in both comparative political economy and comparative social policy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

When does ethnic attachment pose a challenge to constructing an "imagined" national community in African states? The literature on ethnic identification typically assumes that individuals choose their primary identity instrumentally, in response to economic competition, electoral institutions, or elite discourse. In contrast, theories of state-level nationalism have focused on macro-historical trends to explain the rise of the nation-state in 18th century Europe. Ethnically diverse African states offer a fruitful arena in which to integrate these two literatures. Due to the timing of their creation, African state boundaries are relatively stable and protected by international norms, separating the process of nation-construction from territory consolidation. Furthermore, African states exhibit wide variation in the degrees of “success” in nationalizing their constituents, both cross- and sub-nationally. To exploit this variation, I use individual survey data from over 25,000 respondents across sixteen African countries, collected by Afrobarometer, to empirically test state-, ethnic group-, and individual-level determinants of identification with the nation. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

We examine the relationship between the dispersion of policy choices on offer in a party system and citizen satisfaction. Cross-national analyses, based on twelve countries from 1973-2003, are presented that suggest that when parties in a political system are more ideologically proximate to the mean voter position in Left-Right terms that overall satisfaction increases. The central impli-cation of this finding is that for understanding within country changes in satisfaction, party posi-tions matter. And, when the average party’s policy position is more proximate to the mean voter position, satisfaction increases. Our macro-level approach produces new insights for understand-ing within country changes in satisfaction over time. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This research identifies three major factors that can explain increased restrictions in migration policy, all of which are related to globalization. The first is targeted migration for labor market efficiency. The second is nationalist dialogue and loyalties, which have continued to dominate politics despite, or possibly because of, the globalizing world. The third is transnational institutions, in this case the European Union, calling for standardization of politics..x000d.The sample includes Britain and Germany, which are both large receivers of asylum seekers and refugees. They are also large receiving countries of guest workers and both are wealthy states. The asylum policies of these two states have become increasingly more protectionist since the 1970s. Greece and Sweden are the other cases studied as immigration numbers have significantly increased in these states in recent years. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The third wave of democracy is now in its fourth decade and while numerous studies have been conducted on Southern Europe, Latin America, Eastern Europe, and even Africa, Asia has been consistently marginalized in the literature. Asia as a region has many democratic experiences that are empirically rich with vibrant transitions, mass participation, military coups, reversals, and many other factors that make Asia important to the study of democratization. This study attempts to place Asia in the mainstream participation literature by testing the resource theory of political participation, characterized by a positive correlation between turnout and socioeconomic status, utilizing individual level data from the 2003, 2004, and 2005 Asian Barometers across several democracies in Asia. I use linear regression to test several hypotheses derived from this theory. The results have important implications for the state of Asian democracies and the success of third wave transitions. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The 2005 EU constitutional referenda results reflect the growing Euroscepticism in Europe. The literature focused on the French or Dutch rejection, ignoring the positive votes in Spain and Luxembourg. Given the similar sociodemographics of the ‘no’ vote and the political party preferences in all four cases, what explains the variation in the results? The literature has so far been divided between the ‘second-order’ and ‘attitude’ models, attributing the results to domestic or European factors, leading to inconclusive results. First, I hypothesize that the more the Eurosceptic arguments/frames resonated with contentious domestic issues in a member state, the less support that state’s public would give the EU in a referendum. I argue that in France and the Netherlands while no campaigners started early and addressed people’s daily problems by priming key contentious themes, the yes campaigners came into the debate late and failed to deliver a uniform message. Second, I hypothesize that sequencing mattered; the later a country held its referendum, the more the previous referenda results and campaigns in other states influenced its public. I use field work data including interviews with campaign leaders and public opinion surveys. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Since 1989, the postsocialist states of East-Central Europe have had to confront the legacy of communism in their transition to democracy. Many of these states have adopted lustration laws that either require individuals to reveal the role they played during communism or require the government to open secret files from the previous regime to the public. Though philosophers and scholars of memory have theorized the connections between an undemocratic past and politics in the present, it is still unclear why states choose to adopt certain measures over others. We enrich these debates by using Boolean algebra to analyze how regime harshness, democratic experience, the influence of the Soviet Union and the perpetration of grave crimes explain the implementation of lustration laws in sixteen postcommunist states. We find two sufficient causes for lustration: the presence of a particularly harsh communist regime or the combination of strong Soviet influence and the absence of prewar democratic experience. These findings allow us to add to the theoretical literature by better understanding why some states transitioning from communism choose to deal with the past through lustration laws. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Political leaders in Europe have long claimed that exchange rate cooperation is a prerequisite for effective trade integration. The euro is the ultimate manifestation of that argument. Economists recognize a clear functional link between exchange rates and trade flows, but they disagree about whether exchange rate variability significantly impedes trade in practice. Newer research by Rose and others suggests that currency unions, have a strong positive effect on trade, but these results rely on a limited definition of currency union. We re-examine Rose’s findings using his gravity model but a much larger dataset of dyadic relationships between independent countries since 1960. We replace his simple dummy variable representing a currency union with nuanced measures capturing different levels of monetary cooperation, including different types of exchange rate unions and currency unions. We also include measures of exchange rate variability to test whether monetary cooperation has an effect beyond the effect of fixed exchange rates. We find that while exchange rate variability has little to no effect on trade flows, monetary cooperation has a fairly large impact implying political factors are more important than economic ones. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Numerous attempts have been made to put European political parties on a common ideological scale, including content analysis of political statements, hand coding of party manifestos, and surveys of expert opinion. At the same time, there have been numerous attempts at using roll call-based ideal point estimation techniques on national and transnational parliaments. These have the satisfying property of using newly available roll call data, which due to their presumed consequentiality may reveal latent preferences better than other methods. However, we cannot compare within-state parliament estimates to those of other countries or the European Parliament. The solution to the problem lies in the existence of bridge actors--in this case, substantial numbers of national parliamentarians who also serve in the EP before and after their national service. Their revealed preferences in the form of roll call votes on the European Parliament's agenda allow us to rescale solely national members of parliament with a common space score. I test this approach with roll call data on several national parliaments and all sessions of the EP. The common space estimates allow me to explore important questions in comparative politics. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In recent years trust has been shown to be an important correlate of a range of positive outcomes at both the individual and society level, which has raised the question about the causes of trust. In the literature on the determinants of trust, a central distinction is between the cultural perspective emphasizing the role of cultural heritage and the institutional perspective focusing on the role institutional context. Empirically, it has, however, been difficult distinguishing between the two perspectives as countries where trusting cultures can be found are also the home of high quality institutions. Using immigrants presently living in a range of European countries, but who were born in another country, I circumvent this problem of indeterminacy of the causes of trust. The analysis builds on self-indicated immigrants in the first three waves of the European Social Survey linking trust of the country origin as well freedom from corruption of the destination country to each respondent. The empirical analysis shows that both trust of the country of origin as well as freedom from corruption in the destination country has a highly significant impact on trust controlling for confounding variables at the individual-level. Including various alternative explanations at the level of the destination country shows that it is difficult separating the effect of incorrupt institutions and wealth, when explaining generalized trust of immigrants. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

I am analyzing whether cultural factors relating to the perception of change have an influence on the attitude social groups in a country have against the process of European integration, especially to the shift from a national to a European identity. The underlying argument is that there are dimensions of culture that are especially sensible for the cognitive and evaluative ability of handling change of identity. Such temporal aspects of culture, like the weighting of history and future, the level of uncertainty avoidance or the monochromic versus polychromic dimension are modelled as an additional dimension of political culture. Furthermore, in modelling this “cultures of time”-dimension explicitly, I advance upon the literature by including factors of political culture that are often neglected but which I deem necessary to explain the attitudes towards European identity. Using a multilevel model I am able to simultaneously estimate both the influence of the national culture as well as social group specific variables. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

How might the analyst explain the wide difference in the approach to management of resource windfalls? .x000d.In 1965, oil was found in the North Sea, following a 1959 discovery of gas. The discovery of oil and natural gas in the North Sea presents the analyst with a unique opportunity to comparatively examine the reaction of states to resource windfalls. The oil and gas finds of the North Sea overlap territorial water holdings of several states. Boundary lines among the sharing states had been established as part of the Convention on the Continental Shelf of 1958 (Dam, 1965): in terms of production, the most significant of these states are the United Kingdom and Norway, followed by Denmark, the Netherlands and Germany. .x000d..x000d.Each of these states selected a different approach to managing their new-found windfalls. While unit heterogeneity might be forwarded as a cause, such an explanation is cursory at best. Stronger explanations for the variations in resource management lie in a comparative examination of the states' institutions of political economy and these institutions' history. These variations in political economic institutions explain the variation between resource management regimes, and in the evolution of same over time. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Gender inequality is a known phenomenon in many spheres in life; yet, it is especially conspicuous in high-level governmental positions. Men tend to get elected more and more often, to posts of vast political importance. In comparison to established democratic countries, the gender gap in high-level political positions is larger in developing democracies. Theory suggests however, that gender inequality is reduced by democracy. If true, this would indicate that we should see a closing of the gender gap as democratic countries mature. Further, if such a relationship does not exist, this would suggest that factors other than democracy are at play when it comes to choosing between a man or a woman for a high-level office. We test the hypothesis that democracy decreases gender inequality on data collected from developed and developing countries from Europe and Latin America. The results confirm the theory, and further suggest that the number of women in legislature, and the level of female economic activity, have a positive effect on decreasing the gender gap. Finally, wage inequality shows to adversely affect the number of women appointed to cabinet, however the result barely reaches statistical significance. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Following the Irish “no” vote on the Lisbon Treaty, there have been renewed calls by Euro-federalists to pursue a multispeed Europe. This would allow states desiring deeper integration to pursue more ambitious projects quicker without being hindered by laggards. At other times, laggards have desired a multispeed approach to integration to avoid implementing policies to which they object. Moreover, these proposals have been at times resisted and at times accepted by both camps. This raises an interesting puzzle. Under what circumstances will laggards propose/object to a multispeed Europe, and under what conditions will federalists propose/object to a multispeed Europe? Using spatial models, we investigate the institutional rules and member state preference configurations that lead either camp to accept or resist multispeed proposals. We determine instances in which Euro-federalists and laggards are either hurt or helped by the possible existence of multiple options, paying particular attention to how a multispeed approach would affect member state bargaining power after the choice is made. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

A strategic assumption divides the literatures on political economy and nationalism: public interests are determined by materialist concerns dictated by economic interests or by notions of allegiance defined by ascriptive identities. Both are important for understanding the status of the E.U. as a political entity. To mitigate this divide, some have begun to focus on the euro as a means of fostering European identity; too little work has been done on the relationship between the euro and a uniquely European identity compared to nation-states’ own histories in developing nationalist identities through currencies. We argue that, while states have historically employed currencies as a means of evoking an aesthetic of specific national identities, the EU must take a different path to mitigate nationalist identities. We claim there is a specific relationship between currencies and the aesthetics of nationalism, and that the E.U., as a super-national polity, must engage in a different style of politics that overcomes both the economic interests and the historical legacy of the nation-building strategies of member states. We use evidence drawn from the EU decisions on the images on the euro and public opinion data to test our theory. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

What effect does poverty have on political participation? This research attempts to provide a political portrait of Europe's poorest voters, using data on poverty and social exclusion from rounds of the Eurobarometer conducted in the 1990s. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

We use survey data from Europe to explore the individual-, local-, and national-level influences on citizen support for foreign development assistance and humanitarian aid. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

We study whether learning or social emulation have driven the diffusion of reference pricing for pharmaceuticals in European countries. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Using duration analyses of mainstream party reactions to niche parties in 17 Western European countries from 1970-2003, I model the effect of niche party success and the salience of niche party issues on the timing of mainstream party response. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This work on the creation of a common law of the sea in 16th and 17th century Europe centers on the intellectual, political, and material contexts for state behavior and how the interplay between these elements drives political transformation. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The member states of the European Union each have different security needs. Their national security policies each member reflects not only the needs of the states, but also the goals of the public and the domestic institutions. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The effects of the Euroskeptic radical right wing parties on the ongoing bargain for a federal European polity are explained, given that national leaders' decisions are limited by what would be accepted at both international and domestic levels. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Secrecy is not an intrinsic feature of international relations. When information is verifiable (e.g. through intelligence collection), incentives to conceal information may be absent. Europe in the 19th century illustrates this dynamic. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

I consider a theory of portfolio allocation that provides a rationale for the empirical phenomenon termed Gamson's law. The theory focuses on how portfolio allocations influence the stability of coalitions. The theory is tested on European cabinets. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

How does reading patterns about 'politics and current affairs' vary according to different characteristics by the individual and the nation they live within? We present an multilevel analysis on data from the European Social Survey. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

An analysis of pharmaceutical regulation in advanced industrialized countries through the lens of organizational reputation. Differences between American and European arrangements are analyzed, as are dependencies between among these arrangements. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Evaluating the conventional wisdom about CFSP cooperation against a random sample of world events, 1994-2003 ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]