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This article explores narratives of documentary destruction and salvaging during France's Liberation, a moment of uncertain sovereignty over institutions and their material traces. As archival functionaries and government officials sought to uncover and process the paper trail of Vichy and the Occupation, they also confronted urgent questions about administrative continuity as well as legal and moral responsibility. Control over the mass of bureaucratic paper produced between 1940 and 1944, this article suggests, functioned as a critical site of contestation and as a source of legitimacy during the transfer of power. The experience of the war and its aftermath also led France's archivists to discover the practical and symbolic importance of the contemporary administrative document, transforming their pro- fessional practices and institutionalizing a new category of historical time. The relationship between state authority and the archive, often regarded as mutually constitutive, emerges in this account as inherently unstable. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Part of the international reflection on the use of history in mathematics teaching consists in a quest of frameworks and models suitable for empirical studies. Following this demand, this paper explores the way Balacheff’s cKȼ model, a model taken from the didactics of mathematics, can be used in the analysis of learning at student level. In the first part of this paper, Balacheff’s cKȼ model (conceptions, knowledge, ȼoncepts) is shortly presented, and in the second part, the relationship between the epistemological background of the model and the use of the history of mathematics is explored in order to show a possible suitableness. The third part addresses an example of a school activity (about ancient Indian geometry) in which the model is applied and the historical issues clarified. Questioning the role of problems both in the cKȼ model and in the use of history, the last part shows how a study at the students’ conception level enlightens the way in which historical elements can interact with contemporary mathematical learning. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper focuses on Mission Raquez, a French ethnographic expedition through Laos to collect material for the Marseille Colonial Exposition of 1906. This paper discusses the location of extant material and considers the ethnographic methods used on the mission in conjunction with anthropological study, mass media, and popular celebrity in turn of the century France. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

After the French defeat in May-June 1940, Japan invaded Indochina, a French colony. Then, many women and men decided to create some circuits to resist this occupation. Their mission dealt with the Japanese soldiers in the peninsula, with whom Admiral Decoux's General Government wanted to maintain a modus vivendi in the name of Vichy. The time constraints were different for these groups than for their metropolitan counterparts: they kept on fighting until their destruction on 9 March 1945 and the Japanese overthrow of the peninsula. Although Vichy's implication in Indochina is well known, the anti-Japanese resistance groups from this region and their participation in the Allied victory in and out of mainland France have not been studied recently. This paper intends to focus on the dynamics of these circuits' interventions during their fight in Indochina. How did they maintain contact with Free French Forces despite their geographical isolation? What was their implication in the final victory against the Japanese forces? As with the war itself, Resistance was an international phenomenon which was not limited to European borders but spread throughout the world through contacts with the Allied secret services. This paper will study the construction and materiality of these contacts. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Worldwide, subject-matter teachers are commonplace in post-elementary schools. Teachers' specialisation appears as a key characteristic of secondary schools as opposed to the polyvalence of primary school teachers. Historians have already studied the long process of teachers' specialisation, which started, in France as in Prussia (for example), at the beginning of the nineteenth century and developed alongside secondary school modernisation. Those works have usually focused on professional aspects: the structuration of professional groups thanks to the unification of training and recruiting processes, the organisation of teachers within subject-matter associations etc. However, they have not paid much attention to the resistance opposed by other forms of pedagogical organisation, as if polyvalence were were just a backward anomaly, a backward anomaly, doomed to disappear. This paper seeks to shed new light on this question using a comparison between the different forms of post-elementary schooling that existed at the same time in France between the last third of the nineteenth century and the middle of the twentieth, when the slow growth of post-elementary schooling was mainly due to the success of subaltern institutions. In those institutions, dedicated to technical education, girls' secondary education, or upper-lower classes' education ("primaire supérieur", "secondaire special"), different kinds of polyvalence or bivalence were experienced in the classrooms. At the same time, specialisation was triumphing in classical secondary education. Why, how and to what extent did specialisation eventually impose itself in these different institutions? To address this question, two types of material are used. On the one hand, the question is studied on a national level, analysing both the legislation and the controversies it arouses in pedagogical and professional reviews. On the other hand, these views and theories are confronted with a prosopography of post-elementary school teachers in one department, Eure-et-Loir, which offers several forms of post-elementary institutions. This question is addressed focusing on literary disciplines (philosophy, French, Latin, Greek, modern languages and history and geography). By narrowing the scope, the intellectual and cultural stakes of the various pedagogical organisations that were implemented or advocated may more easily be grasped. The first part of the article examines the most common (though relatively untested) hypothesis: there was just one strategy for those who advocated the promotion of subaltern types of post-elementary schooling as part of a democratisation process, and this strategy was reproducing the model of the elite institution, secondary classical education, including its pedagogical organisation, starting with subject-matter teachers. The chronology of the changes, the content of the debates, as well as a comparative inquiry into teachers' remuneration induces us to discard this hypothesis as insufficient if not irrelevant. For girls' secondary education, a trade-off may be observed between equalisation (of salaries, rights etc.) and pedagogical alignment. For the other institutions, there was no lack of advocates for the specificity of the pedagogy or of the institution; however, specialisation was usually considered a process that could ameliorate the quality of teaching in these institutions without renouncing its specificity. In fact, in the period under study, the louder advocates for less specialised teachers came from secondary classical education itself: the specialisation process as well as the fragmentation of the class schedule had pedagogic inconveniences, abundantly noticed and commented on by subject-matter teachers themselves. In the second part, these critics and the two main alternatives suggested by the teachers are examined. The first is linked with the Progressive Education movement ("Education nouvelle" in French). The École des Roches, a private institution, tested an original organisation that combined the tradition of the humanities with the modern characteristic of "Éducation nouvelle": there was only one teacher for history, geography, French, Latin and Greek. The teacher was thus enabled to practise a pedagogy of interest, as advocated by Ovide Decroly. The second alternative was advocated by some modern language teachers: if modern language teachers could teach French as well as a modern language, this pedagogic organisation could give strong unity to the until then defective "modern" curriculum (without Latin). The third part turns towards the effective organisation of post-elementary schools in Eure-et-Loir. To what extent were these alternative conceptions of pedagogical organisation implemented? The analysis of individual records of teachers suggests several results. First of all, in small institutions – be they classical secondary institutions like "collèges" or modern ones like "écoles primaires supérieures" – specialisation of services was a luxury that most teachers could not afford. Most of the time, they had to teach several subjects, even if they had been trained for just one. However, polyvalence was not used as an opportunity to make connections between the subjects. Class schedules rarely enabled teachers to use polyvalence as a way to teach several subjects to the same pupils. More often, polyvalence was used by the administration as an expedient that some teachers explicitly tried to escape, for example by asking for a move to a bigger institution. This mundane reality of small institutions invites us to pay renewed attention to teacher training and its regulation during the same period. At the end of the nineteenth century, teachers' specialisation had been inextricably linked with the modernisation of universities through the specialisation of the "licence de lettres" in 1880. When this model proved to be partially irrelevant for a significant proportion of post-elementary schools, how did universities react? Were universities fit for something other than training specialised teachers? The answer is yes. The curriculum organisation of the licence opened up several possibilities for training polyvalent teachers. This perspective was still looming at the end of the 1930s. The curricula of the different post-elementary settings analysed in this article shared the same characteristics: they worked as "serial codes" not as "integrated codes", to quote Basil Bernstein. Therefore the specialisation, bivalence or polyvalence of the teachers did not have much influence, in itself, on the degree of integration of the curriculum. From this perspective, specialisation could probably guarantee better teaching of the subject matters. However, polyvalent teachers were better suited to small schools than specialist ones. Considering demographic and geographic constraints, there was a clear trade-off between specialisation of teachers and separation of publics. In small cities, it was necessary either to mix the pupils to specialise the teachers, or to accept some kind of polyvalence to keep different types of students separated; the debate was still open during the 1930s. School massification, coeducation and the baby-boom era rapidly settled the matter for small cities after the Second World War, giving way to an effective specialisation of teachers. But the question remained open, until the end of the 1970s, for rural settings. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

France’s so-called exceptionalism in multilateral security policy is often explained with its Gaullist political culture. However, a closer look shows that Gaullism cannot easily capture different French policies, particularly toward NATO. To unearth what can explain policy variance, this paper asks the question of whether French political parties value NATO differently and, if so, to what effect? Looking at French governments from 1991 to 2014, I argue that political parties in France carry different values, which lead them to interpret NATO’s role for France’s security policy differently. As a result, French parties in power encouraged, delayed, or halted NATO institutional transformation at specific junctures. This argument builds on the insights of the study of ideational factors in IR and the study of party politics in Comparative Politics. Through an analysis of French governments’ policy preferences toward NATO, this paper stresses that institutional transformation can be understood through the study of veto points in conjunction with national preference formation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper investigates changes in the French parliament’s role in the control of military missions, introduced by the 2008 constitutional reform, and examines their effects on practices of parliamentary control and legislative‒executive interactions. The paper analyses how the constitutional changes have developed; the attitudes of parliamentarians towards control; the knowledges they relate to legislative-executive relations; and the post-reform practice of parliamentary control of French military missions. Although legislative‒executive relations with regard to military missions have been recalibrated and formalised, they have not fundamentally challenged the executive’s lead. Reasons include a strong belief in the need for effectiveness, acceptance of the institutional order, and a foreign policy culture of executive leadership. French parliamentarians value their new powers, but mostly do not seek their further extension. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Letters to the editor were published in the thousands during the 1770s and 1780s, shaping a forum that constituted an eighteenth-century information network. Such letters serve as a powerful touchstone for ideas that circulated among the French reading public, shedding new light on the cultural history of the Enlightenment. Drawing on world history and digital history approaches, this article analyzes a subset of letters that were exchanged and reprinted among provincial papers (affiches) throughout France. By visualizing the exchange of such reprinted letters as a network, it becomes clear that provincial readers did not read their local papers in isolation but instead were connected to a larger community that often included published missives from the surrounding généralité and the capital. The content of such letters communicated an optimism about the possibility of ameliorating daily life through incremental, practical changes, fostering a notion of a practical Enlightenment. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper discusses French views of transatlantic and European defence from the late 1940s to France's ‘return’ to the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) in 2009. It argues that, while until the early 1950s the French Government viewed transatlantic and West European security cooperation as mutually reinforcing enterprises, by the end of that decade French decision-makers had developed conflicting perceptions of transatlantic and European defence. During the 1960s, the dominating political discourse in the Fifth Republic portrayed relations between Atlantic and European solidarity as a ‘zero-sum’ game: What was good for the Alliance was bad for Europe and vice versa. President Charles de Gaulle advocated the creation of a European ‘Third Force’, although links with NATO were never outright severed. During the 1970s and early 1980s, a ‘zero-sum’ attitude to Atlantic and European defence consolidated although as the Cold War came to a close, Mitterrand started a selective but steady re-engagement with the Alliance. By the late 1990s, during the presidency of Jacques Chirac, France was once again ade factofull member of NATO, although full reintegration was completed only in April 2009. This paper suggests that France's return to ‘NATO’ marked no dramatic U-turn in French security policy; rather it was the result of a gradual and steady evolution, which was triggered by the crisis of the East–West structure of international politics during the 1980s. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

With the rise of industrialization and urbanization in the early nineteenth century, concerns about identity and information became increasingly pressing. At the same time, nineteenth-century society placed a high value on reputation and appearance. Secrecy was thus both deemed necessary to bourgeois notions of privacy and viewed as potentially dangerous to public order. While this dynamic has been explored for the elite primarily in terms of family life, the impact of honor and shame on economic practices of non-elites has been little considered. This article offers the first in-depth analysis of two competing types of papers in nineteenth-century France—those, like Le Tocsin and La Gazette des renseignements, which championed creditors and those, like Pauvre Jacques and La Gazette de Sainte-Pélagie, which defended the interests of debtors. Despite representing often directly opposing interests, both kinds of papers prominently employed tactics of public humiliation through the circulation of the names and personal details of specific creditors and debtors whose actions were deemed dishonorable. By examining the importance of reputation and honor in the lives of small shopkeepers and artisans at the beginning of the industrial revolution, this article shows how reputation grew rather than diminished in importance with a perceived increase in the anonymity of the market and how the commercial press could be used to describe and denounce economic and legal forces perceived as oppressive to small tradesmen and merchants. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Dr. Marcel Baltazard (1908-1971), French scientist and former director of Pasteur Institute of Iran, is known in the international arena due to his research on the control of infectious diseases such as plague, rabies, relapsing fever, leprosy, smallpox and tuberculosis. Dr. Baltazard also played a significant role in the launch of vaccination against tuberculosis, cholera and smallpox. Dr. Baltazard's spent the first 13 years of academic life at Pasteur Institute of Casablanca, Morocco, and then 20 years at Pasteur Institute of Iran and over the last five years at Pasteur Institute of Paris. In this paper, the activities of this important and influential researcher in the field of health and medicine are addressed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines some of the debates over maternal instinct in France under the Third Republic. It focuses on the work of three naturalists (Fabre, Perrier, and Giard) and shows how these scientists shaped, reinforced, or challenged feminine identities as well as a number of sexual social conventions making constant reference to the natural as their authority. This paper highlights these scientists' views on womanhood and maternity and their stances on contemporary feminist discourses as well as seeking to establish the extent to which these views and stances influenced their scientific discourses and practices. It also aims to demonstrate the interpenetration of science and policy, not only in terms of the transfer of political concepts into the scientific domain (and back again), but also as a joint construction process, which produced a new political and natural order in nineteenth century France. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The paper addresses an innovation in the history of transport as well as in the history of public policy. During the 1970s, the mid-sized city of La Rochelle (France) was probably the first place where an institutionalised bike sharing system was implemented. Crossing the materials of the local archives with the global dynamics of urban policies and mobility practices in Europe at that time explains the emergence of this innovation and allows reflection on the legacy of a forgotten first experiment. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

"Spreading the News: The Illustrated Press," focuses on the new concept of the illustrated universal survey periodical that appeared early in the 1830s, first in England, then in France. It was enabled by technological advances such as the steam press, cheaper paper, wood engraving and stereotypes, as well as greater literacy among the citizenry. The earliest illustrated periodicals were published by social reformers in both countries who were attempting to raise the status of the working classes, but the medium soon attracted wealthier, more educated strata as well; within decades the illustrated press had spread throughout the world. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The 1919 Greater Paris competition was the first attempt at metropolitan planning in France. Paris was then the fourth largest city in the world. As in other metropolises, congestion and hazardous urban growth were its main problems. The need of planning was evident. However, the long-term city–suburb conflict, the legal constraints, and the political divergences hindered the realization of a comprehensive plan. In this context, an international competition was launched. The prize-winner was the French architect Léon Jaussely. Although Greater Paris competition did not result in a comprehensive plan straightaway, it constitutes a turning point in Paris’s planning history. Through research on unpublished sources preserved in different Parisian archives, this paper aims firstly to reconstruct the process of the competition. The thorough reports of the jury offer an entirely new approach to the study of this kind of competition, since they allow us to comprehend the preoccupations of the administrations in charge. Secondly, it intends to examine the projects, connecting their solutions with international models and debates. It focuses on those concerning the comprehensive plan and particularly on Jaussely’s awarded project. Finally, the long-term influence of the competition will be discussed and regarded within the international context. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Through a review of public speeches, media declarations and interviews by French government officials and influential intellectuals, this paper examines the language used and the measures taken by the French government during the 2005 ethnic riots. Particularly, this essay argues that the government’s response to the riots shows that (1) by applying a white racial frame on the riots and the rioters, the state was able to denigrate the rioters and deny any legitimacy to the riots themselves; and that (2) by applying color-blind racist labels to the rioters, the state was able to discredit the revolt so as to rationalize and justify a set of repressive tactics and racist measures without ‘sounding racist’. Furthermore, this study reveals that the French government ultimately normalized a racial frame about the riots through color-blind rhetoric and practices. This essay concludes that the rhetoric used by the French government signals the rise of a legitimized racism, becoming a dominantly accepted and supported view in the political arena and society in France. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The aim of this paper is to analyse certain techniques of subjectivation in modern child-rearing and the way in which medical discourse leads to the construction of children through those techniques. As a case study, several manuals on childcare used during the first third of the twentieth century in Spain and France have been selected. A historical-genealogical perspective is adopted, according to which childhood is not a natural or ahistorical category, but depends on cultural practices. In Western countries, these practices have been strongly influenced by expert discourses. The techniques proposed in the manuals are identified and the theoretical justification for them analysed according to the socio-cultural and historical context. It is shown in what sense the practices recommended by doctors for mothers constituted a kind of early informal education contributing to the creation of future well-educated citizens. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

This paper examines a series of research trips undertaken by French physicians in Indochina to the Dutch East Indies between 1898 and 1937 to study what they saw to be a successful model of a modern psychiatric service that had been developed there. Dutch experiments with forms of “open door” care and the use of patient labor as therapy, premised on earlier ideas of moral treatment, seemed to hold both therapeutic promise and the key to resolving pressing economic concerns faced by colonial psychiatric institutions. French physicians saw in neighboring Java fundamental ethnological and geographical similarities to Indochina, and Dutch successes in psychiatric assistance there raised the prospect of adapting practices the Dutch had developed to their own program in Indochina throughout the interwar years. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper explores the phenomenon of "jaytalking," a popular type of urban speech in Paris during the fin-de-sicle, the usual form of which was graffiti written on the streets and other public spaces of the city. It explores the forms that graffiti took, the spaces used for jaytalking, the types of messages left by jaytalkers, as well as some of the discernable traits of the authors of graffiti and their readers. It examines this graffiti--whether political, obscene, sincere, humorous, or just plain cranky--as a means by which ordinary Parisians hijacked the city street, creatively resisting the limited and sanctioned uses of that space and turning it into a canvas for their opinions, resentments, and rage. And it asserts that city streets in the late nineteenth-century, despite their careful regulation by the Paris police force, continued to be places of inventiveness, defiance, anger, humor, and self-expression. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The aim of this paper is to give the Frisian jurist Ulrik Huber (1636–94) his place in the European history of the notion of fundamental laws and to enhance our understanding of the history of the rule of law, particularly of the role of fundamental laws therein. In order to do so Huber's notion of fundamental laws will be read against the background of a European sketch of this notion. Huber's ideas on fundamental laws are taken here for a door through which some age-old ideas entered a new stage – and with these age-old ideas a core conception of rule of law thinking had knocked on that door. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

With the aim of making a city sustainable, this paper evaluates the impact of setting up urban toll on inequalities. We use several indicators (Gini, Theil and Atkinson indices) to measure changes in the concentration of incomes and gravity-based accessibility. In the case of the Lyon Metropolitan Area (France), we simulate a cordon pricing and evaluate its impacts on inequalities. We adopt a comparison-based approach to reduce the bias resulting from the spatial division. In agreement with the literature, we show that different inequality indicators produce contrasted and sometimes contradictory results, both at the scale of zones or metropolitan level. Results from Theil and Atkinson indicators point out introducing a toll can reduce inequalities in the most peripheral zones. Although we observe an accessibility improvement, particularly for central zones, the first ring (adjacent to the toll zone) is the most adversely affected by toll. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper reexamines the reform of the cathedral chapter of Sées in 1131. It does so by looking primarily, though not exclusively, at the almost 400 acta – that is, the charters and documents –issued by the bishops of the diocese in the period up to 1220. It shows that this underused material has the potential better to contextualise this key event in the ecclesiastical history of medieval France and radically to improve our understanding of its wider effects. It also looks in detail at the careers of the bishops during this period and shows that these prelates, contrary to popular belief, were often supportive not only of the reform established within their cathedral, but also of the wider Augustinian movement. It concludes by briefly considering what the example of Sées can tell us about the regularisation of cathedral chapters in the Middle Ages. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

This article examines the political economy of French imperialism from a critical Marxist perspective. It demonstrates how France has maintained a major role on the international scene, especially militarily, despite experiencing a relative decline in world economic power since the 1990s. In this regard, three features have marked the French imperial project: (1) the core role of state institutions and corporate elites in making French capitalism, and the protracted closeness of the state-capital nexus; (2) the strength of militarism in economic, political, and social realms; and (3) the consolidation of rentier interests not only in the corporate power bloc, but also at a political level. Over the past century, these three dynamics have underpinned and reinforced a particular project of empire in France – one that bears relevance to current debates on globalisation and the ‘new imperialism'. By examining these issues, this paper seeks to further develop the Marxist theory of international political economy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper explores the history of the isolation and industrial production of aluminium in France, from the work of Henri Sainte-Claire Deville in the 1850s to the latter part of the twentieth century, focusing on the relationships between academic research and industrial exploitation. In particular, it identifies a culture and organisation of research and development, 'learning-by-doing,' that emerged in the French aluminium industry following the establishment of the first electrolytic production facilities in the late 1880s by Paul Héroult, who, along with the American Charles Hall, patented the electrolytic method of producing the metal. This French method of R&D was a product both of a scientific culture that saw a continuity between scientific research and industrial application, and of a state policy that, unlike in Germany or the United States, was late to recognise the importance of fostering, on a large scale, the relations between academic chemistry and industry. It was only after World War II that the French state came fully to recognise the importance of underpinning industry with scientific research. And it was only from the 1960s, in the face of intensifying global competition, the risks of pollution, and the cost of energy, that the major aluminium firm Pechiney et Cie was able to replace a culture of 'learning-by-doing' by one that integrated fundamental science with the production process. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The advent of mass, male suffrage in France in 1848 is usually regarded as a great success. There was a huge turnout in elections for a Constituent Assembly, but the outcome disappointed republicans, who failed to win a majority and blamed a backward peasantry. This paper suggests that the electoral system was at fault rather than the electorate. A hastily devised procedure, based on collective voting and the absence of declared candidatures, enabled notables to dominate the new regime. Radicals revised their tactics with some success in 1849, but soon succumbed to the plebiscitary democracy of Louis- Napoleon. Universal suffrage might well mean counter-revolution. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper analyses the revival of Pliny's Naturalis historia within the scientific culture of the late eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries, focusing on a French effort to produce an edition with annotations by scientists and scholars. Between the Renaissance and the early eighteenth century, the Naturalis historia had declined in scientific importance. Increasingly, it was relegated to the humanities, as we demonstrate with a review of editions. For a variety of reasons, however, scientific interest in the Naturalis historia grew in the second half of the eighteenth century. Epitomizing this interest was a plan for a scientifically annotated, Latin-French edition of the Naturalis historia. Initially coordinated by the French governmental minister Malesherbes in the 1750s, the edition was imperfectly realized by Poinsinet a few decades later. It was intended to rival two of the period's other distinguished multi-volume books of knowledge, Diderot and D'Alembert's Encyclopédie and Buffon's Histoire naturelle, to which we compare it. Besides narrating the scientific revival of the Historia naturalis during this period, we examine its causes and the factors contributing to its end in the first half of the nineteenth century. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Emancipation for Muslim women in France is an ongoing struggle expressed and examined through contemporary French and Francophone literature and film. In Inch'Allah Dimanche (God-Willing on Sunday) and Mémoires d'immigrés: V heritage maghrébin (Immigrant Memories: Maghreb in Heritage), French-Algerian filmmaker Yamina Benguigui illustrates the social, economic, and religious difficulties experienced by immigrants of the Maghreb to France following France's family regroupment law of 1974. These difficulties continue today and have contributed to an identity crisis that is preventing Muslim women from achieving emancipation. Leila Djitli addresses the notion of identity crisis as it pertains to the experience of the Muslim immigrant woman in France Lettre a ma filie qui veut porter le voile (A Letter to my Daughter Who Wants to Wear the Veil). Through her documentary-like approach, Djitli examines the feelings of exile that contribute to identity crisis. This paper will analyze France's recent Muslim immigrant history from the Algerian War to present day through these works as it pertains to the role of identity in emancipation. The analysis will consider Western feminist and Islamic feminist perspectives as well as the French position on secularism and its role in the French public sphere. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Using memoirs can be a vital way of supplementing archival evidence or indeed of overcoming a shortage of contemporaneous sources, and they offer insights into the attitudes and motivations of participants as well as how they recorded and remembered events. Memoirs retain an inherent value that must not be ignored, particularly in the study of intelligence liaison which addresses the kinds of personal and cultural aspects which are often especially well illuminated through autobiographical writing. This paper explores some of the theoretical and practical issues associated with the use of memoir material and examines them through the prism of selected autobiographical writings related to Anglo-French intelligence liaison from the Great War up to the Second World War. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper analyzes the rise and decline of social movements in Amsterdam and Paris, focusing in particular on the organizations of left-wing immigrant workers. These organizations performed crucial roles for new social movements in the 1970s and 1980s but were isolated and coopted in the 1990s and early 2000s. To explain why this is so, we engage in a dialogue with Jacques Rancière and develop an understanding of cities as strategic sites for both politicization and policing. Cities serve as sites of politicization because they are incubators of the relational conduits that enable activists from different sectors to engage with one another's struggles and look beyond narrow temporal and spatial horizons. However, cities also serve as sites of policing because authorities constantly attempt to reconfigure governmental arrangements in such a way that civil society serves as an extension of the government and comes to fulfill an instrumental role in the development and implementation of policy. Just as politicizing implies the widening of temporal and spatial horizons, policing implies the narrowing of such horizons. The analysis shows the social movements of the 1960s lost steam in two of the major hubs of the new left and reveals some of the more universal mechanisms through which cities generate or quell dissent. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The arrival of Indian sipahis (or ‘sepoys’) to fight alongside soldiers of the British Expeditionary Force in France in October 1914 was both a victory and a source of concern for the British Raj. It proved to be the zenith of martial race fantasies that had been carefully codified from the 1890s, and birthed fears about the effects that Europe and the rapidly intensifying conflict on the Western Front would have upon the ‘best black troops in the world’. The situation resulted in the appointment of a special military censor to examine the letters sent to and from Indian sipahis and compile a fortnightly summary of Indian letters from France for the duration of the First World War. This paper investigates a portion of the letters contained in these reports. More particularly, it investigates the life of a single chain letter and the effect its chiliastic message had upon Muslim troops of the Indian Army during the First World War. As the letter was read, rewritten, and passed on, it served as a rejoinder to missionary efforts by the Ahmadiyya Movement, reinterpreted as a call for soldiers to purify their own bodies and oppose interracial sexual relationships, before, finally, being used as a critique of the British war effort against the Ottoman empire. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

This article explores the early years of Daniel Guérin (1904–88), who from the 1930s onwards became known as a leading revolutionary socialist and campaigner for decolonisation, antimilitarism and homosexual liberation. It examines the ‘making of Daniel Guérin’ in two senses: (i) his transformation from a son of thegrande bourgeoisieinto a workerist revolutionary and anti-imperialist; and (ii) Guérin's own retrospective representation of his early years through his autobiographical works, as well as interviews. Based on a close reading of these sources, his two novels as well as his private papers and other archival material including police reports, it provides fresh insights into the formative influences on his ideological development. Rather than focusing exclusively on the influence of his liberal, Dreyfusard family, or the impact of his relationships with working-class men or his experiences of colonial realities, it brings to light the influence on him of Tolstoy and of Gandhi, an influence which would inform a strong ethical core in his libertarian conception of socialism. The article also argues that despite the apparently protean nature of his political itinerary, there was in fact always an underlying ideological consistency to Guérin's libertarian Marxism. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

The study of human remains from the first and the second World War is important for enhancing our understanding of that historical period. Despite the fact that the period has been well-documented previously, gaps remain, particularly as a result of the destruction of archives. In fact, for just WWI, more than 700,000 soldiers from both sides remain missing. Scientific and political collaborations established in hopes of recovering and identifying soldiers will allow many families understand "what happened" to their loved ones and facilitate the return of the soldiers their homes. In this paper, the recovery of the human remains of French soldiers WWI and WWII will be described through the lens of the legislation in place governing the retrieval and identification of the remains, protocols established for recovery, excavation and analysis, and the dissemination data. These features will be illustrated using three case studies that involve French soldiers who died during WWI. Research of this type is the result of true interdisciplinary and sometimes international, depending on the context, collaboration. The public and academic the dissemination of these archaeological discoveries, both to academics and the public, is crucial and a type of remembrance. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The author focuses on research into the role that well-educated elites played in enabling technological and scientific creativity during the Industrial Revolution of the late 18th century. He mentions a paper by M. P. Squicciarini and N. Voigtlander examining the number of people who subscribed to the "Grande Encyclopédie" published in 1777-1778 and economic development in French cities where subscribers lived. He commented on the role of elites in the early stages of industrialization.