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This paper reports the findings of a dialogical narrative analysis conducted by two white academics in distinct higher education contexts -- one based in the United States and the other in South Africa. Through the retelling of actual classroom scenarios, the authors assess their own teaching methods, responses, and classroom practices in order to examine how whiteness has shaped their classroom and teaching practices. As a result of this critical examination, the authors present strategies that centre around reorienting 'habits of mind' (vulnerability, flipping curriculum, collective buy-in, challenging safety, and inter-racial collaborations) to break the cycle of pervasive whiteness that exists in classroom environments and curricular endeavours. In an effort to work against reifying the colonial wound and move towards decolonising teaching practices, the findings of this analysis and the discussion that follows is our attempt of 'stepping back' in order to travel forward in our professional lives.

This paper argues that in order to understand the anti-Apartheid campaign in Portland, Oregon it must be located within the particular socio-historical context of race and racism in the city and state. Thus, Black people living in Portland had good reason to compare the Apartheid system in South Africa to their own experience. Therefore, the confluence of national and local issues that move the local anti-Apartheid campaign forward is examined; the paper documents the rise and development of critical organizations in the anti-Apartheid campaign in Portland; the paper focus on the closure of the Honorary South Africa Consulate in downtown Portland and the passing of South Africa divestment legislation at the state level which paralleled actions of the national movement. This study is based on an analysis of historical documents, and interviews with four prominent community activists and politicians regarding their participation. In conclusion, it is argued that this research is important because there is little scholarship of the anti-Apartheid movement in the Northwest region of the U.S., and even less on the role Black people in the state of Oregon played in the anti-apartheid movement. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper is a revised version of a paper prepared for the biennial conference of the Commonwealth Council for Educational Administration and Management held in Durbin, South Africa - hence the initial choice of both American and South African contexts. The purpose of this paper is to argue that, although not a panacea, transformative leadership - with its emphasis on inequity, power and promise, and its reliance on dialogue and the explicit naming of difficult issues such as racism - holds considerable promise for ensuring that education is an important agent for societal change. The paper starts with the premise that although legal barriers to discrimination may have been overcome in both the United States and South Africa, the reality for many racialised individuals in both countries is quite different. The on going presence of disparity in educational achievement between white, middle-class students and their minoritised peers attests not only to inequitable access, but also to continued experiences of marginalisation, prejudice, discrimination and racism that lead inevitably to disparities in outcomes and in opportunities beyond school. Drawing on studies of schooling in both countries and of school leaders striving to use social justice to promote equity, this paper will demonstrate the need for educators to acknowledge issues of power and privilege, to create spaces in which difficult conversations may occur, and to become expert in bringing together, listening to and truly hearing the inevitably conflicting perspectives that arise. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper addresses the politics of color-blindness in comparative perspective as its meaning has changed over the past half-century. Drawing on the cases of South Africa and the United States, I focus in particular on the socio-political and psychological functions that color-blind ideology performs for whites in defending white advantage in the present context. Although in the past color-blindness served as an effective rallying cry for the abolition of Jim Crow and the demise of apartheid, the very same principle serves in the post-segregation context to stall transformation of the racial order in the direction of greater equality. It is an irony that the principle of color-blindness that so effectively mobilized opposition to the institutionally racist order in both national contexts mutates at the very moment of apparent victory into one that radically limits the anti-racist imagination. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Objective. To explore levels of perceived racial and non-racial discrimination and their associations with self-esteem and mastery in the USA and South Africa. Design. We used ordinary least square regressions to test the cross-sectional associations between discrimination and psychological resources using two national probability samples of adults: the National Survey of American Life and the South African Stress and Health Study. Results. Levels of perceived racial discrimination were higher in the USA than in South Africa. In the USA, both African-Americans and Caribbean Blacks have comparable or higher levels of self-esteem and mastery than Whites. In contrast, South African Whites have higher levels of both self-esteem and mastery than Africans, Coloureds, and Indians. Perceived discrimination, especially chronic everyday discrimination, is inversely related to self-esteem and mastery in both societies. In South Africa, stress and socioeconomic status (SES) but not discrimination are important determinants of racial differences in self-esteem and mastery. Conclusions. In two racialized societies, perceived discrimination acts independent of demographic factors, general stressors, social desirability bias, racial identity, and SES, to negatively affect the psychological resources of self-esteem and mastery. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

The Carnegie Corporation found its first great manager in Frederick Paul Keppel (1875-1943). Keppel's career is important to historians of education because interwar Carnegie initiatives, articulated through the Corporation's Dominions and Colonies Fund and Teachers College, Columbia University, internationalised American educational theories and practices throughout the English-speaking world. Keppel's concept of key men, prominent authorities influencing events in their home countries, was central to these endeavours. Both products and advocates of modernism, key men put their confidence in the natural and social sciences, in turn melded into the grand themes of their times; the British Imperial Mission, American Expansionism, and shared Anglo-Saxon racial identity. The preparatory nature of Keppel's life and work experiences are first explored. The article then surveys how the complex, yet remarkably informal, network of overseas key men were established. An examination of the Carnegie legacy offers some conclusions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses the misrepresentations of South African life presented in the Transvaal Spectacle at the 1904 St. Louis World Fair in St. Louis, Missouri. The fair's organizers and participants wanted to see representations of idyllic life in South Africa but the South Africans presented reality through reenactments of the Anglo-Boer War from 1902. The actions of the South African War Exhibition Company at the St. Louis World's Fair is discussed.

The article discusses the development of comparative studies on apartheid in South Africa and slavery and Jim Crow laws in the U.S. The author describes the state of comparative literature on the two subjects and argues that a complete comparison may not be appropriate due to the differing circumstances. According to the author, a comparison between the two cultures is useful for scholars of either field but the cultural context of both must be taken into consideration first.

This article compares US and South African labour relations from 1935 to 1956, a period that saw the rise and decline of left-led trade unions, significant initiatives of independent black trade unionism, and a new receptivity on the part of some white trade unionists to cooperation with the black working class. However, interracial unionism in both the US and South Africa fell victim to a post-war anti-left purge, unfavourable legal structures and right-wing trade union factions. Consequently, blacks in the US looked to the racially liberal state to attack racism, but the civil rights movement lacked the mass participation of black workers. In South Africa, the state offered white workers protection against black encroachment and denied black workers a place in the trade-union movement. As a result, black workers played an integral part in the liberation movement. In both cases, the defeat of interracial unionism can be attributed primarily to state action, not working-class racism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article compares the interactions of the communist parties of South Africa and the United States with the black working class of each country until 1950. It discusses, in particular detail, the influence of internationalist currents of radical syndicalism on the course and destiny of each party. The analysis also focuses on how each communist movement adjusted its tactics in response to indigenous patterns of black migration, white working-class racism, black radicals' negotiation of recurring tensions between class, nationalist and reformist influences, and the ways in which communist labour activists in each country were limited or empowered by the changing ideological influences of the Communist International. South African and American communists endured periods of sectarian political rigidity and isolation but, ultimately, communist activists' pragmatic and flexible interpretations of working-class dynamics in each country were more important in shaping each party's relationship with blacks than Leninist ideology or the requirements of Soviet or Cold War politics. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

A hybrid strategy incorporating admonitions of both theory constructionists and naturalists has been adapted in a comparative study of how social conditions and legal system characteristics affect the viability of the American and South African legal orders. The initial step is to construct a first "causal model" to guide analyst's of various kinds of evidence considered indicative of viability, with one or more revisions of the model expected in the course of those analyses. Six social conditions and four legal system characteristics "variables" were identified, and the two cases were "scored" in terms of literature reviews culminating in ten generalizations. These generalizations were then used in conjunction with four postulates to generate a set of propositions stating how each of the ten "variables" presumably affects viability in these cases. The resulting propositions wilt be used subsequently as a first model in analyzing materials on the nature and impact of legal control efforts in the United States and South Africa, the leading test cases of whether a viable legal order can be achieved where racism has been institutionalized in a high degree. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Both the United States and South Africa have been referred to as Herrenvolk democracies, in which the rights, duties and privileges of citizenship have been controlled by particular racial and ethnic groups. As a description of American society at least through World War II and of contemporary South African policies of apartheid, the reference is clearly accurate. In both cases, particular racial and ethnic groups appropriated control of the political community, reaped the lion's share of its benefits, and arrogated to themselves the ability to regulate its membership in accordance with their own values and ideals. The historical circumstances and experiences of Anglo-Protestant Americans did not include a similar ordeal of suffering. Their chosen self-conception stemmed instead from the religious world view of the original Puritan settlers, who regarded themselves as the chosen instruments of God, called to carve a Holy Commonwealth out of the wilderness.