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My response to Carla Fischer's paper enlarges upon one of the powerful subthemes she introduces. Beginning with the rise of the Third Reich, there is a long history in psychoanalysis in which questionable decisions furthering the interests of the institution itself have been made at the expense of individual psychoanalysts. These conscious and unconscious choices have established an unfortunate precedent; they have had a profound effect on the culture of psychoanalysis as a whole, with technical and theoretical consequences that continue to reverberate throughout the profession. The "submission and castration" of the institution of psychoanalysis, as Fischer puts it so succinctly, have led to a loss of integrity and the sacrifice of the founding principles of a discipline that had privileged understanding, an investigative discipline that sought the truth even if that truth was a threat to the social order. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

My comment on Dr. Carla Fischer's paper begins with a personal description of moving to Chile in 1980, during the height of Pinochet's dictatorship, and my attempts to contact the Chilean Psychoanalytic Association. I describe how the Chilean Psychoanalytic handled the harsh reality of the country by means of dissociation and denial and explore whether this attitude could have been any different given the national situation. I touch on the lasting repercussions this lack of involvement has had on the institution and the legacy it has left for future generations of analysts in the country. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Hayek famously claimed that he would prefer a 'liberal' dictator to 'democratic government lacking in liberalism.' While Hayek's views of the Pinochet regime have generated much controversy, surprisingly little has been written about Hayek's defense of transitional dictatorship. Making use of previously un-translated foreign language archival material, this paper helps shed light on Hayek's views of authoritarianism, totalitarianism, transitional dictatorship, and the Pinochet regime as well as helping to separate Hayekian 'fact' from Hayekian 'fiction'. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Why do some groups survive government repression while others get eliminated? This paper offers a corrective to the widely held theory that locally embedded opposition organizations with large and interconnected networks of civilian supporters are better adapted to survive. It argues that extreme and selective violent repression from a capable state requires strict compartmentalization and social detachment. These measures slow the speed and reach of repression. I test these propositions by examining the top targets of the Pinochet dictatorship in Chile. Cross-checking individuals on the Pinochet's target lists against the victims lists, the article shows that the Revolutionary Leftist Movement (MIR) had a significantly lower rate of victimization than the other top targets. Archival and interview data demonstrate that MIR's higher survival rate is due to the mechanisms proposed. This study renders intended repression observable and offers implications for the survival of a wide range of actors. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Nobel Prize winning economist James M. Buchanan has repeatedly argued that the "political economist should not act as if he or she were providing advice to a benevolent despot" (Boettke Constitutional Political Economy, 25, 110-124, 2014: 112), but an increasingly influential body of scholarship argues that Buchanan provided a wealth of early 1980s policy advice to Augusto Pinochet's military dictatorship in Chile (e.g., Fischer 2009; Maclean 2017). In particular, Buchanan reportedly provided an analytical defense of military rule to a predominantly Chilean audience when he visited the country in late 1981. This paper draws upon largely ignored archival evidence from the Buchanan House Archives and Chilean primary source material to assess whether Buchanan provided a defense of Pinochet's "capitalist fascism" (Samuelson 1983) or whether he defended democracy when he visited Chile in 1981. Aside from the importance of this for assessing Buchanan's own legacy, his constitutional political economy arguments presented in Chile also provide an interesting and distinct perspective on the connection between democracy and growth, which remains highly relevant to current debates. Despite a general agreement about the desirability of democracy, the view that authoritarian regimes can spur "growth miracles", or might even be a necessary stage in political-economic development, still has prominent supporters (e.g. Sachs 2012). [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Izquierdas is the property of Izquierdas, Universidad de Santiago de Chile and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Encounters in Theory & History of Education / Rencontres en Theorie et Histoire de l'Educacion is the property of Queen's University, Faculty of Education and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Despite their common historical roots, two higher education systems in Latin America differ dramatically in their financing mechanisms. In Argentina, the national government completely subsidizes undergraduate programs in public institutions, while Chile relies mostly on tuition fees charged to individuals attending public institutions. Through quantitative and qualitative secondary sources, this paper shows that class interests (structural approach) and economic policies (ideational approach) played a major role in explaining comparative policy outcomes in these nondemocratic regimes. The article makes an explicit contribution to the understanding of comparative policy choices in nondemocratic regimes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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Copyright of Historia 396 is the property of Pontificia Universidad Catolica de Valparaiso, Instituto de Historia and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Given the combative drafting process of a new Chilean constitution under the government of left-wing president-elect Gabriel Boric, this paper retrospectively analyzes three documentaries by Patricio Guzmán over the past decade--Nostalgia for the Light, The Pearl Button, The Cordillera of Dreams--to argue that they represent a post-transitional trilogy that departs from Guzmán's previous works during Augusto Pinochet's dictatorship and transition to democracy. Taking heed of Chile's extended cartography of disappearance of both indigenous minorities and political dissidents, this study steers away from human-centric critique of documentary historiography, instead delving into Guzmán's chronotopic presentations of two nonhuman actors: grand landscapes on the macroscale and small objects at the microscale. This paper demonstrates how their affective materiality, by running through and across human and nonhuman bodies, leads to excavations below History's surface, conjuring up small histories of the abovementioned two categories of los vencidos obliterated from postcolonial-ethnocentric and neoliberal-authoritarian imageries. Relying on non-representational methodology and theory of haptic visuality--respectively these destabilize human/landscape and human/thing dichotomies while converging on nonhuman affect--it proposes that it is through evocation of sensations that Guzmán's post-transitional aesthetics form diligent inquiries into the palimpsest of Chile's collective and individual counter-memories. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The military dictatorship in Chile (1973–1989) promoted an ideology of the individual body, dismantling all social and collective matrices. The various artistic expressions discussed in the following text can be seen as practices of situated memory, that link the violence of that period to the exercise of a necessary intersubjectivity between different spaces of intervention and bodies. In doing this, and by taking as a starting point collective and the notion of alienated space, the aim is to reconstitute a conscious corporeality of memory and collectivity. This paper seeks to revise interpretations of these performative and photographic exercises and to ask how meaning can be produced without subjecting memory to a process of reification or immobilisation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Textiles damage analysis is a very valuable tool in forensic investigations. However, to date, very little research has been carried out to understand the impact of bullet causing damages to clothing. According to the review of the most recent scientific papers, the frictional heating and crushing action of a bullet passing through synthetic fibres cause a unique transformation in their ends called mushroom-shaped morphology. In this study, the textile remains of six individuals executed during the first decade of the Chilean military dictatorship period (1973–1990) were analysed. The purpose was to examine their clothing in order to describe the fibre defects in the bullet holes. The fibres were directly observed using two different models of stereomicroscopy (MZ16A and EZ4D, Leica Microsystem Ltd., Wetzlar, Germany) and through a combination of transmitted, oblique and co-axial illumination (with Leica DFC500 Digital Camera), at × 230 and at a resolution of up to 840 Lp/mm. The mushroom-shaped morphology, along with rupturing of yarns, fibrillation or splitting of fibres, was observed in the bullet holes. Although the mushroom-shaped is a useful pattern for bullet hole identification in synthetic fibres, further research needs to be performed for developing a sounder interpretational framework of this type of forensic evidence. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Chile’s social explosion on October 18, 2019 was the outcome of a longstanding process. Its roots are in the 1980s Constitution imposed by the military dictatorship and the economic, social and political model based on Milton Freedman’s ideas. The model, modified under democracy in its more extreme aspects and accompanied by aggressive policies to reduce poverty, brought about a process of economic development and reduction of poverty. However, from the beginning it showed its inner tendency to increase structural inequalities and it was applied in a context of a quasi-monopolistic economic structure where collusion practices easily take place. The people felt they were being repeatedly abused, which resulted in the social explosion. Hundreds of thousands of Chileans mobilized daily up until the appearance of Covid 19; they denounced the existing inequalities and abuses. In a parallel development, thousands of participants all along Chile spontaneously invited themselves to citizen’s meetings to discuss about the problems they and the country had, and they reached important conclusions. The objective of this paper is to report and analyze the dynamics of these conversations and meetings, and the conclusions reached, which will be an especially important input for the work of the Constitutional Convention where democratically elected Chilean men and women—with parity representation—will elaborate the New Constitution of the country. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Narratives for children about Augusto Pinochet's dictatorship in Chile (1973–89) written by the sons and daughters of that era constitute a recognised genre. For the most part the genre features boy characters who not only have voice and choice, but also unrealistically win the fight against the oppressors. This paper examines two of the rare works with girl protagonists, paying attention to how their voices are constructed: Mariana Osorio Gumá's Tal vez vuelvan los pájaros [Maybe the birds will return] (Mexico, 2013) and Matilde by Carola Martínez Arroyo (Argentina, 2016). I apply Deleuze's theories about the gaze to girls to identify patterns that afford the construction of 'lucid' protagonists in terms of recurring modes of language production (silence, ordered discourse, invention), giving rise to inquisitive girls. Through the construction of a girl's lucid gaze, which can withstand and narrate the horrors of the dictatorship, these novels offer young audiences a powerful space for historic and collective memory. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper offers a critique of the Chilean Psychoanalytic Association (an affiliate of the International Psychoanalytic Association)1 from 1973 to the Chilean democratic transition in 1990. During the period under examination, this group struck a moral, political, theoretical, and clinical stance, which entirely disavowed the context of the violent military dictatorship in which it existed and practiced appearing to be "saving" or "protecting" the purity of psychoanalytic thought from the intrusion of environmental factors. To demonstrate this disengagement I present the story of a member of the society who was detained and then disappeared in 1976, an event that went institutionally unnoticed and unprocessed among its members. Despite the fact that alternate strategies for facing and managing the traumatic effects of the oppressive regime were being developed by other agencies, only a small group of analysts ever supervised psychotherapists working with human rights violation victims or were willing to take seriously the effect this had on patients and on society as a whole. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

When both therapist and patient have shared the experiences of living in contexts of extreme and continuous trauma, the effects of this will be woven into their relationship and their work together both at a conscious and an unconscious level. This paper explores these effects in the sensitive and insightful case studies presented by Castillo and Cordal as they struggle to come to terms with the aftermath on the dictatorship in Chile. Parallels are drawn with work in South Africa both during and after Apartheid. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Revista Austral de Ciencias Sociales is the property of Facultad de Filosofia y Humanidades, Intituto de Ciencias Sociales, Universidad Austral de Chile and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

In Chile, a long and oppressive military regime (1973–1990) dismantled emergent initiatives for the deinstitutionalisation of psychiatric care, imposing a neoliberal constitution that opened public services to market forces and limited the state's role in health and social care. After being associated with communism and socialism, community-based mental health work was banned, and socialist psychiatrists were silenced through torture or exile. However, some therapeutic initiatives persisted, such as the “Protected Commune” (PC) initiative within the El Peral psychiatric asylum. The PC attempted to mimic a real town inside the asylum's gated perimeter. It featured an ecumenical chapel, a school, and various “council” departments like recreation, education, waste, economy, and health. Paths received names, wards became districts, and patients and workers were assigned new, democratic roles, all while the authoritarian regime entirely controlled the “outside” world. The initiative ceased with the return of democracy in 1990. Deemed an eccentric and negligible episode, the PC is often seen as an interruption to the radical community-based experiences of the pre-dictatorial era. Drawing on archival research and oral history interviews with participants, this paper examines how the PC harnessed the notion of community to navigate the complex socio-political landscape of the dictatorship. Differing from established accounts of the political uses of psychiatry under authoritarianism, the study positions the PC as a prism for understanding the contradictory ways in which the idea of 'community' has been able to transcend radically opposed social and political regimes, becoming a core feature in the vocabulary of mental health reform, despite its ambiguities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Revista de Filosofía (00348236) is the property of Universidad de Chile, Facultad de Filosofia y Humanidades and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This paper presents our clinical experience with patients who were severely traumatized by the systematic violation of human rights during the military dictatorship in Chile (1973–1990). The lack of recognition of trauma of sociopolitical origin encapsulates the traumatic experience and forces it to remain as part of the present. Clinical vignettes of two therapeutic processes—mother and son—are presented: The mother was detained; sexually tortured; and, as a result of this, gave birth to the torturer’s son. Her therapeutic process is an account of her ambivalence towards her son, of how his origins were kept a family secret, and of how this secret was unconsciously transmitted. The young man’s therapeutic process centers on the transgenerational transmission of trauma and how the torturer–tortured dynamic seeps into the relationship with the analyst. The impact on the analysts’ subjectivity in working with extreme trauma is described. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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Copyright of Revista Electrónica de Psicología Política is the property of Universidad Nacional de San Luis, Facultad de Ciencias Humanas and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This paper considers a momentous event in Santiago, Chile, on 10 December 2007. On that day an infamous torture and extermination centre known as Londres 38 was for the first time opened to the public. By the end of the day much more had been exposed than the echoing and empty rooms. After examining the context in which Londres 38 may be placed in the history of the dictatorship, we consider the events of that memorable day in 2007. We explore and follow the tensions so unexpectedly expressed by the colectivos involved in the long campaign to have the building opened. Lastly we return to the building to discover how the mourners have chosen to present the building to visitors. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Copyright of Historia y Sociedad (01218417) is the property of Universidad Nacional de Colombia, Facultad de Ciencias Humanas y Economicas and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Nomadías is the property of Universidad de Chile, Facultad de Filosofia y Humanidades and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This paper employs a historical approach to challenge the widely held notion that Chile does not have an ‘Indian problem’, or any kind of multinational diversity within its borders. It will examine aspects of Chile's recent past from the perspective of the Mapuche people. Its purpose is twofold: to add a new voice to narratives about more recent Chilean history, and to outline the emergence of a new identity politics. Focusing particularly on issues of land and political strategy, the oral testimony of Mapuche activists, some recorded by the author, will add another perspective to the much analysed trajectory of late-twentieth century Chilean politics, from failed socialist experiment and subsequent military dictatorship to slow redemocratisation. For the Mapuche, the period represents a move away from cooperation with mainstream political organisations to gain concessions from the state, toward a more ethno-centric discourse of territorial autonomy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Revista Nuestra América is the property of Edicoes Universidade Fernando Pessoa and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

State violence against protests often backfires, spurring greater mobilization and demands for police reform. Yet major reforms rarely materialize. How can activists frame contentious events to build support for their policy goals? We examine whether historical frames that draw parallels between past and present episodes of state violence make people more likely to support police reforms. We test our theory with a survey experiment in Chile 15 months after security forces cracked down on protesters in 2019, randomizing whether text and visual primes about recent repression were juxtaposed against primes about repression under Chile's 1973–90 military dictatorship. We found that left-leaning and older respondents who experienced the dictatorship firsthand were more responsive to historical frames than right-leaning and younger respondents. Results suggest that historical framing can boost support for police reform but must be carefully targeted. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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Copyright of Aula (0214-3402) is the property of Ediciones Universidad de Salamanca and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This paper explores the representation of food in Manuel Gutiérrez Aragón’s film Half of Heaven (Spain, 1986) and Silvio Caiozzi’s The Moon in the Mirror (Chile, 1990) as it depicts the political transition from dictatorship to democracy in Spain and Chile. While the Spanish transition was initiated with Francisco Franco’s death in 1975, and the Chilean transition with Augusto Pinochet supposedly stepping down in 1989, in both cases the dictatorial power structures ensured that such a shift in political ideology did not come into effect overnight. As a result, well after Franco’s death and Pinochet’s defeat, the regimes’ institutions remained in place. With this political context in mind, food features prominently as a metaphorical representation of the complex power struggles and political shifts that were occurring in these two countries at this time. In this way, the relationship of food—presented as either good or bad, edible or contaminated—is conflated with character development in such a way that it establishes a new set of semantic networks among characters that illuminates sociocultural dynamics and political debates in transitional Spain and Chile. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Although the economic model was not decided, one of the tasks of the official publishing house for the Chilean dictatorship, Editora Nacional Gabriela Mistral (1973-1976), was to spread information about budding neoliberalism. This could not be achieved without banishing the language of --and identification with-- social classes, which was rooted in Chilean mentality. Using examples, this article explores how publications from the ENGM silenced and described social classes through themes such as folklore, anti-Marxism, national history or economics, thanks to its informative nature and to the procedural and cognitive possibilities of its texts. This paper proposes that as a latent subtext in those publications, the silencing of social classes could have been a metaphorical and aesthetic symptom of neoliberalism during the dictatorship, becoming in this manner a sign of its peculiar way to aestheticize politics. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Before neoliberalism became global, it was an intellectual project that had a particular view of the power of constitutions to limit sovereign states, anchor economic freedoms and protect markets from democratic pressures for greater equality. In Latin America and the developing world, neoliberalism has long been identified with the political economy of the Washington Consensus. However, the comprehensive study of its legal foundations and institutional arrangements is still an area of limited scholarly attention. This article attempts to advance in that direction. By examining the work of Friedrich A. Hayek, Milton Friedman and James M. Buchanan, it explores a theory of neoliberal constitutionalism within Chile, the so-called first neoliberal laboratory. These authors visited the country during the Pinochet dictatorship (1973–90), and were connected with top Chilean authorities as part of their global ambitions to implement their theoretical agendas in real-world scenarios. The article argues that Chile's constitution-making process between 1973 and 1980 offered an on-site experiment in introducing neoliberal's radical economic transformation. It addresses how the dictatorship's natural law-based rule of law principles were compatible with the neoliberal constitutional ideology by supporting a distinctive view of the state's role and designing the innovative institutional arrangements necessary to guarantee the market's priority in the structural and rights dimension of the 1980 Constitution. In the wake of Chile's recent constitutional change agenda, this article not only contributes to the existing debate by reflecting on the ideological origins of the still-persistent constitutional neoliberal features, but also works as a case study for evaluating new global turns towards authoritarian neoliberal politics. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article argues that the ILO's Committee of Freedom of Association proceedings against dictatorships during the seventies, eighties and nineties in Latin America were a relevant site of conflict for the region's dictatorships, even when they did not stop the military from attacking workers, unions and labour rights. By examining the most critical Cases opened in Geneva against Chile and Argentina between 1973–1990, the article explores the ILO's actions, the implicated voices, and the effects of the Cases before and after the coups while reflecting on the importance (and limitations) of international trade unionism solidarities and international efforts during the period. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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Copyright of Estudios Internacionales is the property of Instituto de Estudios Internacionales de la Universidad de Chile and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This paper examines the Chilean educational system deployed in dictatorship and guided by neoliberal principles. Its goal is to contribute, through indicators, documents and dialogue with authors that have critics to this model, the need to rebuild the national system of public education. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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Copyright of Politique et Sociétés is the property of Politique et Societes and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Over the course of his lengthy career, Dorfman (1942) has pursued a transnational intellectual path, participating in Spanish American social criticism, cultural analysis, and literature while also becoming increasingly a part of English-language U.S. culture. Until well into middle age, he refrained from discussing his Jewish family background and current identity, attempting to remain within an ethnically unmarked tradition of progressive social thought. In the latter part of the 1990s he grew more forthcoming on these topics and his work and person began to circulate in intellectual venues marked as Jewish. While Dorfman's ability to move in and out of diverse cultural spaces is impressive, it has not been unlimited. As the author observes, his plan to end his exile and reintegrate himself into Chilean cultural life following the end of the military dictatorship in 1990 met with frustration. Though he maintains a residence in Chile and visits the country, Dorfman's English-language career has continued to outpace the more limited success of his recent work in Spanish American countries. Dorfman has only inserted himself into Jewish intellectual life to a modest extent, apparently by choice, since his custom is to discuss matters of which he possesses significant knowledge, particularly expertise gained through first-hand experience. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

From 1981 to 1990, the Australian art journal Art & Text and the affiliated Art & Criticism Monograph Series had a productive, if at times fragmented, relationship with a small but influential group of Chilean arts workers during the Pinochet regime (1973–1990). Initiated by the Australian-Chilean artist, Juan Dávila, this collaboration — including key figures such as Paul Taylor, Paul Foss, Nelly Richard, Patricio Marchant and Francisco Zegers − gave rise to multiple and significant essays, books and translations that contested the limits of Pinochet's epistemological frontiers on the one hand, and Euro-North American centrist readings of the artworld on the other. This article returns to several archives across Australia and Chile to trace the simultaneous developments of southern thinking, and asks what can be learned about the co-production of epistemologies across two distinct Pacific locations. The almost instant anachronism of art criticism, especially that on the margins, has meant that Art & Text's and the Art & Criticism Monograph Series's history of supporting Chilean art writing during the dictatorship has not been effectively transmitted into the present. It is, by now, pretty much unknown or forgotten in both Australia and Chile − and elsewhere − awaiting the attention of a younger generation of art workers hoping to connect to these fragmented histories. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article explores both individual and collective critical reflections on our involvement in the Threads, war and conflict project at the University of St Andrews. The article includes a collaborative section, followed by the authors' personal experiences of engaging with arpilleras and creating our own textiles on the themes of "family" and "home". The collaborative segment argues that arpilleras provided a voice for women in Chile to express their opposition to the military dictatorship of Augusto Pinochet. Touching on the concepts of women, textiles and the notion of "voice" in International Relations, we demonstrate how voice should be taken seriously in the field, and how creative media can challenge traditional expressions of voice. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article explores both individual and collective critical reflections on our involvement in the Threads, war and conflict project at the University of St Andrews. The article includes a collaborative section, followed by the authors' personal experiences of engaging with arpilleras and creating our own textiles on the themes of "family" and "home". The collaborative segment argues that arpilleras provided a voice for women in Chile to express their opposition to the military dictatorship of Augusto Pinochet. Touching on the concepts of women, textiles and the notion of "voice" in International Relations, we demonstrate how voice should be taken seriously in the field, and how creative media can challenge traditional expressions of voice. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article takes existing histories of Chilean transnational anti-communist activity in the 1970s beyond Operation Condor (the Latin American military states' covert transnational anti-communist intelligence and operations system) by asking how the Pinochet dictatorship responded to two key changes in the international system towards the end of that decade: the Carter presidency and introduction of the human rights policy, and the shift of the epicentre of the Cold War in Latin America to Central America. It shows how both Salvadoreans and Chileans understood the Pinochet dictatorship as a distinct model of anti-communist governance, applicable far beyond Chile's own borders. This study of Chilean foreign policy in El Salvador contributes to new histories of the Latin American Extreme Right and to new understandings of the inter-American system and the international history of the conflicts in Central America in the late 1970s and the 1980s. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

We use new firm-level data from Chile to document resource misallocation in favor of politically connected firms during the transition from dictatorship to democracy. We find that firms with links to the Pinochet regime (1973–1990) were relatively unproductive and benefited from resource misallocation under dictatorship, and those distortions persisted into democracy. We show that, after learning that the dictatorship was going to end, firms in the dictator's network increased their productive capacity, experienced higher profits, and obtained more loans from the main state-owned bank. We test for different explanations and provide suggestive evidence consistent with connected firms aiming to shield their market position for the transition to democracy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Revista Mexicana de Ciencias Politicas y Sociales is the property of Revista Mexicana de Ciencias Politicas y Sociales and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)