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This paper (re)examines European missionary encounters with Ghanaians from the sixteenth – twenty-first centuries from Ghanaian perspectives. The paper makes three main arguments: first, European missionary endeavours were quite peripheral to ongoing indigenous religious activities and daily life, with the movement of Christianity from the periphery to the center of Ghanaian society a more recent phenomenon with political implications and concerns. Secondly, missionary and colonial decisions were often made in response to indigenous activities, not vice versa. And thirdly, this methodological approach of hearing African and European voices in dialogue serves as a much-needed corrective to favouring European perspectives within African mission history. Taken together, this provides fresh insights into questions of how/why Christianity went from the periphery under European missionary leadership to Ghana's primary religion post-independence, offering differently nuanced understandings to concepts of mission while giving dignity and respect to the local context, people, and institutions. Resumen: El objetivo de este trabajo es (re)examinar, desde perspectivas ghanesas, los intercambios entre misioneros europeos con los ghaneses entre los siglos XVI a XXI. El artículo presenta tres argumentos principales: en primer lugar, los esfuerzos misioneros europeos fueron bastante marginales en relación a las actividades religiosas indígenas corrientes y la vida cotidiana. y con el movimiento del cristianismo desde la periferia hacia el centro de la sociedad ghanesa, un fenómeno más reciente con implicaciones y preocupaciones políticas. En segundo lugar, a menudo las decisiones se tomaban respondiendo a las actividades indígenas y no a la inversa. En tercer lugar, este enfoque metodológico de escuchar el diálogo entre las voces africanas y europeas sirve como un correctivo muy necesario para con el que favorecía las perspectivas europeas en la historia de la misión en África. En conjunto, estos proveen nuevas ideas sobre las pregunta de cómo/por qué el cristianismo pasó desde la periferia bajo el liderazgo misionero europeo a ser la religión principal de Ghana post-independencia, y ofrecen una comprensión con matices diferentes sobre los conceptos de misión dando dignidad y respeto al contexto local, las personas y las instituciones. 摘要: 本文的目的是从加纳的角度，重新审视欧洲传教士从十六世纪到二十一世纪与加纳 人的遭遇。该文提出了三个主要论点:第一，欧洲传教工作与正在进行的土著宗教 活动和日常生活相当接近，基督教从加纳社会的边缘向中心流动是一个较新的现 象，具有政治意义和关切性。第二，传教和殖民的决定往往是针对土著活动作出 的，而不是反过来。第三，这种在对话中聆听非洲和欧洲声音的方法论，是对非洲 宣教历史上偏向欧洲观点的急需的纠正。综合起来，这为基督教如何/为什么从欧 洲传教士领导下的外围走向加纳独立后的主要宗教的问题提供了新的见解，对宣教 概念提供了不同的细微理解，同时给予当地背景、人民和机构尊严和尊重。 [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper argues for the importance of transnational memories in framing Australian anti-nuclear activism after the Fukushima disaster. Japan looms large in the transnational nuclear imaginary. Commemorating Hiroshima as the site of the first wartime use of nuclear weapons has been a long-standing practice in the Australian anti-nuclear movement and the day has been linked to a variety of issues including weapons and uranium mining. As Australia began exporting uranium to Japan in the 1970s, Australia-Japan relations took on a new meaning for the Indigenous Traditional Owners from whose land uranium was extracted. After Fukushima, these complex transnational memories formed the basis for an orientation towards Japan by Indigenous land rights activists and for the anti-nuclear movement as a whole. This paper argues that despite tenuous organizational links between the two countries, transnational memories drove Australian anti-nuclear activists to seek connections with Japan after the Fukushima disaster. The mobilisation of these collective memories helps us to understand how transnational social movements evolve and how they construct globalisation from below in the Asia-Pacific region. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In 1968 a large-scale recreational vacation property development, Legend Lake, was carved out of the recently terminated Menominee reservation to create a tax base for Wisconsin's newly formed Menominee County. Menominee peoples' resistance to the Legend Lake project and land sales expressed multiple concerns about settler colonialism and the process of terraforming and ecological change, land dispossession, cultural erasure, and implications for the future. The Menominee people came together to respond to this twentieth-century manifestation of the ecological dynamics of settler colonialism by asserting their tribal identity, culture, and relationships to their land. In this paper, we argue that the ecological changes created by the Legend Lake project was one of the major catalysts for Menominee resistance to settler colonialism that ultimately led to the restoration of the Menominee tribe. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The environmental movement in the global North is in a state of impasse. It appears that despite the renewed international focus on climate change, and the actions of innumerable social movements, a 'solution' to the problem appears as one, without a viable solution. It is the contention of this paper that climate change has no clearly viable solution as it is a seemingly impossible problem. This paper investigates how the problem of climate change is constructed as a global object of political action and how it functions to render politics into a matter of calculative action, one that seeks-but fails-to take hold of a slippery carbon infrastructure. It concludes by suggesting one possible solution to this dilemma is to turn away from the global scalar logic of climate change and towards a situated focus on questions of infrastructure, or what Dimitris Papadopoulos calls 'thick justice'. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The emergence of an assertive judiciary in Pakistan is an apparently anomalous development given the broader trajectory of the collapse of institutional autonomy in the civilian sphere of governance. This paper examines the changes since 2005 by placing them in a broader historical context and argues that a Pakistani variant of a rule of justice tradition that employs the metaphor of the colonial rule of law tradition is emerging. Under this hybrid, the formal apparatus of colonial constitutionalism is employed using expansive, almost despotic, discretion by the superior judiciary, in order to hold the executive to the account. The judiciary draws popular support from such exercises as the spectacle created resonates with the public, and thus support is the fuel upon which judicial independence rests. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The main theoretical and empirical focus of this paper is the critical examination of alternative forms of resistance that emerged in South Africa after the suppression of mass mobilisation and following the banning of anti-apartheid organisations in the 1960s. It will argue that while the period c. 1966–1979 is regarded as an era in which apartheid was at its height in South Africa, other forms of resistance emerged against it. The emergence and alteration in resistance measures was largely propelled by ‘subjects’ desire to free themselves from the rituals of oppression and from the practice of state repression. This alteration could be seen in the use of a variety of tools including the criminal justice system (legal instruments), ‘one-man’ protests and covert ‘political education’ to unsettle apartheid. By focusing on these three components and through the narrative of an individual and the local study approach, this paper also seeks to recover some of the ‘lost, prophetic voices’ that played a meaningful role during this period and therefore aims to explore some historical events of this era and their resonances for South Africa beyond 1979. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper analyzes literary, visual, and street art works of writers and artists from Eastern Ukraine produced during 2014. Two Donetsk artists, Serhii Zakharov and Anzhela Dzherikh, and two Luhansk writers, Serhii Zhadan and Olena Stepova, play with the myth of the proletarian Donbas, on the one hand, and debunk the popular perception of Donbas people as being in consent with the politics of the self-proclaimed Donetsk and Luhansk People’s Republics, on the other. They explore familiar tropes and images of Donbas and use guerrilla tactics (shock effects, provocativeness, and deception) to initiate public reaction to the war. Their works are united by their search for a shared communication space and direct access to the audience on occupied territories. These artists challenge the accepted perception of Donbas as a free but uncivilized space and participate in the creation of a new Donbas text. The interaction between politics, art, and activism makes their voices and vision powerful and infectious and can help achieve civic consolidation in Donbas. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper troubles dominant understandings of North American feminist history as a series of successive, ideologically opposed, generational "waves." While several scholars have critiqued this metaphor, few have grounded their critiques in the lives, perspectives, and organizing strategies of women involved in feminist activism. This paper draws on research with older Canadian women activists involved in the Grandmothers Advocacy Network (GRAN) to call into question three existing critiques of the waves metaphor: its implicit ageism, its simplistic categorizations, and its assumed generational discord. In so doing, it illustrates how women's lives and mobilizations are far too intricate for this framework. This paper thus contributes to understanding the complexities of contemporary feminist activism, particularly as these complexities relate to the contributions of older activists. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In approaching history as a site of scholarly analysis and activist praxis, the papers in this volume open up new ways to think ethnographic and archival methods together. This afterword considers how these activist ethnographic representations work as part of the ethical and analytic commitments of contemporary anthropology more broadly. I ask what possibilities are opened when we as scholars think with other people's struggles. Such dialogic encounter is a way in which activist anthropologies create possibilities for new imaginative frontiers and shared projects. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper chronicles the ongoing efforts of several groups of Bosnian activists, artists and academics, to create archives of the often forgotten, and nowadays variously threatened, heritage of political and social life during Yugoslav socialism. Postsocialist archives in other parts of Eastern Europe have typically been motivated by the need to 'settle accounts' with communism, understood in this context to be a totalitarian project. By contrast, these ongoing archiving efforts in the postwar and postsocialist Bosnia-Herzegovina, are created in order to recuperate and repurpose the unrealized potentials of Yugoslav socialism, and to use this history to reseed contemporary political imaginaries. I show how these post-Yugoslav activist-archives are working to recover a form of transformational historical subjectivity which seems profoundly necessary in the current political moment, marked by political disenchantment and the devastating effects of the postsocialist transition. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper focuses on the impact of the First World War (WWI) and its aftermath on the political activism of the Mzabi community in the Algerian desert. Following the French annexation of the Mzab Valley in 1882 and the military draft imposed on Mzabis in 1912 and again in 1918, Mzabis, who are Amazighen (sing. Amazigh, also known as Berbers) and Ibadis (members of minority sect in Islam), felt more and more threatened by French policies towards the Mzab and its inhabitants. This paper shows how the events of WWI and the hope in a French defeat and an Ottoman victory provided Mzabis with the opportunity to link to trans-border anti-colonial movements, especially in Tripolitania and Tunisia, and to promote their case for Mzab’s independence from French Algeria. Those movements, tied to Istanbul, had emerged earlier during the Italian invasion of Libya in 1911 and were reinvigorated during WWI and the Ottoman efforts of mass mobilization. Mzabis were linked to resistance groups in Tripolitania and thus were able to easily integrate themselves during WWI into cross-border anti-colonial movements. They perceived themselves as part of a pro-Ottoman North African movement opposed to European colonial projects and not part of an Algeria they considered to be ‘French.’ In particular, given their strong connections to Tripolitanian activists who were also Ibadis and connected to Istanbul, they believed that they were better positioned to negotiate their independence from France than the Maliki (followers of the Maliki religious school of jurisprudence) majority of Algeria. Their activism during and shortly after WWI and struggle for their own independence as ‘Mzabis,’ distinguishing themselves from the rest of Maliki Algerians, highlight three important themes. The first is the need to create one uninterrupted narrative linking the Italian invasion of Tripolitania in 1911 to WWI in terms of shaping cross-border alliances and political strategies in the Maghrib towards the Allies. The second is the significance and continuous relevance of the Ottoman context for North African and Saharan communities in the definition of their political allegiances during WWI. Third are the alternative political imaginations Mzabi activism during WWI presents us. Rather than the usual perception of WWI as being the catalyst for nationalist stirrings in the region, the case of the Mzabis provides a counter-narrative to nationalist historiographies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Synopsis This paper begins to chart the history of the understudied topic of Indonesian activism for the so called ‘comfort women’ of the Japanese military from World War Two. It asks how and why activists in the specific historical context of New Order Indonesia, the cultural context of Indonesia, the global rise in human rights claims and a new openness to war redress in Japan were variously constrained and enabled in their advocacy. Drawing on recent research into the history of emotions and social movements the paper analyses how and why Indonesian activists appealed to certain emotions to gain support within Indonesia and Japan for compensation. A focus on emotions and the political and cultural contexts surrounding early Indonesian activism allows us to better understand the local framing, reception and outcomes of this global protest movement in Indonesia. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines Nation women's engagement and resistance in the Muhammad Speaks (MS) newspaper. MS was created as the official publication of Elijah Muhammad's Nation of Islam (NOI) in 1960. The paper employed women as journalists and invited contributions from women who had registered with the group. Women's contributions to the paper's production and content reveal their readings of NOI mandates but they equally illuminate a gentle resistance to aspects of the organization. Elijah Muhammad's NOI implemented gender roles for men and women within the organization that were often inflexible. Women embraced the organization's gender roles and found ways to navigate the patriarchal dimensions of the movement. This paper argues that a careful analysis of women's writings for the MS newspaper reveals facets of their activism that have been overlooked in existing scholarly studies. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

During the nineteenth century printing costs decreased with new technological innovations, and in the United States, the use of written propaganda skyrocketed as a means to share ideas. By the early twentieth century, producing and disseminating this literature had become a strategic move for political activists like woman suffragists. In the American Midwest, vast spaces and difficult travel conditions hindered frequent face-to-face conversations, and advocates for woman suffrage recognized the power of paper as an inexpensive means to reach isolated rural voters. An analysis focused on the material culture of the thousands of pamphlets, leaflets, and flyers used by suffragists exposes the practical decisions that shaped political campaign strategies. It also reveals that suffrage activists placed tremendous importance on propaganda; they planned their political campaigns around small papers with big messages. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper uses the political theories of recognition to assess the online political activism which constitutes the informal, political participation of working-class Loyalists in post-ceasefire Northern Ireland. The satirisation of the flag protesters and loyalists more broadly stimulated a competition of narratives regarding the capacity of loyalism and its contributions to a post-conflict social setting. The impact of satire on marginalised groups creates new spaces for those groups to offer alternative perspectives and to resist negative stereotyping from without. In response to the ritual derision which loyalists faced following the flag protests, some engaged in the production of grassroots media which attempted to transform the recognition relations of the group. In examining the relationships between groups in contested societies, particularly those emerging from conflict, theories of respect and esteem offer innovate insights into the role of status and social equality. The deliberative and moral capacities of ‘others’ can be undermined in processes of stereotyping and intra-group esteem generation is a counter to such slights. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

The article will provide a historical overview of anti-Black violence in the higher education system across three time periods: Colonial Era, Post-Civil War, and the mid-to-late twentieth century. Mapping violence demands a focus on how higher education historically has practiced anti-Black oppression coupled with how Black people have practiced resistance and life-making. Both the terms education violence (how systems of schooling limit and kill Black lives) and life-making (how Black people engage in alternative self-definition and self-care) are introduced to name pivotal moments in this history. Defining violence at structural, cultural, and direct levels, the paper accounts for how higher education has been an engine and reflection of racial hierarchy. The article ends with the implications history has for issues of anti-Blackness and movements for Black life-making in the higher education system today. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Social movements in struggle around energy are currently developing an imaginary of 'energy democracy' to signify the emancipatory energy transitions they desire. Deploying a scholar-activist perspective, this paper contributes to debates around the concretisation of the energy democracy imaginary by exploring the relationship of energy democracy movements to the state. To do so, I focus on the experiences of the Berliner Energietisch campaign, which in 2013 forced (and lost) a referendum aiming to extend-and democratise-the local state's role in Berlin's energy governance. Drawing on relational theories of the state, I argue that it is productive to read Berliner Energietisch as enacting an energy politics in-against-and-beyond the state. In making this argument, I draw out implications for theoretical and strategic debates around the commons and the state. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Recent scholarship on the post-First World War period has drawn attention to conservative women who often objected to being called feminists, yet whose motivations and achievements must be accounted for in an inclusive history of women’s international activism. This paper examines the work ofSaturday Evening Postcorrespondent Eleanor Franklin Egan, whose coverage of the Great Russian Famine in 1922 helped construct a self-assuring nationalist discourse based on anti-Bolshevism and American character and values, but which elided gender, class and ethnic differences and anxieties. Egan is compared to other women journalists whose work exists at the nexus of personal, national and transnational identities. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Based on the keynote address the author gave at the ISCHE conference in Turkey in June 2015, this article examines how female identities, in a predominantly non-white colonial setting, were variously constructed over a 145-year time period. The paper also sees some resonance with the power structures that drive female oppression in former non-white colonial domains today and begins with that discussion. The author then turns to develop a largely historical perspective concerning this issue and is interested in the changes in the interaction between females living in India and the colonial state over this extended time period. In so doing, the article illustrates the activism of females who were caught within the imperial ambit as they responded, with varying degrees of intensity, to the broader racial and class agendas, which were internal to British colonial rule. The article uses the paradigm of “femininity” to trace the self-actualisation of these females, as well as the official impositions placed on them; and how, even from this position of powerlessness, coercive agendas could still emerge as a result of their activism that the state, itself, was then forced to accommodate. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

This paper focuses on how media production played a central role for the League of Revolutionary Black Workers in its collective mobilization of workers. Through the creation of newsletters, a local newspaper, and film, Finally Got the News, the league utilized media making as an integral activist practice. The league's partnership with an all-white film team from New York Newsreel to create Finally Got the Newsprovides a unique opportunity to explore the racial, class, and gendered privileges that haunt US white radical filmmaking, black activism, and alliances between black and white New Left groups. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In 2009, the Jessie Street National Women’s Library curated an exhibition in Sydney,Remembering Pine Gap, using their extensive collection of materials relating to the Pine Gap women’s peace camp held in central Australia in 1983. Arguably, one of the most iconic events of the Australian women’s peace movement held at the height of Cold War politics, the event accrues significance through being the subject of an exhibition. As well, the exhibition is one of the few that takes a feminist event as its sole focus, and so reminds us of the material connection between the politics and aesthetics of feminist space and time. This article investigates what this might mean as a form for remembering feminist activism, and as an activist form.Remembering Pine Gapis therefore critically situated in relation to other feminist and social protest exhibitions, and is then addressed as an activist form through its feminist aesthetics. In doing so, the paper seeks to extend the ways in which activist spaces and forms can be remembered as physical and material sites as well as intellectual cultural heritage. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Although Turkey is no stranger to protest events, there has been only limited research into why some people participate in protests, such as demonstrations and boycotts, while others do not. Using the 2008 European Values Study data, this paper investigates how socio-economic and demographic variables, political attitudes and orientations, social capital and religiosity explain variations in the likelihood of engaging in unconventional political activity in Turkey. Comparing results for Turkey with results for the European Union (EU), the present study finds that traditional explanations of participation in unconventional forms of political action in stable democracies do not seem to explain participation in Turkey. Education, institutional trust, democratic satisfaction and religious beliefs are the only factors that shape non-traditional participation in Turkey. Socio-economic and demographic characteristics, political attitudes and orientations, social capital and religious beliefs explain most of the variation in unconventional activism in the EU. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

The advent of mass, male suffrage in France in 1848 is usually regarded as a great success. There was a huge turnout in elections for a Constituent Assembly, but the outcome disappointed republicans, who failed to win a majority and blamed a backward peasantry. This paper suggests that the electoral system was at fault rather than the electorate. A hastily devised procedure, based on collective voting and the absence of declared candidatures, enabled notables to dominate the new regime. Radicals revised their tactics with some success in 1849, but soon succumbed to the plebiscitary democracy of Louis- Napoleon. Universal suffrage might well mean counter-revolution. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The book Direct Action, Deliberation and Diffusion: Collective Action After the WTO Protests in Seattle argues that the process of diffusion is dependent on social processes in the receiving context. The most important in social movements is an egalitarian and reflexive deliberation among diverse actors. The book traces the direct action tactics associated with the Seattle protests against the World Trade Organization in 1999 and how these spread to activists in Toronto and New York City. It shows how the structure of the political field, racial and class inequalities, identity boundaries, and organizational and conversational dynamics limited deliberation among activists, and thus limited the diffusion of the Seattle tactics. By constraining the spread of the Seattle tactics, this slowed the global justice movement's wave of protest. In this paper, I explore the application of and implications of this model of protest tactic diffusion to the recent Idle No More mobilizations. Le livre Direct Action, Deliberation and Diffusion: Collective Action After the WTO Protests in Seattle fait valoir que le processus de diffusion dépend de processus sociaux dans le contexte de réception. Le plus important pour les movements sociaux est une délibération égalitaire et réflexive entre divers acteurs. Le livre retrace les tactiques d'action directe associés aux manifestations de Seattle contre l'Organisation Mondiale du Commerce en 1999 et comment ils se propagent à des militants de Toronto et de New York. Il montre comment la délibération de la structure des inégalités le domaine politique, raciales et de classe, les limites de l'identité et de la dynamique de l'organisation et de la conversation limitée parmi les militants, et donc limiter la diffusion de la tactique de Seattle. En limitant la propagation de la tactique de Seattle, ce ralentissement de la vague de protestation du mouvement altermondialiste. Dans cet article, j'explore l'application et implications de ce modèle de diffusion protestation de tactique pour les dernières Idle No More mobilisations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In January 2012, in several cities of Romania, people turned out to streets to protest. The protests were linked to the wave of movements such as the Indignados or Occupy Wall Street. The students were especially visible among protesters. In this paper, we show that the profile of protests in Romania witnessed a significant shift from workers strikes for higher wages and better jobs, during communism and in the 1990ies, to social movements in which young urban educated citizens mobilize with the help of social networks for issues that are linked to the quality of democracy and life. Furthermore, the shift in protesting is associated, at the individual level, with distrust of the political system, which stimulates engaging in demonstrations. Interestingly, online activism accelerates the feeling of shared distrust of institutions, motivating youth to engage in protest participation, although the effects might be moderate and the causal arrow somewhat uncertain. The hypotheses are tested with data from a general survey on participation in 2012 and a student survey from October 2012. We find that gender, distrust in institutions and family income influence protest behavior. Time spent online has a negative effect on protest engagement and online activism is related to protest behavior. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper analyzes the rise and decline of social movements in Amsterdam and Paris, focusing in particular on the organizations of left-wing immigrant workers. These organizations performed crucial roles for new social movements in the 1970s and 1980s but were isolated and coopted in the 1990s and early 2000s. To explain why this is so, we engage in a dialogue with Jacques Rancière and develop an understanding of cities as strategic sites for both politicization and policing. Cities serve as sites of politicization because they are incubators of the relational conduits that enable activists from different sectors to engage with one another's struggles and look beyond narrow temporal and spatial horizons. However, cities also serve as sites of policing because authorities constantly attempt to reconfigure governmental arrangements in such a way that civil society serves as an extension of the government and comes to fulfill an instrumental role in the development and implementation of policy. Just as politicizing implies the widening of temporal and spatial horizons, policing implies the narrowing of such horizons. The analysis shows the social movements of the 1960s lost steam in two of the major hubs of the new left and reveals some of the more universal mechanisms through which cities generate or quell dissent. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the 1990s, efforts were launched in the Republic of Sakha (Yakutia) in the Russian Federation to support the revival of Sakha (Yakut) language education. This interdisciplinary study examines the evolution of school-based Sakha language education in the city of Yakutsk over a 25-year period beginning with the launching of the first reforms in the 1990s. Language education reform in the capital city has been shaped by a dynamic interplay between federal, regional, and local factors. Grassroots social and cultural activism continues to play a key role in school-based language revitalization in Yakutsk, influencing how policies have been received and implemented at the local level. Local community stakeholders are working together to counteract federal education policies, which direct school resources away from minority language education. This case study shows that the Sakha (Yakut) language revival has taken root in the capital city, and it provides important evidence that civic activism continues to develop in urban areas of the republic. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]