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Copyright of Trabalhos em Lingüística Aplicada is the property of Universidade Estadual de Campinas - Portal de Periodicos Eletronicos Cientificos and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

In the United States, feminists within mainstream rape crisis advocacy have been working to address rape by advocating to end the DNA backlog and therefore, the expansion of DNA databases, locally and nationally. Despite criticisms from radical abolition feminists for practicing carceral feminism that incarcerates more Black and Brown people, rape crisis advocates have been continuing their entanglements with criminal justice, fully recognizing the contradictory ends of such investments. In this paper, I explore their continued carceral investments, through underlying logics and justifications based in science and law and the impacts of doing so, as it relates to the problem of racialized policing. Relying on Black feminist epistemologies and interdisciplinary methodologies, my analysis draws upon archived documents, reports, legislations, and ethnographically driven interviews and observations with and amongst state and non-state actors, who are stakeholders in DNA biosurveillance. I argue that carceral feminists continue their carceral investments through two justifications—materiality and recidivism—that results in intensification of policing in communities of color by expanding genome based racialized biosurveillance. The implications of their justifications further harm survivors of violence, and produce a multifaceted recidivism, that is unbounded spacio-temporally, deepening and furthering state reach within communities of color in perpetuity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

On July 19th, 2005, American Army Private First Class LaVena Johnson died in Balad, Iraq, just 8 days shy of her 20th birthday. On July 13th, 2015, almost 10 years later, 28-year-old Sandra Bland's life came to an abrupt end in a jail cell in Waller County, Texas. Both women's deaths were ruled suicides, and both women's families and friends reject these judgments. Instead, they insinuate foul play by the state, which directly governed the militarized spaces within which the women both died. At first glance, these women appear to have had very different life trajectories, one a United States soldier and the other a Black Lives Matter activist. However, in both of their cases, the ruling of the suspicious deaths as suicides illustrates the state's attempt to render their deaths banal, and thereby diminish the state's own culpability. In understanding the unremitting acts of violence, on women's bodies, especially women of color, this paper focuses on how a Black feminist praxis extends feminist notions of an ethics of care. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The higher-education student body in the United States is increasingly diverse. Diversity and transnationalism are present in the classroom through the increased numbers of students and instructors who are international and/or non-White-identifying. However, syllabi in media, communication, and cultural studies remain centered around an orthodox body of literature that has come to be conceived of as the canon, consisting of scholars who are mostly white, male, and U.S.-American or European. This essay brings communication, culture, and media studies theories into conversation with critical pedagogy to suggest changes in the organization of syllabi and class activities. Namely, I use participatory culture, critical and decolonial pedagogical theories, and Black and transnational feminist pedagogy, to suggest a critical embrace of different as an approach for designing syllabi that center the students rather than the Western-rooted tradition. This paper is part of the critical body of knowledge that pushes for a decolonizing and transnationalizing intervention in higher education. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Oftentimes, social work education is in denial of its seductive and pervasive relationship with White Supremacy, as if it is exempt in power relations rooted in racial formation. The present paper investigates the historical legacy of racial formation within the United States context and its inception in the field of social work. This paper provides comprehensive definitions of the key terms used in teaching social work practice from an anti-racist social justice lens. Whiteness theory is used to highlight the way social work has perpetuated White Supremacy in the evolution of the profession and Black feminist standpoint is used to examine the experiences of non-White women as they interface with racist and oppressive social systems. I advocate for the use of a social justice pedagogy in social work education to help students think critically and reflectively about their future practice to better understand the oppressive power structures in many of today’s agencies, organizations, and institutions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article explores the history of the defunct National Alliance of Black Feminists (NABF). Topics discussed include the acknowledgment of NABF on national television and publications following its establishment in the early 1970s, the political and economic significance of the October 1977 NABF Conference "A Meeting of the Minds," and the commitment demonstrated by NABF to social change and intellectual activism through its community services and conferences.

The Cold War muzzled Claudia Jones' voice, one of the most significant women of the twentieth century, but the rediscovery of her writings and activism offers us new challenges to understanding her epistemology in the 21st century, especially in regard to 'super-exploitation' and tripartite sense of oppression, both of which are at the root of intersectionality. The concept of tripartite oppression is intergenerational. In recent years, Jones has been credited with popularizing the idea of the triple oppression of Black women based on their race, class, and gender, but Louise Thompson Patterson used the term in an essay, in the same year that Jones joined the Communist Party. Patterson appears to use the term triply-oppressed in reference to reforming, the conditions of domestic workers. Whereas Jones' writings and activism connected tripartite ideology to the peace movement. Jones linked the questions of race, class, and gender, to anti-colonialism, anti-imperialism, and anti-fascism into a singular struggle to attain peace that would create an egalitarian society which makes her the mother of global revolutionary thought. The concept of triply-oppressed is not static. It embodies a degree of dynamism as it situates in the context of time and space; so that in the twenty-first century lexicon the concept is expressed in terms of intersectionality. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article focuses on the role of mass incarceration and racial aspects as a hurdle in the development of social justice and democratic equality in the U.S. and its impact on African American women. It informs that anti-violence movement such as Black Feminism movement was raised to resolve the problems in the U.S. incarceral state. It informs that Black Feminist emerged to comprehend and interrogate the massive state-sponsored violence against African Americans enslaved in the U.S.

How to study inequality in innovation? Often, the focus has been gender gaps in patenting. Yet much is missing from our understanding of gendered inequality in innovation with this focus. This review discusses how gender and innovation are intertwined in durable academic inequalities and have implications for who is served by innovation. It summarizes research on gender and race gaps in academic entrepreneurship (including patenting), reasons for those longstanding inequities, and concludes with discussing why innovation gaps matter, including the need to think critically about academic commercialization. And while literature exists on gender gaps in academic entrepreneurship and race gaps in patenting, intersectional analyses of innovation are missing. Black feminist theorists have taught us that gender and race are overlapping and inseparable systems of oppression. We cannot accurately understand inequality in innovation without intersectionality, so this is a serious gap in current research. Intersectional research on gender and innovation is needed across epistemic approaches and methods. From understanding discrimination in academic entrepreneurship to bringing together critical analyses of racial capitalism and academic capitalism, there is much work to do. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article focuses on the philosophical ideas of Black feminist Anna Julia Cooper regarding social justice equity, access, and empowerment for women. It states that the driving force of Cooper in living her life was the commitment and passionate belief of the power of education that would serve as a way in achieving social, economic, and political freedom. It mentions that black feminist theory has been used as a theoretical framework since it recognizes the intersectionality of African American women's gender, race, and class. It also highlights that the re-articulation of philosophical ideals and pedagogical practices are the most significant achievements of Cooper that contribute to the academic empowerment of women and race.

Research on Black girls' and women's literacies reveals how they utilize literacy practices to resist oppression and define their identities. Yet, these practices are frequently absent from or marginalized in formalized schooling spaces. In addition, Black girlhood is rarely placed at the center of equity interventions in schools. As the history of activism in the United States is tied to Black women's struggles for freedom, research and practice involving racial equity must be attentive to the literacies and activism of Black girls. Grounded in Black feminist theory, this article describes a longitudinal study of the critical consciousness development of two young Black women as they engaged in distinct literacy practices to navigate and resist racial oppression in high school. The author analyzes interviews as well as literacy artifacts to explore how these girls enacted critical, digital, and subversive literacies to challenge intersecting oppressions of race and gender in a predominantly White, suburban school. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this article I examine the performances of black girlhood in two texts by Ntozake Shange--the choreopoem "for colored girls who have considered suicide when the rainbow is enuf " (1977) and the novel Sassafras, Cypress and Indigo (1982). The black girls whom Shange portrays navigate anti-black racism in their communities, domestic violence in their homes, and explore their connections with spirit worlds. In both these works, Shange stages black girls who make decisions based on their understanding of the spheres of influence that their race, gender, and age afford them in an anti-black patriarchal world dominated by adults. I draw, too, from Patricia Hill Collins's work on feminist standpoint theory and black feminist thought to introduce the term black girl thought as a theoretical framework to offer insights into the complex lives of black girls who live in the post-civil rights era in the United States. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Decolonial Horizons / Horizontes Decoloniales is the property of Pluto Journals and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This article sets Lorraine Hansberry’s famous play A Raisin in the Sun alongside her 1959 speech ‘The Negro Writer and His Roots’ and a selection of her more prominent interviews and publications in between 1959 and 1961 to define her vision of a fundamental, feminist liberation for all people as the civil rights phase of the black freedom movement gained momentum. Although Raisin is typically considered to evince a liberal, integrationist message or even dismissed as a ‘feel-good’ play of patriotic optimism, it is emblematic of several key aspects of Hansberry’s communism, black nationalism and feminism. In the context of Cold War era domestic political repression and according to her commitment to socially engaged art, Hansberry authored a play that critiqued ‘money values’, liberal notions of freedom and black patriarchal aspirations. In addition, in thoughtful, measured language, she used the public platform the success of the play afforded her to subtly elaborate her criticism of the black matriarchy theory increasingly promoted by venerable scholars and in the pages of the illustrious Ebony magazine. Ultimately, Hansberry advocated a radical vision of freedom that exceeded the bounds of political pragmatism and focused on the ideal of radical egalitarianism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Recent criticism of the over-representation of minority students in special education do not adequately account for gender, despite the fact that urban special education classrooms in the USA are largely populated by young men of colour. In fact, we know very little about how being female shapes the experiences and understandings of young women of colour labelled disabled in schools. Using an interdisciplinary framework informed by Black feminist studies, disability studies, and class studies, we analyse autobiographical portraits of five young women of colour who received special education services. Focusing on their perspectives of life in and out of school, we examine how they understand and negotiate multiple subject positions and actively and creatively work to resist these constraints. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines the Black Panther Party newspaper's frames of black womanhood to explore larger questions about how social movement media construct social reality, create and maintain group identity, and counter hegemonic media. It uses framing and social movement theory to analyze the Black Panther's reframing of black womanhood from restrictive essentialist stereotypes to empowering portrayals of female resistance. The newspaper's evolving frame of black women makes it an important artifact of the culture of resistance regarded as the foundation of black feminist thought. Its discussions of the interlocking oppressions of race, class, and gender were a major contribution to feminism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This analysis of twelve black magazines and journals and six black newspapers shows that positive coverage of the women's movement occurred across a wide spectrum of black periodicals from 1968 through 1973. Although criticism and ridicule of feminism existed in black print media, the periodicals in this study published dozens of editorials, essays, and articles that supported feminist principles of political, economic, and social equality for women. Black newspapers also published numerous notices of feminist meetings and events followed by news accounts of them, which documented black women's interest and participation in the women's movement. Eighty of the 216 articles contained positive statements about the women's movement, sixty articles publicized feminist events, and fifty-six articles had negative statements about the movement. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article focuses on the philosophy of resistance made by Anna Julia Cooper. It mentions that the acts of naming and articulating collective African American political, ethical and aesthetic standpoints are insisted by Cooper in order to attain the full meaning of freedom. It also notes that abstract reasoning is not supported by Cooper since it can lead to a negative impact in which persons can be regarded as objects. It discusses that Cooper asserts that the ideas of black women about race and sex liberation must be recognized. It also notes the genealogy of resistance for black men and women have been highlighted by Cooper.

This exploratory study used a critical hermeneutic, which combined Black feminist epistemology and Gadamerian hermeneutics, to understand the experiences of Black middle-class women who relocated to the Pacific Northwest, a predominately White community. Fourteen Black women were interviewed about their experiences living in the Pacific Northwest; specifically, their coping strategies were examined. Although many themes emerged, the interpretive layer of analysis required of a critical hermeneutic methodology offered an understanding of the simultaneous influence of both racism and sexism on their experiences. Findings revealed that the women felt socially and culturally isolated and the need for support networks and positive racial socialization messages was significant. Findings also reinforced the effect of class and the danger of homogenizing Black women's experiences. Participants' recommendations for recruitment and retention are included. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article relates the author's experience of being an African American feminist lesbian activist in the U.S. She claims that her parents have always been involved in local, national and international human rights struggles since the mid-1960s. African American feminists Audre Lorde and Toni Cade Bambara are the two women who have had a profound influence on her life. She chose to use film/video as the medium and tool to make progressive spiritual social change irresistible.