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This paper considers implications of the neoliberal shift for forms of national integration that were achieved in sub-Saharan Africa during the developmentalist era. National integration strategies pursued during the developmentalist era created and helped to manage regional competition within not-completely-integrated national units. This was the old territorial politics. The argument here is that the neoliberal shift makes old strategies of national integration difficult to sustain. What has emerged is a new territorial politics, which revolves around attempts to consolidate power within sub-units of the state and reorder relations among them, to enforce political control within communities, and to reorder rural property rights. The paper argues that the new territorial politics is structured by four institutional legacies of the developmentalist era: indirect rule, discriminatory allocation of local citizenship rights, spatially fragmented markets for land and labor, the build-up of regional caciques or strongmen. The neoliberal turn reveals spatial and territorial aspects of state-formation strategies that were not so obvious, or did not seem so politically salient, in the earlier period. Côte d?Ivoire provides a case in point. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Social Democratic-Green coalition government’s revision of Germany’s citizenship law marked a significant shift in the boundaries of German national membership. The introduction of jus soli (the principle of territory) has enabled children born of non-ethnic German parents to become German nationals at birth, thereby breaking the dominance of jus sanguinis (principle of descent) in German nationality law. This paper traces the origins of this shift, examining debates over the integration of post-WWII "guest workers" from the 1960s onward. The paper argues that the path to nationality reform is best understood as the unravelling of an institutionalized policy regime in the face of changed socio-political conditions and new principled ideas. The high degree of politicization that accompanied the amendment of Germany?s citizenship law reflects the continuing resonance of descent-based membership among a segment of German political actors and the difficulty of pursuing reforms in lieu of cross-party political consensus. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Caregiving and citizenship have a long history of mutual exclusivity and estrangement. Critiquing the current organization of care practices and the lack of public support for caregiving, care theorists and others have argued for rethinking our collective responsibilities toward caregivers. Care, noted for its relational and cooperative dimensions, has long thought to be at odds with liberal conceptions of rights, noted for its atomistic and competitive view of the individual. Nevertheless, several theorists advocate a right to care. Building on a critical assessment of their work, this paper develops an argument for the right to give care based on the significance of caregiving for the development and exercise of the capacity for affiliation. In this context, the paper begins to flesh out the complicated role of choice in care relationships. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Although the United States is commonly thought to be long on power (e.g., political, economic, cultural, technological, etc.), its citizens remain short on the competencies (i.e., knowledge, skills, and attitudes) needed to be responsible and effective members of a global community. Taking this paradox of global competency and power as my starting point, this paper examines one unique effort to use online technology and an interdisciplinary pedagogical approach to educate young people for global citizenship. Specifically, this paper presents ?The Global Challenge,? a three-credit hour interdisciplinary course on global issues required since Fall 2001 of all freshmen at Fairleigh Dickinson University. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Do past political violence, and the way that societies respond to the effects of deadly conflict, affect the quality of democracy? The transitional justice literature, which has grown along with changing approaches to the problem of accountability after the demise of authoritarian regimes and civil wars worldwide, examines the role of truth and reconciliation processes in post-conflict reconstruction. However, this literature has largely neglected the ways in which politics set boundaries for memory and justice processes. This paper moves politics to the forefront and shows that truth processes are in themselves political and that they interact with other, sometimes simultaneously occurring and potentially conflicting, processes of political change. However, when one takes the perfect abstraction of truth and subjects it to the forces of politics that willfully construct narratives, contest facts and shape beliefs, what results? Where are the boundaries of accountability, justice and truth? What is the source of these limits and how do they assert themselves? The empirical point of departure for this paper is the observation that despite the acclaim with which the South African Truth and Reconciliation Commission is regarded, close examination of the regional and local implementation of that nationally established process, reveals that the extent to which the TRC was able to accomplish its aims varied widely. In KwaZulu-Natal (KZN), the province having had the highest levels of political violence relative to other regions, the TRC was most severely constrained in pursuing its mandate. The central argument of this paper is that the logic of the truth process, predicated upon concretely apportioning responsibility for human rights violations, conflicted with the logic of the contemporaneously occurring regional peace process, which was based upon a mutual understanding among key political actors that finger-pointing would be counterproductive and carefully circumscribed issues of responsibility for political violence and therefore accountability, as well. The demands of peace at the national level, which included some form of accountability for the crimes of the apartheid regime, were substantively different than the demands of peace at the regional and local level in KwaZulu-Natal. The political and conflict conditions that gave rise to a contrary set of provincial peace needs included the intensity and internecine nature of the conflict, as well as the stalemate between primary political protagonists, the ANC and the IFP, which induced a set of pact-like agreements to halt violence and share power in the region. This paper treats South Africa and the province of KZN as theory generating cases. The analysis looks at the interaction of the truth and peace process across national, regional and local levels. The sub-national case study suggests that specific features of the conflict and political conditions in KZN not only inhibited implementation of the truth process, but also set important constraints upon individual engagement with this process, as well as political expression related to past violence and issues of justice and accountability in its aftermath. While these implications are only briefly discussed here, they have been developed more fully by the author in other work. The field research upon which this paper is based was conducted in South Africa periodically from 1999 to 2002. This paper is derived from a larger work-in-progress that examines the lingering impact of large-scale human rights violations and deadly conflict on the development of new democracies and theorizes the role of memory and justice processes in cultivating citizenship after extreme violence, titled: Demons and Demos: Violence, Memory and Citizenship in Post-Conflict States. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The paper develops a theory of ‘statehood effect’ in new states - the process by which new, accidental, and ‘imperfect’ statehood can constrain political actors from acting upon prior national identity conceptions (however strong) in the sphere of nation-building. Through a comparative study of citizenship policies in the post-Soviet Russia and the post-Soviet Ukraine the paper demonstrates how by the end of the 1990s the ‘statehood effect’ came to drive citizenship policies in both states, resulting in the nation being officially defined by the territory of the state. The paper also explains variations in the timing and the nature of ‘statehood effect’ in the two states. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper explores how states treat their citizens when they leave and move to other countries. Mass international migration, be it permanent and temporary, voluntary and involuntary, or by the poor or the rich, is a part of the globalization process. Many developing countries suffer from the effects of ‘brain drain,’ the emigration of their most talented, best educated, and most prosperous citizens to wealthier countries. Often, however, those same sending countries benefit economically from the money that expatriates remit to their homelands. Expatriates may even return some of their talents and skills to their home countries, through visits or cooperative projects with friends and family members who remain in their home communities. The major contribution of the paper is to conceptualize the types of strategies countries may use to maintain their expatriates’ economic, social, and political commitments to their homelands. One especially interesting and controversial way to provide such incentives is through the expansion of dual and multiple citizenship rights, even, in some cases, through the extension of the right to vote to persons residing permanently outside the country. The paper discusses several hypotheses (based on variables such as the level of immigrant remittances and the type and level of democracy) regarding when states will permit multiple citizenship rights. Developing a comparable measure for citizenship rights in order to test these hypotheses is part of an ongoing, larger project. The paper concludes with a discussion of the implications of formal and de facto multiple citizenships for democratization studies and the study of international politics generally. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

If, as Benedict Anderson suggests, modern print media shape our collective imagination as a political community, then feminist press organs may be understood as contributing to a--politically potent--"imaginary sisterhood" (Anderson 1983; Werbner 1999). This conference paper examines how the feminist press made reproductive freedom a mobilizing issue for the feminist movement in postwar France. Particularly, it elucidates how its political contestation over "body politics"--the regulation of bodies for social purposes--has become so crucial for modern theories of citizenship rights. In the French case, women sought recognition of their civil status throughout the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, but they did not receive full citizenship rights until after World War II. Crucially, for French women, the winning of formal political rights, i.e. full active citizenship, was a precondition for claiming and obtaining equality in civil rights, including the control over one’s body (Batiot 1986; Duchen 1986, 1994; McBride Stetson 1987; Vogel 1988; Mossuz-Lavau 1991; Picq 1993). This study examines the political struggle over abortion exerted by the feminist press, which developed during the height of the women’s liberation movement (M.L.F.) in the 1970s. As press organs of a larger social movement, these journals negotiated a social space for women between traditional feminine expectations and the promise of consumer culture. A close reading of these journals reveals women’s specific need for information and expression on the controversial issue of reproductive rights, on the one hand, and their contestatory position in the political struggle over abortion on the other. This paper suggests that, like their commercial counterparts, these journals harbor an explicit ideological dimension. As the cornerstone of an autonomous democratic movement, the editors and authors of the feminist reviews created and "imagined sisterhood" as they wanted to represent and to speak for all "women." [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines the role of European economic integration and European norms on the rights of minority groups in Estonian and Latvian ethnic politics in the 1990s. By the end of the 1990s, Estonia and Latvia amended the citizenship and language policies of the early 1990s, while maintaining the principle of the ethnically based state. The main incentive for policy reform came from the prospect of European Union (EU) membership. The international norms on minority rights, developed mostly after the end of the Cold War, have complemented the incentive of EU membership. Estonia was quicker to respond to the incentive of European Union (EU) membership than Latvia. The domestic consensus on market reforms and membership in the West have enabled the Estonian elites to form coalitions necessary to adopt the minority policy changes required for EU membership. In Latvia, a consensus on EU membership is also present. Nevertheless, the prominent role of extremist nationalist in Latvian politics has often weakened government coalitions and slowed down the process of both economic and minority policy reform. The European norms on minority rights have played a greater role in Latvian deliberations on policy reform. Latvian centrists have referred to European norms to justify their compliance with EU membership criteria. In Estonia, the strong domestic consensus on EU membership and lack of debate on the citizenship and language policies has meant that European norms have not played a significant role. Estonian elites complied with EU recommendations when it was clear that compliance was required for membership. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Political, or citizenship, obligations are moral obligations citizens are alleged to have to one another in virtue of their shared membership in a (moderately just) state. In addition to the usual citizenship obligations recognized by many political theorists, such as the obligation to pay taxes, a justification can also be offered for requiring citizens to fulfill two further duties: the completion of a period of national service at the time of transition to adulthood, and periodic participation in one or another deliberative body charged with collective governance. The justification for all obligations of citizenship, including those of active citizenship, rests on the contribution that their fulfillment makes to the realization of a just state. I argue in the first half of this paper that the ability of the state to effectively and efficiently secure justice for all of its citizens, and to do so with a fairly high degree of stability, depends on the development and exercise of certain virtues on the part of most of that state’s citizenry. The formation of a virtuous citizenry provides the primary justification for the obligations of active citizenship, though the direct contribution the fulfillment of these obligations makes to securing justice is by no means negligible. In the second half of this paper, I begin the task of outlining the form that mandatory national service and periodic participation in deliberative bodies charged with collective governance should take. My purpose here is simply to buttress the claim that the fulfillment of these obligations can contribute significantly to the development of civic virtue. Various practical difficulties involved in the implementation of mandatory national service and periodic participation programs await future discussion. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

What efforts has Britain recently made to develop a new citizenship model that is adequate to a multiethnic and multicultural society? How does New Labor redefine citizenship and what rationales has it employed for a new concept of citizenship? This paper traces various discourses of New Labor focusing on its philosophical justification to deal with the challenge of ethnic and cultural diversity. I compare Parekh’s multiculturalism and Barry’s egalitarianism to examine New Labor’s position regarding the relationship between cultural rights and equality. I also contrast Miller’s liberal nationalism and Habermas’s constitutional patriotism to explore sources of solidarity that New Labor emphasizes, with respect to belonging to the nation-state and to the global community. Through these comparisons, this paper clarifies the location of New Labor’s citizenship discourse in the theoretical spectrum and explains the meaning of deliberation, (a critical concept in New Labor’s citizenship discourse), in terms of the British tradition of parliamentary sovereignty. I refer to a set of policies and discourses of New Labor about citizenship and multicultural matters as deliberative multiculturalism and address its strengths and weaknesses. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper attempts to go beyond the crude fear-based proto-liberalism of Thomas Hobbes and Judith Shklar’s more sophisticated liberalism of fear, by exploring the myriad of ways in which feelings of fear and anxiety shape the everyday experience of politics in democracies. I analyze four major types of political fear that plague members of democratic societies. These include (1) fears of political oppression and coercion, (2) fear of random acts of terror and violence, (3) the politicization of pre-existing social and economic fears, and (4) fears that occur naturally in certain kinds of political situations and with respect to certain kinds of political activity (e.g., fear of exposing one’s ignorance, fear of public dissent, etc.). The paper concludes that while extraordinary acts of political oppression and terror can have an extraordinary impact on political life, the fears associated with the everyday experience of politics by citizens of democratic states can also be quite an adventure. Specifically, habitual submission to these fears can diminish the extent and character of political involvement, making citizens more susceptible to two kinds of political docility, namely political apathy and conformist membership. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines the renewal of a strong republican public philosophy in France since the late 1980s. The postwar migration to France of millions of non-European denizens who do not share the French collective memory has posed myriad challenges for traditional understandings of French citizenship. This paper elucidates the significant influence of several highly influential and media-friendly philosophes, who jettisoned poststructuralism as well as the multiculturalist approach to the citizenship question in favor of what Patrick Weil has called the "new republican synthesis." [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper reports preliminary first-year results from an "itr"-funded National Science Foundation (NSF) grant enabling two central Iowa universities-Drake University and Iowa State University--to assess the efficacy of service-learning interventions in the dissemination of Information Technology Literacy (ITL) beyond the campus gates. It introduces service-learning, a pedagogy that promotes mutually beneficial partnerships between academic institutions and communities, and reflects on the particular challenges service-learning poses in practice. After less than a year, a number of lessons learned are emerging that will significantly impact implementation in years two and three of the project. Check author’s web site for an updated version of the paper. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The aim of this paper is to develop a theoretical framework to explain the variation in the foreign policy of European states. It addresses the problem of cooperation in Europe and explores domestic reasons behind the variable foreign policies of certain European states with respect to the civil war in Yugoslavia. This paper attempts to bridge significant domestic values with systemic factors in its inquiry of the sources of foreign policy. The issues of recognition of Croatia and Slovenia and the military intervention in Bosnia determined the future of the former Yugoslavia. The examination of German and French policies with respect to these issues will show that domestic principles embedded in German and French nation-states influenced their foreign policy to a certain degree. Civic and ethnic principles, legally defined through citizenship and nationality, influenced certain aspects of foreign policy, such as the recognition of Slovenia and Croatia. Nevertheless, they are not as powerful with respect to participation in military intervention. The examination of these policies will show that perceptions of identity and security co-exist and influence foreign policy formation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The presence of a sense of shared identity across the European Union has become an increasingly salient issue over the past decade, for analysts, participants, and policy-makers alike. However, we know relatively little about the determinants of a citizen’s sense of European identity. This paper uses agent-based modeling to study the role of different variables in the emergence of a European identity. Eurobarometer survey data are combined with basic sociological insights to generate a model of the European polity. By systematically varying different parameters of this model, we improve our understanding of the impact of different variables. Although this approach requires a considerable degree of abstraction, no other analytical tool offers the same combination of flexibility and power. The experiments reported in this paper investigate the impact of different types of domestic and international and social connectivity on the spread of a European identity, as well as the effect of introducing a foreign study scheme. The results illustrate how difficult it is for a European identity to become dominant within a nation, and how contingent its success is upon uncontrollable environmental factors. In particular, foreign study programs appear to contribute surprisingly little to the overall spread of a European identity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Focusing on recent Western European experience, this paper looks at how definitions of national citizenship are changing in response to immigration. On the basis of a comparative examination of recent changes in French, German, and British nationality laws, the paper critically re-evaluates each of the three perspectives on developments in national citizenship most predominant in the recent literature: the post-nationalist view, the multiculturalist view, and the national traditions perspective. The last part of the paper then turns to developing an alternative account of recent developments, combining elements of the other approaches but going beyond them. Consistent with multiculturalists? and post-nationalists? expectations, nationality laws are converging, but not always in the ways they would predict. The convergence that is taking place stems largely from a series of shared objectives and causal beliefs that increasingly shape countries? policies. European states? informal recognition of one another as key members of their international ?reference groups? has also favored more similar citizenship policies. To explain continued differences between cases, I argue, attention to these factors is best complemented by a relatively open-ended version of the national traditions perspective. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

While the concept of citizenship has received considerable scholarly attention in recent years, few studies focus on the increasingly prevalent reality of dual citizenship, or full membership--with its respective rights, privileges, and obligations--in two different countries. In today’s mobile, interconnected, and international world, more and more people are holding two passports and have the right to vote in two countries. Dual citizenship raises a host of important questions for democratic theory and comparative politics. The main objective of this paper is to conceptualize, measure, and classify variation in dual citizenship in the 15 countries of the European Union. In addition to recounting the historical opposition to dual citizenship and describing its emergence in recent decades, the paper develops a coding scheme that accounts for some of the intricacies involved in dual citizenship, and applies it to the EU countries. The findings point to surprisingly resilient, and historically rooted, national differences that stand out in contrast to the EU’s institutional "harmonization" in so many other areas. Check author’s web site for an updated version of the paper. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper describes and evaluates a course called Public Interest Research in which undergraduates learn research methods while conducting applied research on behalf of one or more community organizations. The authors argue that certain features of the course help it avoid two problems associated with some service learning. One of those problems is the unequal power relations between service providers and recipients that characterize at least some service learning. The other, related problem is the provision of service with little or no input from community members. In the final section of this paper, the authors argue that both of these problems can be partially alleviated by including at least one community member directly and extensively in the course. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper compares the institutionalization of ethnically differentiated social citizenship regimes in Northern Ireland and South Africa after World War II. Political sociologists disagree on whether the postwar expansion of social rights was due to changing wartime power relations (Mann 2012) or prior political institutions (Amenta and Skocpol 1988; Amenta 1998). This debate has focused on the variation of welfare state expansion in the core states of Britain and the United States, specifically the contrast between the universal NHS (Marwick 1974) and the grafting of employer-provided health insurance onto racist New Deal welfare institutions (Katznelson 2005; 2013). However, this paper tests the competing theories of welfare expansion against two ethnically divided societies on the Allied side in World War II, an autonomous region, Northern Ireland, and a dominion, South Africa. Each was dominated by ethnically exclusionary groups and experienced rapid economic and social change. Their postwar citizenship regimes and labor market institutions differed. Northern Ireland adopted British welfare legislation but grafted on residency qualifications for benefits and labor migration regulations to exclude Southern Irish migrants. Apartheid codified a cast-bound labor market, residency and citizenship regime, despite Black Africans' proletarianization and military service. How did these cases construct exclusionary postwar welfare states and citizenship regimes? Three broad families of theoretical approach are compared. First, power-resource theory suggests that the limited social transformation of the war in these peripheral regimes precluded more universal citizenship regimes after the war. Second, historical institutionalism focuses on the majoritarian institutions of local government in Northern Ireland, and the minority franchise in South Africa. Instead, this paper builds on the neo-Weberian theory of nation state-building as a cultural compromise between state elites and their target citizenry (Wimmer 2002; Mann 1993, 1995) and Bourdieu's theory of political fields in which actors jostle strategically for advantage with imperfect information (Bourdieu and Wacquant 1992; Fligstein 2008; Fligstein and McAdam 2012). The primary finding is that the limited transformations of the World War II deepened the political exchanges between elites and workers in the dominant ethnic groups, thickening social citizenship rights for members of the dominant ethnic groups, but strengthening categorical boundaries around those rights. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Cash transfer programmes have spread rapidly across the developing world in recent decades, reaching hundreds of millions of poor and vulnerable people globally. Reviews of the evidence have shown that well targeted, well designed social transfer programmes are an effective instrument for reducing household poverty and promoting human capital development. Where the evidence base is much weaker is in the role of social transfer programmes in strengthening state-building and citizenship in conflict-affected contexts. In order to contribute to this debate, we draw on a citizen perceptions study we undertook of Palestine's flagship national cash transfer programme in 2012. Absorbing more than 1% of GDP the programme reaches over 150,000 extremely poor households in Gaza and the West Bank. However, while it has been assessed positively in terms of poverty targeting as well as its provision of complementary social benefits (beneficiaries receive social health insurance, educational fee waivers and food aid, in addition to quarterly cash payments), policy elites are concerned that the programme has done relatively little to bolster state-citizen relations. This is significant given that in the aftermath of the Arab Spring there is keen interest across the Middle East to better understand citizen views of state service provision and state legitimacy, especially among the poorest and most vulnerable population quintiles. The occupied Palestinian Territories have not undergone revolution, but given precarious geo-political dynamics and the political division between Gaza and West Bank which was fuelled at least in part by citizen dissatisfaction with state service provision, questions about the state-citizen contract are high on the political agenda of not just the Palestinian authority but also of key international actors in the region, especially the EU, UN and the World Bank. Drawing on qualitative individual and group interviews with beneficiaries and non-beneficiaries as well as key informants in Gaza and the West Bank, the paper adopts what Samuel Hickey (2007) has dubbed a 'politics of implementation' framework to explore citizens' perceptions of programme effectiveness, equity, transparency and accountability. The paper concludes by reflecting on potential entry-points for strengthening programme social accountability and in turn fostering a more robust sense of citizenship among the most vulnerable. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper analyzes support for two forms of political inclusion of immigrants: support for the right of immigrants to vote and for reducing barriers to citizenship in Turin, Italy. This paper contextualizes the findings in terms of ongoing European integration and the politics of thick and thin. It shows that thin politics lead to support for immigrant voting rights and eased access to citizenship and how sociodemographic background, thick and thin attitudes, general beliefs about immigration, and specific expectations about immigration reform translate into left-right self-identification. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

EU integration challenges the fundamental right of sovereignty traditionally claimed by European nation-states. This ongoing transformation continues to cause a variety of reactions within EU Member States. At the extremes these have included approval by cosmopolitans who see it as a step towards a more universal model of citizenship, but a rejection by diehard nationalists who perceive the shift as an onslaught on the national community's right to self-determination. Between these two poles a wide spectrum of other positions and dispositions endorse or reject the goals of EU integration to varying degrees. Conceptualised within a historical-institutionalist framework, the central research question addressed by the paper is a comparative one. It asks why political parties which share similar topographical locations within their respective national party systems, and share membership of the same, or closely neighbouring, political families in Von Beyme's sense, often show significantly different alignments on EU integration, depending on policy sector and point in time - although different internal currents within the parties may share more common ground with their foreign counterparts than with other currents in their own parties. The paper examines four conservative parties, two of which - the British Conservative Party, the French Union pour un Mouvement Populaire (UMP) - are located within Western European national political environments, while the two others - the Polish Platforma Obywatelska (PO), and Prawo i Sprawiedliwość (PiS) - operate within the same Central European post-communist state. All of the parties have recently been, or are currently, parties of government. While it is self-evident that ideology and policy do not exist in a vacuum, but in constant interplay with other institutional and contextual factors, these other variables are largely bracketed out for present analytical purposes in order to concentrate on the evolving ideologypolicy interface in its own right. In this meso-level analysis the focus is on the relationship between core ideological values, ideologically coloured understandings of national and international environments, general posture towards EU integration, and positions on specific institutions, processes or policies, in particular those implying a shift in the understanding of rights of states and nations. The approach to ideology applied here uses a qualitative reading of a range of more theoretical texts (books, articles, transcribed speeches, interviews) as well as manifestos from the period since 2001. The choice of this period is productive, both in terms of EU developments (introduction of the Euro, constitutional debates, Lisbon Treaty) and of party development in the three countries (changes of party leadership and of government in Britain and France, founding of the parties in Poland and successive accession to power). The patterns of variation and similarity between the parties revealed even at this intermediate level of detail are a valuable complement to the necessarily reductive categorisations and generalisations drawn in macro-level comparative studies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Declining participation in conventional forms of politics has become a central theme for academics and policy-makers, and has often been viewed as marking a crisis in citizenship. It has been highlighted by falling voter turnout and the dramatic decline (and ageing) of political party memberships - trends which are particularly marked amongst younger citizens. Yet there is overwhelming evidence to show that young people are not politically apathetic. They have their own views and engage in democratic politics in a wide variety of ways appropriate to their own understandings of democracy and citizenship (developed within diverse political and socioeconomic contexts). A few previous studies have examined the changing nature of politics and citizenship for young people across countries and identified a number of common trends. The following paper compares and contrasts youth, citizenship and politics both within and between the United States, Britain and Germany. The first section explores young people's changing civic and political engagement. The paper then proceeds to investigate the evolving socio-economics contexts of young people's lives, and the impact they have on participation. The paper finally turns to the relationship between young citizens and the state, examining changing conceptions of citizenship. The core argument is that the newer forms of civic engagement practiced by young people are highly structured in favour of (highly-educated and well-off) 'expert citizens'; and, that young people as a group have been increasingly been marginalized from the process of electoral politics. However, the different experiences of younger cohorts in the United States, Britain and Germany, gives us a clearer idea of how these problems might be overcome. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

People without identity documents go unrecognized by modern states and therefore cannot access the rights, benefits, and services that they provide. Significant numbers of Brazilians still lack the necessary documentation to enjoy citizenship. Yet since the late 1990s a federal campaign has sought to increase the numbers of Brazilians who possess identity documents. The birth certificate is the steppingstone to all other essential documents. This paper focuses on recent efforts to ensure that as many Brazilians as possible acquire birth certificates. The recent registration campaign even addresses cases of "delayed registration," whereby adults retroactively document their births, many times in an effort to pursue subsequent identity cards and to participate in social programs that require them. The paper first explores why so many Brazilians lack documentation. It then seeks to identify the causes (including the timing) of the major federal mobilization underway to address the problem. Our central argument is that the previous orientation of social policy as developed under the period of ISI (import substitution industrialization) was so focused on "making citizens" of workers in the urban and formal sector of the economy (as well as civilian and military servants) that broad segments of the population remained socially excluded and therefore saw little immediate reason to surmount the many obstacles to obtaining documents. The state did little to facilitate the process of documentation either. Why then the change? We argue that social policies developed in the late 1990s and in the 2000s - specifically those that direct benefits to low income individuals in the informal sector - have both exposed the number of undocumented people in the population and provided a strong incentive for them to acquire identity documents. For example, one key program that addresses childhood poverty, the Bolsa FamÍlia (Family Grant), requires that all family members obtain a birth certificate to become beneficiaries. This conditional cash program, which represents an extension of Fernando Henrique Cardoso's previous federalization of the Bolsa Escola, now serves over 12 million families. Another major program created in the "neo-liberal" era, one that addresses old age poverty, is the Beneficio de Prestação Continuada or Continuous Welfare Benefit. A non-contributory pension program, the BPC grants payments to indigent seniors and younger disabled individuals. In existence since the late 1990s, it now serves over 3 million Brazilians. Application requires the presentation of numerous documents, beginning with the birth certificate. Before these and related policy innovations, many of the kinds of people who are current beneficiaries remained entirely unintegrated into any major social program. This fact contributes to explaining why many poor people did not surmount the multiple challenges involved in applying for a birth certificate or any other identity document. This dynamic, whereby a policy generates incentives for people to acquire other basic elements of citizenship recalls Aaron Wildavsky's (1979) notion of "policy as a cause" in and of itself. Thus, despite the considerable criticism launched at the design and format of many social policies undertaken in the wake of market reform, the "the downstream effect" of documents acquisition represents a highly positive development. Notably, the sequence by which many low income Brazilians are acquiring identity documents represents an interesting inversion of the order that T.H. Marshall wrote about long ago (1950). Rather than first gaining the civic dimensions of citizenship and then acquiring its social aspects, it is the quest for and possibility of social inclusion that is driving the acquisition of civic citizenship for many poor Brazilians. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Treaty of the European Union has ushered in a new trans-national democratic institution: the European Citizens' Initiative (ECI). Prior to this plebiscitary innovation, the EU had experimented with a series of trans-national deliberative designs. This paper explores the emergence and impact of these very different democratic innovations which aim to increase and deepen citizen participation in the European political process. Particular attention is paid to the role of the aborted European Constitution in affecting the trajectory of democratic reform. The paper offers an analysis of the democratic characteristics of these different deliberative and plebiscitary designs, in particular their potential to realise trans-national citizenship. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper investigates British residents' perceptions racial discrimination by local agents of the state. The paper analyzes data from the 2008-2009 Citizenship Survey, which combines a nationally representative sample with an ethnic minority booster sample, allowing for comparisons across groups. The analysis focuses on respondents' beliefs as to whether they would be treated worse than people of another race by each of three institutions: local housing authorities, schools, and the police. Members of ethnic minority groups, black Britons in particular, are more likely than whites to believe that they would be discriminated against by most institutions, but whites are more likely to believe they would be treated unfairly by local housing authorities. Multinomial logit models indicate that lower socio-economic status is associated with greater expectations of discrimination among whites, but not among minority group members. Among minority groups, immigration status and cultural integration are more strongly related to perceptions of discrimination: with British-born, English-speaking minority group members being more likely to expect to treated unfairly because of their race. For both white and non-white respondents, the personal experience of discrimination and strength of ethnic identity are the factors that are most strongly and consistently associated with greater expectations of racial discrimination by local institutions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the state of Liberia, the issue of democratization has received a lot of attention and the image of the first female elected President in Africa, Ellen Johnson-Sirleaf, has stimulated positive appraisals. But how deep does this new political makeover run? During the war, and before, the issue of Liberian identity has been a focal point and problematic issue. My purpose in this text is to investigate how the critical group of excombatants conceptualizes the limits of demos, who is seen as a citizen and why? Ethnic polarization played a huge role in the civil war in Liberia, where, in particular, Mandingos were targeted. To what extent is this group seen as part of the demos in Liberia today? This question is particularly interesting to examine among ex-combatants, as they should have felt the full impact of the ethnification of the Liberian citizenship. In that sense, as a group they could be seen as a least likely case for embracing an open demos conception. This paper also discusses what meaning is attached to the concept of a Liberian identity. Herein, I present the findings of focus groups completed during the spring of 2008 with ex-combatants in three counties of Liberia. A total of 88 participants, from various factions and backgrounds, are included in the paper. The findings suggest a fairly inclusive conception of demos. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

A conference paper about the citizenship of felons is presented which is prepared for presentation at the annual meetings of the American Political Science Association from September 3-6, 2009 in Toronto, Ontario. The paper discusses topics including the punitive policy designs directed at felons, felon disenfranchisement, and the determinants of states circumscribing assistance to drug felons.

A conference paper about rural-urban migration in China and India is presented which is prepared for presentation at the American Political Science Association Conference, in Toronto, Ontario, on September 2-6, 2009. The paper discusses topics including experiments in India and China for in absorbing rural populations for better understanding how the practice of citizenship is improved, and infrastructure projects in the two countries.

The paper first discusses 2 opposing models of citizenship within Latin American: citizenship as consumption, which reflects the consequences of the pervasive influence of market-oriented reforms on patterns of representation in the context of universal political rights, and citizenship as agency, which would reflect the emergence of alternative forms of participation through civil society and their potential impact on political patterns of representation. The second part of the paper then examines the potential for citizenship as agency to emerge by contrasting the impact of the Popular Participation Law in Bolivia and Participatory Budgeting in Porto Alegre, Brazil. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

A conference paper about current theories of citizenship and its implications toward the admission of non-citizens is presented. It examines Seyla Benhabib's neo-Kantian reading of hospitality and immigration rights. It proposes an interpretation of citizenship and migration in a Rancierian vein by following Anzaldua conceptualization of the border as herida abierta or open wound and the consciousness that comes from a clash of voices.

Focusing on the experiences of Japan, the United States, and Sweden, the paper examines how differing conceptions of citizenship and moral personhood shape policy outcomes. The paper employs this analytic framework to interpret institutional variations in immigration politics, and to then show how these political factors affect each country's welfare policy. It argues that different kinds of policy assumptions are based on distinct political mythologies and their often-implicit philosophical traditions, and that these "moral parables of citizenship and personhood" provoke different kinds of immigrant activism. In Japan, this concept is framed in terms of purity and hierarchy. In the United States, the relevant terms involve civic features of citizens, and the abiding importance of freedom. Finally, in Sweden the abiding terms are a more substantive conception of equality, and again a concern with freedom. Thus Japan's "control policy," which treats immigrants as workers (rather than persons with equal moral standing to citizens) provides the greatest impetus for local activism through informal democratic institutions. In contrast, the United States' "assimilationist policy" and Sweden's "multicultural policy," both of which treat immigrants as potential citizens (albeit in very different ways), provide greater national activism through both formal and informal democratic organizations and processes. As a member of the European Union, Sweden is also witnessing activism at the supranational, multilateral level. As a result, Japan has a greater proportion of immigrant rights NGOs, the United States has more faith-based organizations, while Sweden has focused on immigrant ethnic associations. The paper then addresses how the institutional variations in immigration policies and activism have impacted each country's social welfare policies, particularly for immigrants. Japan's system of universal healthcare covers all except for "polluted" illegal foreigners while Sweden's universal healthcare treats everyone equally. The United States private healthcare system offers excellent services and choices to those who can pay while the government subsidizes faith-based organizations and other private institutions to provide free/low-cost health and welfare services to the needy, including the newly arrived and poor immigrants. These social welfare policies are consistent with each country's interpretation on the concept of the person and its immigration policy. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Debates about religious symbols in public places and the post-9/11 controversies about the compatibility of Islam and democracy within and beyond Europe indicate the coming of a major new conflict area in liberal democracies. This paper starts with the observation of an ongoing and in some respects increasing significance of religion in the politics of Western democracies and links it to processes of pluralization and globalization, which in turn are related to migration moves across the world. Based on a typology of nationality codes in 19 Western democracies, the paper asks what role religion, understood as confessional legacy, individual religiosity, institutional actors and Christian parties, play in shaping citizenship policies. It follows the "family of nations" concept in comparative policy research (Castles) and argues that the interplay of nation building, religious traditions and church-state-relations brings religion back into this highly secular policy domain. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper investigates citizen support for welfare compensation, where such compensation can be provided at both the national and the EU levels. The guiding question is whether provision of welfare compensation at one level dampens, increases, or has little effect on support for compensation at the other. Literature on European social policy-making offers reasons to expect any or all three such patterns. The paper hypothesizes that citizens treat the national and EU levels of welfare as imperfect substitutes, such that provision at one level under particular conditions dampens support at another. The paper tests this and rival expectations by analyzing aggregate and individual-level data on support for national and EU-level compensation. The analysis suggests that citizens do treat national and EU levels as imperfect substitutes, but only in one direction: more generous national welfare tends to diminish support for EU-level welfare effort, and tends also to diminish how much economic insecurities spur such support; but the currently meager EU-level structural funds and other transfers have either no or positive effects for support for national welfare compensation. Such analysis clarifies possibilities and dilemmas of welfare compensation to address economic risks where governance is meaningfully multi-level in character. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This essay attempts to provide an affirmative answer to three key questions: Is there a place for "global citizenship" in the political life of the United States? Can we improve our standards of political justice to include a greater voice among non-citizens, specifically immigrants and even more specifically as pertains to the issues of immigration? Can we contribute to this gesture in the direction of global citizenship through programs of non-partisan civic education?In answering these questions, the paper attempts five things: First, we adumbrate a model of good citizenship. Second we show that the model of citizenship can accommodate non-citizens. Third, we identify the major barrier to recognizing non-citizens - civic marginalization. Fourth, we suggest teaching and learning strategies centering on civic hermeneutics and civic staging that promise to yield accommodation. Finally, we ask how a program of civic education using these techniques might include acceptable strategies of assessment.Good liberal citizenship in the United States is liberal citizenship. There are five components of liberal citizenship: rights, interests, affections, duties and virtues. Effective citizenship requires the ability to be seen and heard in public. Good citizenship requires us to pay close attention to those who are unjustly excluded or consigned to second-class citizenship. The main challenge to this civic attention concerns our ability to pay attention to one another and get attention under conditions of diversity. Coming from a variety of backgrounds including class, sex, gender, ethnicity, religion, race and ideology makes it difficult for us to communicate effectively and respectfully.Learning how to teach respectful and effective civic communication between citizens and noncitizens when addressing the issue of immigration is at the heart of this paper. This civic learning must include recognition of the essential tension between the civic and the human. The authors invite readers to try the pedagogy of the excluded as presented here and explore the possibilities of informal citizenship in the United States and elsewhere. Informal citizens have rights and interests. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Since 1986, U.S. immigration authorities have sought to crack down on so-called "green card marriages"--unions undertaken for the purpose of securing legal permanent resident status for an alien spouse. This paper explores the legal grounds for official efforts to distinguish between real marriages and fraudulent ones. Beginning with a study of the nineteenth century origins of modern efforts to regulate immigration marriage fraud, the paper then considers the current context, disclosing two distinct standards for assessing the legitimacy of a marriage in play in U.S. law--one used by federal immigration officials, and another relied upon in state family law. I argue that the distinction drawn in immigration law between bona fide and fraudulent marriages is not just incoherent but unconstitutional. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Robert Frost once joked that "a liberal is a man too broadminded to take his own side in an argument." This joke is funny to liberals - at least to some liberals - neither because it is literally true nor because it is completely false. The joke is amusing - or at least should be - because it exaggerates a common belief that liberals have about ourselves, namely, that we are reasonable, responsive, fair-minded, and always willing to hear all sides of a debate. It is funny, also, because of its intrinsic paradox. Liberals will "get the joke" only if we possess at least a modicum of the quality of openness that Frost rejects in its extremity. After a moment of self-righteous indignation, for which we are justifiably famous, we will most likely experience a flash of comic self-recognition and, at last, understand the message that had been concealed by Frost's comic misdirection: do not be ashamed by your openness to arguments (or to jokes) but do not be too open lest you find yourselves perpetually defeated (and mocked) by people who are much more hostile to your aims and aspirations than I am. The central question of this paper is whether having a sense of humor about politics - including the ability to take a joke presumed by Frost's witticism - is an aid to serious reflection upon moral and political questions and whether, therefore, it is a habit of mind (or virtue) that should be valued by liberals today. Relatedly, the paper considers whether contemporary political humor can help sustain a culture of openness to comic criticism, as Peter Euben and others have argued Old Comedy did in Aristophanes' Athens. Most political humor, these days, is shrilly anti-political, portraying politics as something separate from, and to a very large extent beneath, the ordinary citizen, and calling into question the entire enterprise of active political life as sinister and hopelessly corrupt. However, there are instances of more reflective political irreverence that ironically targets citizens themselves, rather than merely their leaders and institutions, and encourages these citizens to take politics more seriously, paradoxically, by taking themselves a little less seriously. Indeed, the paper will argue that popular political comics such as Jon Stewart and Stephen Colbert are heirs to a unique way of doing politics pioneered by Aristophanes, perfected by Mark Twain, and prospering, once again, today. Since the dēmos is both the sovereign and subject to its own rule (and misrule), political humorists can, theoretically, lampoon the sovereign, while appealing to the subject, or ridicule the subject while appealing to the sovereign. Indeed, it may only be by forcing an embarrassing wedge between these two sides of the democratic identity that the political comic can move anyone at all to think or act. This option, unfortunately, is not available to Hamlet. Although he plays the fool so that he may claim the protection afforded by fool's privilege, this protection is revoked in the final act when he lowers the comic mask and raises the tragic one. One wonders whether Hamlet's fate might have been different had Denmark been a liberal democracy and its sovereign able to take a joke. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

PAPER ABSTRACT: This paper will argue that the work of Thucydides can be viewed fruitfully through the lens of friendship, and that, indeed, such a focus can provide us with resources for evaluating and, perhaps, enriching modern visions of citizenship and political membership. Despite the flexibility and openness of liberal conceptions of citizenship, they have criticized for being unable to generate important political goods such as solidarity, participation and trust, as well as for lacking temporal depth. The traditional division of citizenship into those founded in the civic and those founded in nationality is of limited help and the concept of friendship has been invoked as a solution to this problem. While neo-Aristotelian scholars have explored the role of civic friendship in building solidarity, participation and trust, the lack of temporal depth has not been widely explored in relation to friendship. This is a pity because friendship is a concept that holds within itself a narrative, which makes it ideally suited to addressing issues of temporality. Thucydides provides a set of speeches and incidents that address issues of citizenship and belonging more broadly (e.g. ethnic belonging) that are couched in the broad Greek language of philia and which reveal to us that each kind of belonging is constituted by a certain arrangement of the given, the chosen, natural growth, repetition, destruction and willful creation. In particular, I will discuss speeches that invoke the language of philia and its attendant narratives to argue for belonging and obligations based on maternal, strategic, filial and erotic friendships. Each form of friendship takes a particular stand on solidarity and temporality and, as Thucydides' broader narrative reveals, each stand is attended by characteristic weaknesses. Sparta and Corinth attempt to ground political identity in temporal continuity: practices, identity and justice are understood in terms of the reproduction of, or at least reference to, a revered past moment or set of forefathers. For Spartans it is through the invocation of Spartan forebears that decisions are made, and towards the reenactment, reproduction of them that their politics are directed. For the Corinthians, colonial obligation is derived from the moment of founding, and constitutes a permanent asymmetry, modeled on that of maternal friendship. Corcyra, rejects these claims through the language of elective friendship in equality. In doing so, though, it displays a remarkably truncated sense of time, reserving the right to reevaluate its strategic stance and thus practices a mode of merely strategic friendship of permanent revisability - including in its domestic politics which leads to stasis. Athens, self-consciously disparaging of the ties of the past, is, at least in Pericles' encomium, steadfast regarding a future goal: the immortal memory to be won through imperial success. This good is linked to individual civic identity, however, as the benefaction to be won from the city-eromenos by the citizen-erastes. In this model of erotic friendship between city and citizen the Athenians find a sense of binding political identity that allows them to steer clear of the disintegration that strikes Corcyra. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

If we want to understand how successful democratic citizenship evolves, it is essential to look at the beginning of political socialization. It is argued that value orientations play an important role in these early developments. Since it can be shown that even young children hold clearly structured value orientations but differ with regard to the achieved level of support for these orientations, the paper wants to examine the determinants on the level of value orientations concerning citizenship, support for rules and norms, and gender equality at two different time points. Family is considered an important factor for value socialization processes at a young age. Thus, (direct and indirect) family influences next to "classic" background and communication variables, are analyzed with regression models in this paper. Standard determinants like gender, socioeconomic status and nationality can account for some of the variation. It can also be shown that young children's social integration within and without the immediate family circle favour support levels. Parental value orientations display significant effects as well, although it seems that paternal and maternal influences do not act in concert in this respect. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Citizenship in contemporary liberal democracies is a multi-faceted concept. It invokes notions of belonging, rights, duties, participation, and accountability of the state. Each of these components is itself contested. Yet, across time, consensual trends emerge both in theory and in practice. Since the 1980s two key trends have emerged simultaneously. The first, often characterized as part of the "politics of recognition" and/or the politics of "multiculturalism", involves a shift towards some form of differentiated citizenship for certain "minority" cultures or "nations within nations." The second, often characterized as part of "the politics of neoliberalism", involves processes of privatization which act to shift the construction of the public and private spheres and (re)conceive state and citizen duties accordingly. The point of departure for this paper is that while these two trends have emerged from significantly different starting points, and are predominantly viewed as resulting in distinct ends, there remains a striking overlap between the two. Through a case discussion of Indigenous child welfare jurisdiction in Manitoba, this paper argues that the dominant perceptions of both neoliberalism and multiculturalism; and in particular, the perceived oppositional relationship between the two needs to be rethought. The contiguous nature of multiculturalism and neoliberalism is examined through both its theoretical and practical aspects. Conceptually, autonomy is central to the discourses that foster both of these two trends. At a more concrete level, recent changes in family law are not only centrally implicated in current neoliberal shifts, they are also often at the centre of demands for cultural accommodation. This paper explores these points of overlap to highlight the possibility of neoliberal multiculturalism—that is a set of practices through which the state chooses to implement particular multicultural policies based on the neoliberal context and which results in certain policy effects that benefit the state more than the "accommodated" group by publicly distancing the state from ongoing, though obscured, policy area responsibilities. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper starts by describing the explosive growth in global civil society and examining the potential for a historically novel phenomena, a Global Citizens Movement, looking at relevant lessons from past and current social movements. As it distinguishes existing social movement activity from a robust and authentic Global Citizens Movement, this paper concludes that while the emergence of a Global Citizens Movement may not be probable, it is possible given the historically unique factors pushing us into a global age. In the last section, Contours of a Global Citizens Movement, we intend to indicate some of the necessary missing ingredients for its emergence and point to future avenues for exploration. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this paper I seek to address the complexities of the dynamics of power and powerlessness within theories and practices of democratic citizenship. In particular I focus on the relationship between institutions and the ways that race and ethnicity are politicized and created by the state in imbricating ways with other politically salient identity signifiers such as sex, gender, religion/nationality, and class.Characteristic of feminist theory in the later second wave, and critical race theories of the same era, was eschewing the notion of a hierarchy of oppressions. As identity-related progressive and radical theorists and activists analyse power more emphasis is increasingly placed on the mutual construction of multiple identity markers instead of a) either a focus on one axis of power and oppression (such as race or gender) and b) ranking differential modes of oppression in relative terms. This has been a helpful move in the examination of, and efforts at challenging, inequalities in power. At the same time, however, as individuals, groups, and citizens we continually face attempts to separate, categorize, and rank humans in our interactions with/and as we ourselves constitute the state. This paper looks at navigating the precarious balances of power we are constantly forced into in society, despite the theoretical and activist attempts to un-think these very paradigms. For this work I will utilize a case study of the racialized power dynamics in changing U.S. adoption law and practices. There are multiple hierarchies of human worth operating within this arena. I will focus on the constellation of legislative moves in the mid-1990s which not only turned more women of color into "birth mothers" (women who have relinquished their parental rights to children who are then entered into the adoption market) but also explicitly gave more white-coded women access to the children of this expanding class of women. Included in the 1996 Personal Responsibility Act (commonly referred to as Welfare Reform) was a little known provision which expanded transracial adoption options. In the U.S. "transracial adoption" almost exclusively refers to a case of white-coded adults adopting children of color. This particular piece of legislation needs to be seen as part of a tri-frontal attack on women of color--through anti-immigrant policies, intensified drug criminilization, and welfare cut backs. Here is a rich, albeit extremely troubling, example where in women, perceived as a group, and GLBT folk (through progressive efforts to end restrictions on GLBT people adopting) were portrayed as "winning" rights while the rights of specific women and queers racialized as "other" in the law were being restricted. In this paper I will examine the case study as a critical theorist, asking: How do a range of critical theories (feminist, queer, race, class-based) assist us in challenging power in our concrete relationships within bureacratic and legislative state systems? How can we mobilize such critical theories within mundane fameworks which demand our separation and ranking? In short, how can we make practical use of critical theories on power that refuse to separate and hierarchically order the worth of humans in resisting existing state systems which require exactly such separation and ordering? ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper seeks to explore the relationship between immigrant incorporation regimes and noncitizen political engagement through a review of the most significant research advances in this area. Rather than make definitive conclusions, this paper is meant to serve as a roadmap for more detailed investigations in the future. The first two sections identify and analyze the various components of immigrant incorporation regimes in advanced industrial democracies and the modes of noncitizen political engagement that have emerged over the past two decades. I then provide an overview of the present state of comparative scholarship on noncitizen political engagement, highlight key arguments and disagreements, and finally, offer some suggestions for further research. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article explores diversity and citizenship in U.S. cities. The first part of the paper argues that residential segregation is not a problem of democracy, rather it is a result of democracy. The second part of the paper argues that class diversity is more important to democratic citizenship than race diversity. It is noted that residential segregation is more pronounced in the U.S. today as people exercise their liberty.

This paper undertakes an empirical examination and theoretical analysis of President Bush?s USA Freedom Corps?a citizen service initiative created after 9/11 to harness the American people?s spirit of shared sacrifice and ?promote a culture of responsibility, service, and citizenship.? This case-study is analyzed from three distinct perspectives?civic engagement, public policy, and the modern presidency?to consider larger questions that it raises about contemporary American politics. The key controversies that define these larger questions concern philosophical arguments about the obligations of citizenship and the value of citizen service; public policy-based arguments regarding the means by which social problems can be addressed most efficiently and effectively; political/ideological arguments about the nature of the relationship between government and civil society; and institutional arguments concerning the influence and capacity of the executive branch. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Over the past several decades, scholars of liberal and democratic theory have shown an increasing interest in the role that various virtues might play in promoting the good/free society. Yet within this recent ?return? to the virtues, one quality that has been almost entirely left out of the discussion is humility. In this paper I critically address this lacuna and offer a defense of a particular form of humility, what I call democratic humility. Before making my case for democratic humility as an essential virtue for liberal citizenship under conditions of diffuse pluralism, I first explore some of the problems with humility by tracing its intellectual and moral history within the Jewish and Christian traditions. Next, I explore the ?hidden? relationship between humility and pride in order to ask, with Hume and Nietzsche, whether humility is any kind of virtue at all. With this moral and historical terrain established, I offer an account of humility that seeks to address some of the historical difficulties with humility while arguing that the idea of humility, recuperated as an ethos of civic attentiveness, may be one of the most important virtues for late-modern societies marked by incommensurable ethical and cultural pluralism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines developments in immigration and citizenship policymaking and politics in Canada and West Germany in the immediate post-WWII era. I argue that key events related to the war and its aftermath led to a reappraisal of prewar attitudes toward race and ethnicity both internationally and within the respective countries. I also demonstrate that this reappraisal was limited by the continuing influence of prewar policy regimes. In line with a key postulate of historical institutionalist theory, policymakers in Canada and West Germany reached back to earlier solutions to the migration-membership dilemma when confronted with the challenge of resuming mass migration to meet postwar labor market needs. Although the most egregiously discriminatory elements of past practices were pruned and offensive language in statutes modified, postwar solutions bore an uncanny resemblance to those enacted in the early twentieth century. Thus, Canada sought to facilitate mass migration while simultaneously endeavoring to limit entry as much as possible to whites, while West Germany resumed temporary labor recruitment and restored its descent-based citizenship regime, effectively shutting the door to national membership for foreign "guest workers" and their descendants. Critics of postwar policies took advantage of changed normative conditions to frame their protests. Canada and West Germany?s commitment to ascendant liberal democratic principles put policymakers in an awkward position when confronted with evidence of hypocritical conduct. The discrediting of integral nationalism and scientific racism and rise of human rights granted reformers a powerful discursive grammar with which they could phrase challenges. Thus, while the period was marked by evasion and a good deal of policy continuity, it also gave rise to reform initiatives that would ultimately advance very different answers to the migration-membership dilemma. As such, it truly stood between two worlds. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper explores legal pluralism in West Africa and its relationship to women?s rights as citizens. The study explains that three factors are required to protect women?s rights in democratizing states: 1) increased legitimacy of civil judicial structures; 2) increased education concerning citizen?s rights in democratic society and; 3) recognition of the political and economic character of the conflict over constitutional and ?customary? or religious law. This analysis includes a discussion of citizenship in Africa and an examination of the concepts of dual authority and dual citizenship. The following section explains the role of judicial legitimacy and constitutional literacy in protecting citizen rights. By focusing on the political nature of the discourse on protecting religious and customary norms in Mali, Nigeria and Benin, the debate is expunged from a purely cultural arena. Analyzing power and how it relates to women in plural societies is critical to better understanding of democracy and the position of women in these states. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Institutions of higher education purport to prepare students for international understanding and for engaged citizenship. Students are increasingly thrust into international contexts and expected to intellectually and socially navigate relationships that span traditional state borders. Simultaneously, universities have ramped up institutional commitment to service-learning and community-based scholarship. These two trends are brought together through the development of Intercultural Service-Learning Courses at the Amizade Global Service-Learning Center at the University of Pittsburgh. Quantitative and qualitative reviews of student outcomes for 2003 Amizade Center courses suggested students were moved to action through their experiences integrating academics and service in foreign communities, but they had little understanding of how to enact their newfound intensity. The disjuncture between rootless secular ethical principles of global citizenship and students’ ability to enact those tendencies in a meaningful way led the staff and faculty of the Amizade Center to develop new curriculum that integrates applicable discussion of global citizenship into the course experiences. The curriculum includes traditional academics, reflection, service through community partnership, intercultural immersion and exchange, and exploration of global citizenship. Over 100 students on courses in diverse disciplines in various settings around the world were exposed to this curriculum during the summer of 2004. This paper quantitatively and qualitatively assesses the impact of a particular methodological and curricular approach of intercultural service-learning on students’ understanding of and ability to apply global citizenship. It will clarify the effects of one institutional approach for integrating the university goals of developing citizens and encouraging international awareness. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]