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The Library for Foreign Literature has carried out work to identify documents thematically related to the cultural and historical heritage of Armenia. More than 500 documents have been identified in 26 languages of the peoples of the world. The rare book collection presents unique publications of European authors of the 17th and 19th centuries about travel, geography and history, linguistics. There are several historical and linguistic books originally from Venice, the city where the national Armenian printing originated in 1512. The recipients of the collected information are libraries of Armenia, Centers of Armenian Studies, Armenian diasporas in Russia and other countries. The library accepts orders for the production of digital copies of paper originals. The multilingual nature of the identified documents and the Library’s multifaceted activities in the fields of cultural diplomacy ensure the promotion of Armenia’s cultural and historical heritage in a broad international context. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Ajastan Kensabanakan Handes is the property of National Academy of Sciences of the Republic of Armenia and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The Third Artsakh war has dramatically transformed the security environment in the South Caucasus. Being a result and indicator of changing world order, it unleashed the parameters of the newly-developing formats of conflicts, confrontations, and wars, called hybrid warfare. From this perspective the paper studies the parameters of hybrid warfare against Artsakh launched by Azerbaijan. Application of hybrid warfare against Artsakh is not a new phenomenon and has being practiced by Azerbaijan at least during the last 10-15 years. However, the results of the 44-day war have provided new framework, opportunities, and instruments to intensify hybrid operations, striving to maximize the results. Hence, the paper discusses the Azerbaijani strategy of hybrid war against Artsakh by analyzing the main strategies, tactics, instruments and tools used by Azerbaijan against Artsakh, specifically, after 44-day war. The paper argues that after the Third Artsakh war of 2020 Azerbaijan has launched a full scale hybrid operation to provide ethnic cleansing of Artsakh and receive ‘Nagorno-Karabakh without Armenians’. The operation was based on the following components: information-psychological campaign/influence operations (against Armenians in Artsakh), economic and energy aspects, ecological issues, blockade, international campaigns, support to split Armenian power (in Armenia and Armenian Diaspora), sabotage against critical infrastructure and population, and so on. Concluding the paper launches, a discussion about Azerbaijani engagement with Armenia after the ethnic cleansing of Artsakh of Autumn of 2023. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

There is a strong relationship between regional integration and economic performance. This paper investigates the impact of regional integration on macroeconomic indicators in the Eurasian Economic Union (EAEU) – a trade block created by the former Soviet republics in 2014. This study compares two types of regional collaboration strategies: first, unilateral trade liberalization with the one-sided opening of market access that does not imply any mutual concessions, and second, reciprocal regional liberalization evaluated as the degree of regional economic integration between the countries. We apply a random effect panel data analysis with the dataset over 25 years since 1995 covering five countries (Armenia, Belarus, Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, and Russia). We find that, under the current stage, the EAEU positively affects trade flows, negatively affects the level of employment, and has no impact on other economic performance indicators. We also conclude that despite the declared level of economic integration – customs union – Eurasian block functions mainly as a free trade area facilitating mutual trade, which is different from the broader objectives that regional integration aims to achieve. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article offers information on 43rd International Byron Conference on "Byron, Time and Space," that was held in Yerevan, Armenia from 29 June–1 July 2017. Topics discussed include problems of Armenian Translations of poem "Childe Harold's Pilgrimage;" Byron's use of metaphor as a tool of indirection in his poetry; and co-existence of antipodal time and space backgrounds in poetry.

This paper analyzes the nonlinear relationship between public debt and economic growth, and also estimates the threshold level for upper-middle income Asian countries for the period 1980 to 2021. The results confirm the nonlinear relationship with public debt threshold of 103.4% for the pooled sample. As for individual samples, the highest threshold recorded is 90.8% for Lebanon and the lowest is 15% for Kazakhstan. The results also reveal that nonlinear relationship can exist in both U-shape and Ո-shape, indicating that beyond a specific threshold level, public debt can support higher GDP growth or drag it down. 'Negative' growth, as noted in the literature, does not necessarily indicate that growth becomes negative, but slower. In addition, debt threshold does not exist by default for all the countries, and therefore, we could not find any threshold for Armenia and Azerbaijan. Another crucial finding is that pooled sample tends to provide higher threshold, compared to individual samples. Hence, it causes a misleading understanding among policymakers. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

AGRICULTURE productivity is severely hampered by salinity stress in many parts of the world, including the Ararat Plain in Armenia. The need for food security is growing worldwide, and new strategies are essential to meet this challenge. In the context of the Ararat Plain, this paper examines the potential utility and promising role of biogenic nanoparticles (NPs) and biochar in reducing salinity stress, boosting crop resilience, and guaranteeing sustainable food production. This paper involves the mechanisms underlying salinity stress, as well as the properties and synthesis of biogenic nanoparticles and biochar, and their applications in increasing plant salinity tolerance. The potential application of biogenic nanoparticles and biochar to mitigate the adverse effects of salinity on crops, soil, and water resources has been recently illustrated by several case studies and research findings. Additionally, we go over the safety issues, environmental implications, and potential applications of biogenic nanoparticles and biochar in sustainable agriculture on the Ararat Plain and elsewhere. This paper advances our knowledge of innovative strategies for addressing salinity stress and improving food security in areas with comparable problems. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Despite their long-lasting work in Armenia and Turkey, peacebuilding practitioners of civil society have an ambivalent relationship with the term peace and refrain from defining their role as peacebuilders. Informed by the anthropological research adopting the local turn in peace and conflict studies, we explore how civil society practitioners in Armenia and Turkey perceive the concept of “peace” (խաղաղություն or khaghaghutyun in Armenian and barış in Turkish) and how they position themselves regarding the meanings they attach to this term. In this paper, we present data collected through semi-structured interviews with civil society practitioners from both countries, investigating the perceptions and practices in the aftermath of the Second Nagorno-Karabakh War in 2020. We found that the flexibility of the term normalization in comparison to peacebuilding is preferred among civil society practitioners working for the Armenia-Turkey dialogue. We also show that the political context shapes local meanings of the word peace. While in Turkey, the authoritarian regime, restrictions on NGOs, and rise of ultranationalism make open advocacy for peace with Armenia difficult and risky, the war with Azerbaijan firmly structures where and how the word peace can be used in Armenia – even though it is not clear what is meant by it in either case. Finally, our research points out a neglected aspect of professionalism in this context and shows how it requires emotional labor to suppress enthusiasm and hope for peace. We close our paper with a call for further research among the youth and exploration of effective communication, alternative approaches, and terminologies that can foster meaningful dialogue and reconciliation without provoking divisive sentiments. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Journal of Sociology: Bulletin of the Yerevan State University / Banber Erevani Hamalsarani. Sots'iologia is the property of Publishing House of Yerevan State University and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Praehistorische Zeitschrift is the property of De Gruyter and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This article evaluates the presence of framing mechanisms in Dutch media reporting on the Second Karabakh war. The paper is led by the following questions: To what extent, and why, does the reporting of the Dutch press favour/undermine certain actors in the conflict? What kind of framing patterns are involved in generating such partiality? And did the frames change over the course of the war? In order to evaluate the presence of framing mechanisms in Dutch media reporting on the second Karabakh war, this research conducted a qualitative data analysis of 188 articles on the topic in nine major national Dutch news media. The paper finds that Dutch newspapers created a rather stereotypical, simplified picture of the Second Karabakh war. There are instances where the reporting gave the impression of a possible bias or overemphasis on certain dimensions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Botanical living collections within botanical gardens are a crucial global asset for plant diversity. Special attention should be directed towards dendrological collections due to their significant contribution to biodiversity conservation, support for scientific inquiry, enhancement of educational initiatives, and engagement of the public. Introducing plants, particularly woody species, poses a significant challenge in botanical science, one that is addressed through botanical gardens and arboretums. The establishment and development of dendrological collections in botanical gardens provide a means to comprehensively represent diverse plant species from various biogeographical regions and continents. The current paper presents, for the first time, the establishment, development, status, and future perspective of dendrological collections at the Yerevan Botanical Garden, particularly in relation to the introduction of woody plants in Armenia. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper presents the first assessment of dietary exposure to aflatoxin M1 (AFM1) and associated health risks through milk and dairy product consumption in Armenia. Data on AFM1 in raw milk were obtained from an annual residue monitoring program. Additionally, commonly consumed dairy products (pasteurized milk, cheese, sour cream, curd cheese) were sampled, considering the sources of raw milk used by dairy companies. Per capita consumption of raw milk was sourced from national food balance databases, while individual consumption data for dairy products was collected via a 24 h recall survey with 1400 adult respondents. Detectable levels of AFM1 were observed in 7.14% of raw milk samples (up to 0.334 μg/kg) and, albeit at lower amounts (up to 0.009 µg/kg), in 30% and 40% of sour cream and curd cheese, respectively. The AFM1 levels were lower than the national maximum permitted level (0.5 μg/kg); however, levels in raw milk exceeded the EU ML (0.05 μg/kg). The estimated margin of exposure values for dairy products indicated no significant risk, whereas a reasonable worst-case estimate, using the measurable levels of AFM1 in raw milk consumption indicated a potential public health concern. This study provides a scientific basis for evaluating aflatoxin issues in the Caucasus area. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The purpose of the paper is to highlight the development of informationpsychological warfare, its history, concepts, technologies and methods, which are one of the most important areas of work in the field of international relations. The concept of 'information warfare' has concentrated a number of phenomena from the sphere of mass communications and during the 20th century was called various terms, such as 'disinformation', 'propaganda', 'psychological warfare', 'psychological operations'. Within the scope of the study, the importance of psychological warfare in today's context has been examined using the example of Azerbaijan and Armenia. It has been emphasized how Armenia effectively employed psychological warfare tactics and propaganda to gain an advantageous position in the late 20th century. In the early 21st century, the significance of Azerbaijan gaining a superior position in psychological warfare and using propaganda effectively has been discussed. Additionally, the article delves into the importance of using white propaganda during psychological warfare and the drawbacks of black propaganda within the context of the psychological warfare between Azerbaijan and Armenia. The novelty of the paper lies in a comprehensive analysis of information and psychological warfare and operations in the context of the Azerbaijan-Armenian conflict. Conclusions. In the 20th century information and psychological warfare and operations became part of the military policy of states. Now, due to the current situation on the world stage, the methods and means of conducting information warfare are changing and every year they are reaching a higher level. It can also be stated that in the 21st century, information wars have become more widespread. In summary, the historical context and evolution of information warfare demonstrate its enduring significance as a tool for states to achieve their strategic and political goals. As technology and global politics continue to evolve, information warfare is likely to remain a key component of statecraft and international relations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The paper focuses on the post-Maidan and post-Velvet Revolution state-building in Ukraine and Armenia. Examining the cases of Ukraine and Armenia, the qualitative, comparative analysis presented in this paper uncovers some of the similarities and differences between the two post-Soviet revolutions in terms of their political and economic implications. The study suggests that, while the revolutions have given a strong impetus to political and economic reforms in oligarchy-driven and corruption-stricken Ukrainian and Armenian societies, the path to ultimate success involves overcoming the authoritarian legacy and developing democratic institutions. The analysis of the relationship between domestic change and foreign policy shows that in contrast to Ukraine, where the "choice for Europe" was the core rationale behind the Euromaidan, the domestic change in Armenia has not led to foreign policy shifts. Nevertheless, this study avoids reductionist explanations of external drivers of change. Rather, it treats the domestic actors as the key agents to transform the economic and political landscapes of the two post-Soviet countries. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper explores the commonalities of populist mobilizations in the post-Soviet region. It identifies a salient populist cleavage between two political projects that differ fundamentally about their focal point of political action: externalist sovereigntism and internalist anti-corruption messianism. While sovereigntism takes a defensive stance repelling foreign forces hostile to "the people," anti-corruption messianism offensively tackles cronyism impeding developmental salvation for "the people." The paper reconstructs six sovereigntist and anti-corruption projects, which have unfolded across different non-democratic regimes in Russia, Armenia, and Ukraine throughout the past decade. It is argued that the conflict between sovereigntism and anti-corruption messianism relates to a twofold, distinctively post-Soviet constellation: uncertainty over conflictual geopolitical abeyance and the exasperation over social closure due to the prevalence of oligarchical patronalism. In this context, both populist projects constitute powerful strategies of solidarity-forging under conditions in which other channels of political articulation have been either blocked or exhausted. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper explores the political landscape of post-war Armenia, focusing on both domestic and foreign policy implications of the devastating war of 2020. More specifically, it aims at explaining the aftermath of the 2020 war, with a special emphasis on Armenia's growing dependence on Russia. Since September 2020, Armenia has plunged into a deep crisis. The Nagorno-Karabakh war had a series of implications, both for conflicting parties and a wider region. The ceasefire agreement which entailed huge territorial concessions took many by surprise and raised questions as to the transparency and accountability of the government. Although the Russian-brokered ceasefire ended the hostilities, yet it left many fundamental matters unanswered. Furthermore, the war has exacerbated the pre-existing divisions amongst the foremost political actors and the general public. Combined with the war and its aftermath, the COVID-19 pandemic has also invited challenges, which resulted in an increased human toll, slowdown of economy, and deepened public anger and mistrust of the authorities. The situation is compounded by Armenia's deepening dependence on Russia, which has been largely treated as war-torn Armenia's irreplaceable ally by the Armenian leadership. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Journal of Sociology: Bulletin of the Yerevan State University / Banber Erevani Hamalsarani. Sots'iologia is the property of Publishing House of Yerevan State University and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

African swine fever virus (ASFV) is the etiological agent of a haemorrhagic disease that threatens the global pig industry. There is an urgency to develop a safe and efficient vaccine, but the knowledge of the immune–pathogenetic mechanisms behind ASFV infection is still very limited. In this paper, we evaluated the haematological and immunological parameters of domestic pigs vaccinated with the ASFV Lv17/WB/Rie1 strain or its derived mutant Lv17/WB/Rie1/d110-11L and then challenged with virulent Armenia/07 ASFV. Circulating levels of C-reactive protein (CRP), 13 key cytokines and 11 haematological parameters were evaluated throughout the study. Lv17/WB/Rie1 triggered an inflammatory response, with increased levels of CRP and pro-inflammatory cytokines, and induced lymphopenia, thrombocytopenia and a decline in red blood cell (RBC) parameters, although this was transitory. Lv17/WB/Rie1/d110-11L triggered only transitory thrombocytopenia and a mild inflammatory reaction, with no increase in serum levels of pro-inflammatory cytokines, but it raised IL-1Ra levels. Both strains counteracted several adverse reactions elicited by virulent challenge, like thrombocytopenia, a decline in RBC parameters, and inflammation. Within this paper, we provided a deep portrayal of the impact of diverse ASFV strains on the domestic pig's immune system. A better understanding of these immune–pathological mechanisms would help to design suitable vaccines against this disease. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper explores the role that identity and ideology play in Armenia's position on Russia in the context of the Ukrainian war. Armenia's stance is striking for its traditional solidarity with Russia, even in the face of highly controversial actions. It would be easy to fall prey to reductionism to structural constraints and argue that Armenia's vast economic dependence on Russia dictates its foreign policy. While there is no denying that Armenia's huge economic, energy, and security dependence on Russia has significantly influenced the country's pro-Russian foreign policy choices, the position is more complex. Fertile ground for the role in Armenian political thinking of Russia as a "savior" has been prepared by the hostile images ascribed to Azerbaijan and Turkey. In addition, Ukraine's close relationships with Armenia's traditional enemies have exacerbated the situation, widening the gap between "Us" and "Them." It is, therefore, not surprising that both society and the government in Armenia have been silent on the Russian invasion of Ukraine. The paper concludes that a combination of material and conceptual forces has shaped Armenia's pro-Russian stance in the context of the war in Ukraine. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Cancer is the second leading cause of death in Armenia. Over the past two decades, the country has seen a significant rise in cancer morbidity and mortality. This review aims to provide up-to-date info about the state of cancer control in Armenia and identify priority areas of research. The paper analyzes published literature and local and international statistical reports on Armenia and similar countries to put numbers into context. While cancer detection, diagnosis, and treatment are improving, the prevalence of risk factors is still quite high and smoking is widespread. Early detection rates are low and several important screening programs are absent. Diagnosis and treatment methods are not standardized; there is a lack of treatment accessibility due to insufficient government coverage and limited availability of essential medicines. Overall, there is room for improvement in this sector, as research is limited and multidisciplinary approaches to the topic are rare. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The purpose of this paper is to provide an empirical assessment of the economic efficiency of grape-producing farms in Armenia. Upon reviewing various field-related studies the frontier analysis was singled out as a methodological base of this study. More specifically two-stage empirical analysis was performed, which includes the measurement of efficiency levels of grape farms by implementing the DEA technique and then assessing the determinants of obtained efficiency scores by performing Tobit modeling. To obtain necessary data, 365 grape farms from the Armavir region were surveyed. The main findings of this paper suggest that the average efficiency score for grape farms is 0.72, and there is room for improvement in the economic performance of farms with 28%. The main determinants of farm efficiency were cultivated grape varieties, farm size, and selling prices of grapes. The obtained results mainly support the findings of similar studies carried out for various viticulture regions across the world. This study provides some methodology bases for further expansion of similar studies both in terms of including the other Armenian viticulture regions and different years to explore the changes in the efficiency of grape farms over time. This article provides a base of knowledge for policymakers, scholars, researchers, investors, and credit companies for their decision-making processes and other purposes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Grigor Archimandrite Skevratsi, a follower of the famous clergyman and theologian Nerses of Lambron, was one of the outstanding public, political and cultural figures of medieval Armenia, who in his literary, cultural, religious, social and pedagogical activities was a worthy disciple of his teacher and carried on the traditions establishedby him. Grigor Skevratsi is a multi-genre author. He wrote in practically every genre of spiritual literature and left a legacy of odes and Church Hymns (sharakan), orations and sermons, exhortations and prayers, interpretations and translations. The current paper presents the prayers of Grigor Skevatsi. His theory of prayer is directly derived from the teaching of the school of Narek Monastery which is evidence of a continuity of tradition. Grigor Skevratsi expressed his views on prayer as the highest moment of spiritual life in a number of works, in the theologicalpoem "Instruction on the true Faith and the Virtuous and Pure Life" ("Khrat" (exhortation) «Բան խրատու վասն ուղիղ հաւատոյ և մաքուր վարուց առաքի-նութեան» («Խրատ»)), sermons, several small and large prayers. Skevratsi's prayers testify to his deep faith and high spiritual level. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

A taxonomic review of the Nepticulidae of Armenia is provided for the first time. Currently, the previously little-known fauna of the pygmy moths of Armenia consists of eight genera and 31 species, including seven new species described and illustrated in the current paper as follows: Stigmella armi Stonis, Dobrynina & Remeikis, sp. nov.; Stigmella garnica Stonis, Dobrynina & Remeikis, sp. nov.; Stigmella inopinoides Dobrynina, sp. nov.; Stigmella magicis Stonis & Dobrynina, sp. nov.; Stigmella ararati Stonis, Dobrynina & Remeikis, sp. nov.; Trifurcula vardenisi Stonis, Dobrynina & Remeikis, sp. nov.; and Etainia caucasi Remeikis, sp. nov. The most common Nepticulidae species in Armenia, Stigmella muricatella (Klimesch), still remains a taxonomic puzzle. However, the molecular sequences of the Armenian specimens and a specimen of S. muricatella from Greece were found to be similar, though clearly distinct from the widespread S. rolandi van Nieukerken due to numerous hypothetical mutational steps. Mitotype analysis revealed that the Ectoedemia specimens collected in Armenia do not belong to the expected widespread E. spinosella (Joannis) but are more similar to the less-known E. mahalebella (Klimesch). Moreover, some specimens from Armenia identified by us as Simplimorpha promissa (Staudinger) and Ectoedemia (Zimmermannia) longicaudella Klimesch may actually represent possible cryptic taxa, allopatric subspecies or species. However, from a practical point of view, the description of such difficult-to-diagnose taxa is inappropriate. Thus, we have refrained from describing such new taxa based solely on observed molecular differences. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The study is based on interviews with 32 experts on international migration conducted in Yerevan in 2016. This paper aims to analyse their perspectives on return migration, which go beyond the dichotomy of the return as a failure or success. Armenia has a large diaspora and only few migrants and members of the diaspora decide to go back. However, there are such cases and they merit our attention and further analysis. The transnational turn in migration studies showed the importance of the return and the ways how the migration cycle can never be completed. Narratives among the key informants revolve around the issue of old and new diaspora and diasporic consciousness (or patriotism), the issue of a weak state after the dissolution of the former Soviet Union, and uneven development. All of these themes incorporate the top-down and bottom-up perspectives, even though they are a part of the discourse of the key informants working on migration issues and members of the local elite. This study will also highlight the significance of return migration and the Armenian diaspora for the Armenian society’s changes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

International student migration (ISM) makes up an increasingly significant part of all international migration. Scholars have unpacked various aspects of this global mobility. While ISM scholarship has largely focused on a particular stream of migration—namely, student migration from the Global South to the Global North—recent studies have expanded this research to include more diverse case studies. ISM scholarship has also analysed education agents, who provide migration infrastructures and enable student mobility (or, in some cases, immobility). But the scholarship's characterisations of these agents remain somewhat limited: Studies focus largely on the oversized role agents play in student recruitment processes—that is, as those who enable initial mobility. This paper analyzes a unique case study—Indian medical students in Yerevan, Armenia—to unpack education agents' extensive, oftentimes problematic roles in structuring students' postmigration experiences. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Armenian diaspora was an essential factor in the overall process of forming the Republic of Armenia. The Armenian-American community is one of the most effective communities of the Armenian diaspora in terms of promoting Armenia's interests in international politics. It also plays a prominent role in the development of relations between the US and Armenia. The paper examines the main factors that influence the characteristics of the Armenian-American diaspora community, as well as its role and significance in Armenian-American relations. The analysis will focus specifically on the origins of the Armenian-American diaspora, briefly introducing the history and main waves of Armenian migration and formation of the Armenian diaspora in the United States, the institutions of the community that seek to homogenize Armenian identity, the main lobbying agendas and mechanisms of influence on American foreign policy, and the role of the community in the development of Armenian-American relations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

All three states of the South Caucasus - Azerbaijan, Georgia, and Armenia are involved in the "European neighborhood policy", which indicates their sharing of general European values and harmonization of current and future legislation with the European legal system. From this point of view, their legislation on the state language is important since the state language is a means of impacting the realization of the principles of the communicative unity of the state, political consolidation, and territorial integrity of the country. Therefore, a comparative analysis of the development of the state language in the countries of the South Caucasus, linguistic sovereignty, human linguistic rights, and relations between the linguistic majority and the minority is relevant. The mentioned analysis will contribute to the mutual sharing of experience in the language policy of the South Caucasus countries. The paper compares the state language legislation of Azerbaijan, Georgia, and Armenia, the title and status of the law, the date and structure of the law, the preamble, the constitutional status of the state language, mandatory knowledge of the state language, areas of use of the state language, types of languages, the language of education, protection of the state language. The paper shows that the determination of the status of the state language is one of the central and important issues in the legal regulation of language relations, as it concerns not only the normative basis of language use in the state but also the rights of speakers of this or that language (both individuals and ethnic groups). [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Since achieving independence, Azerbaijan has employed its Islamic identity in its foreign policy to develop an international Islamic agenda concerning the Nagorno-Karabakh (NK) conflict. It has promoted the notion of Islamic solidarity and diversified its strategic interests in the conflict. The study aims to analyse Azerbaijan’s diplomatic strategies to garner comprehensive support from the Organization of Islamic Cooperation (OIC) in the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict, focusing on the 2020 war. The paper argues that Azerbaijan has developed Islamic diplomacy and instrumentalized religion as one of the components of its foreign policy against Armenia and the de facto Republic of Nagorno-Karabakh. During the 2020 war, Azerbaijan applied the discourse of Islamic solidarity and the Azerbaijani narratives on the NK conflict that have been introduced in the OIC during the last three decades. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

How does militarism affect women's presence in the political process? Through a focus on the Republic of Armenia during the period 1990-2020, we examine the puzzle of women's political representation. The country's legacy of communist-era ideology of women's equality, its democratic transition, women's high levels of educational attainment and labor force participation, and the 2007 gender quota adoption should have served to place Armenia in the top 50 countries in women's political representation. Yet for two decades, the country appeared low on international rankings of women's political empowerment. To unpack this puzzle, we revisit two strands of the women-and-war literature-one that ties militarism to the dominance of men, and one that finds increases in women's parliamentary representation in the aftermath of conflict. We find that both have merit. Armenia's long history of conflict with Azerbaijan and high military spending have reproduced traditional gender roles, including a militarized masculinity which favors men in positions of political power. The devastating 2020 war, however, may have helped turn the tide that began earlier with constitutional reforms in 2015, elections in 2017, and anti-government protests in 2018. A new gender quota dramatically enhanced women's political representation. Drawing on socio-economic and political indicators as well as documentary and interview data, our paper contributes to literatures on women, gender, and conflict; on patterns and variations in women's political representation; and on women in Armenia. Future research could examine the direction of gendered political change following the loss of Nagorno-Karabakh after Azerbaijan's unilateral military action in September 2023. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper presents the first contribution to the study of bryozoans from the Frasnian–lower Famennian successions of Armenia. The latter were examined in two distinct localities (Ertych and Noravank) of Central Armenia; abundant fragments of branched ramose and encrusting bryozoans were observed in them, belonging to the orders Trepostomata and Cryptostomata. Their taxonomic assessment led us to recognize four species: two cryptostomes – Euthyrhombopora tenuis Ernst et al., 2017 and Bigeyella indigena (Morozova and Weiss in Morozova et al., 2002) from the Noravank section (Frasnian) – and two trepostomes – Eostenopora sp. and Eridotrypella sp. from the Ertych section (lower Famennian). No cystoporate and fenestrate bryozoans were observed. The identified bryozoans are characteristic of shallow marine or middle shelf paleoenvironments. The presence of Euthyrhombopora tenuis and Bigeyella indigena suggests palaeobiogeographic affinities to contemporary faunas from Iran and Poland, respectively. In addition to our results, an overview of previously published data reveals that the upper Famennian assemblages of bryozoans from the Lesser Caucasus contain more endemic species than those known from the Frasnian and the lowermost Famennian. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Nagorno-Karabagh is a long-drawn-out conflict crafted around two competing positions identified as self-determination and state sovereignty. The political tactics of Stalin based on divide and rule and pan-Turkism in 1870 coupled with the Armenian genocide in 1914 fuelled the deep hatred and antagonism crammed between Azerbaijan and Armenia over the mountainous terrain of Nagorno-Karabagh. This paper attempts to comprehend the dynamic nature of this protracted conflict (in 2020) with the perspective of newly emerging regional alliances in the south Caucuses. It recognizes the convoluted regional interests that shaped a recipe of convergence between Azerbaijan, Russia, and Turkey that led to controlled chaos and one-sided settlement in Nagorno-Karabagh at the dispense of Karabagh Armenians. It addresses how this decisive war between Azerbaijan and Armenia transformed the landscape of future warfare. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The paper discusses scientific arguments and counterarguments about companies’ innovative activity, size, and geographic location of the sales market. The study’s foremost purpose is to empirically check if theoretical statements about a company’s size, export, and innovative activity are associated. Therefore, the questions discussed in this paper are a) Does an enterprise-size matter an enterprise innovation activity? b) Is there is a difference in innovation activity by Classification of Economic Activities (NACE groups)? c) Does the geographic location of the sales market matter the company's innovation activity? The research questions are discussed based on Armenian firm-level data. The findings could be applied mainly to the microeconomic environment of Armenia. The study involved R programming language Wilcoxon test, ANOVA, Tukey test, and Chi-square test are applied. The obtained results showed that the enterprise’s size does not matter an enterprise’s innovative activity. Even though larger companies have more resources to innovate, smaller companies are more flexible and agile. Therefore, the enterprise size is not a limiting factor. The results showed that the companies in some fields of the economy are more prone to innovate than others. In Armenia, most innovative enterprises operate in the group MProfessional, scientific and technical activities and the group C-Manufacturing. The research empirically confirms that when considering a company’s innovative activity, the sphere of the economy in which it operates has statistically significant importance in contrast with the company’s size. The findings by the Chi-Square test showed that a significantly higher number of EU exporting companies had made innovations. In contrast, companies selling their products/services in the local market have made significantly fewer innovations than expected if there would be no association between innovations and the geographic location of the sales market. Therefore, the exporting companies are more innovative than those that sell their products in the local market. Besides, the most innovative firms are EU exporting enterprises. In empiric studies, export is used as a proxy of international competitiveness due to its ability to show a country’s capacity in producing and selling in the international market. Therefore, the analysis of Armenian firm-level data showed the association between innovation and international competitiveness. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper discusses the place-renaming policies in the recent two decades in Armenia. By elaborating on the legal and administrative framework for place-renaming in the country and through the analysis of more than 27,000 geographical names and their renaming practices, the paper focuses on the politics of space/place in Armenia in the context of a nation-state-building. By considering discourses, actors and institutions involved in place-renaming, the paper puts its results into the wider context of nationalism and nation-state-building. With a focus on the notion of raison d'état as a practice of governmentality, the abstract space of the nation-state conceived by experts and nationalist discourse on autochthony, the paper elaborates on the production of nation-state-space in Armenia. The contradictory aspects of place-renaming policies and the relations of exclusion and domination (re)produced in the process of conceiving of the nation-state-space in this country are discussed as well. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The series of papers spotlights the relevant issue -- propaganda around the next, yet very fierce development from September 27 to November 10, 2020 in the Nagorny Karabakh conflict that over the past two and a half decades not only has altered the balance of regional forces, but also predetermined major territorial changes; the outcome of this, without any exaggeration, full-scale war between the Armed Forces of Azerbaijan and Artsakh Defence Army is the victory by Azerbaijan. However, the balance of forces, legal aspects behind the involvement of third parties (Armenia, Turkey, Russia and others) and aftermath of the conflict are of no interest to us, but we would like to have a closer look at the forms, methods and content of the propaganda war that was no less bitter than action on the front; this war "flared up" in the media not only of the opposing sides -- Armenia (de facto) and Azerbaijan -- but also of other countries, primarily Russia and Turkey. The paper suggests a periodization of the 27.09.2020-10.11.2020 Nagorno-Karabakh conflict and analyzes the official messages of the Armenia and Azerbaijan Defense Ministries in the period from 27.09.20 to 11.10.20 based on the propaganda sources classification proposed in the first part of our work. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Background: COVID-19 has led to over 500 million cases and 6.2 million deaths around the world. Low- and middle-income countries (LMICs) like Armenia face unique infrastructure, financial, and capacity challenges that in many cases result in worse outcomes. Health care facilities across Armenia experienced a shortage of resources, including hospital beds and oxygen, which was further exacerbated by the war with neighboring Azerbaijan. Without a framework for home-based care, health care facilities were severely strained by COVID-19 patients who had prolonged oxygen requirements but were otherwise clinically stable. Objective: This paper describes our approach to establishing an international collaboration to develop a web app to support home monitoring of patients with COVID-19 with persistent oxygen requirements. Methods: The app was developed using a rapid, coordinated, and collaborative approach involving an international group of clinicians, developers, and collaborators. Health screening, monitoring, and discharge forms were developed into a lightweight OpenMRS web app and customized for the local Armenian context. Results: The software was designed and developed over 2 months using human-centered design and agile sprints. Once live, 5087 patient records were created for 439 unique patients. Conclusions: This project suggests a promising framework for designing and implementing remote monitoring programs in LMICs, despite pandemic and geopolitical challenges. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The paper is devoted to the problem of studying the entrepreneurship motives of Diaspora Armenians in their homeland. This term in the article refers to investment activities of Diaspora Armenians in Armenia, which are aimed at creating conditions for the resource provision of employment for the population and its social growth. Particular attention is paid to the ethnic component of the diaspora representatives‟ investment activities in Armenia. The tasks set in the paper are based on the analytical materials of sociological studies in Armenia, conducted in 1980, 1993, 2007 and 2021-2022, as well as the results of the studies of ten Armenian diaspora communities in different countries during 2012-20211 . The research was carried out by the method of stand-ardized interviews, indepth interviews with experts and case studies of entrepreneurs Economic ties stand out among the multilateral ties of the Motherland and the Diaspora for their strength and long-term nature. In particular, among the peoples with a larger quantity of dias-poras outside their ethnic homeland, the features of these ties are more pronounced. A diaspora with a significant potential and great investment opportunities can create favorable conditions for diasporic business circles to carry out entrepreneurial activities in the ethnic homeland. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The problem of Diaspora investments is of great importance in research and policy development circles, but this demand does not strengthen by comprehensive research on the problems that have arisen. In these spheres, we need to emphasize attention to the problems of targeted investments in the home state and its system-building potential. This paper discusses the opportunities and limitations that form the framework for investments from the Diaspora to Armenia. The work aims to understand whether the investments from Diaspora could have system-building potential and how it impacts the homeland. In this connection, such questions are asked as to what motivates these investments to be made, within the framework of what policy, where, and how are the investments incorporated and what future effects they have. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Estudios Internacionales is the property of Instituto de Estudios Internacionales de la Universidad de Chile and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The Armenian mediaeval culture is a treasure of ornaments. Sacral architecture, stone and wood carvings, decorations on paper and fabric, all contain planar periodic patterns. For the first time we classify the available ornaments according to their symmetry properties with the tools of mathematical group theory. We determine the unit cells of patterns, axes of rotation, mirror and glide reflections, all symmetry operations that preserve the pattern invariant. The results show that of seventeen crystallographic plane groups, four do not exist. Other symmetry groups are represented in a more or less balanced distribution with a dominance of fourfold symmetry. The distribution of the symmetry groups can be used to rigorously compare different cultural groups. Armenia, with its geographical location along the Silk Road, was inspired by different cultures and served as a source of inspiration for many cultures. The mathematical analysis of ornaments is an objective measure to follow such interactions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Athenaeum: Polskie Studia Politologiczne is the property of Faculty of Political Science & Security Studies Nicolaus Copernicus University and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This paper, by focusing on a secret report delivered by the Ottoman High Commissioner in Egypt--Gazi Ahmed Muhtar Pasha--to the imperial center regarding the Armenian revolutionaries' movements, aims to examine three important phenomena of the late Ottoman history. The first goal is to reveal the revolutionary mobilities in the late Ottoman Empire by tracking how said revolutionaries took advantage of the borderlands to mobilize themselves. Second, this particular research serves as an indicator of the spatial politics in the late nineteenth-century Ottoman Empire by exposing how the imperial center governed a multi-layered administrative borderland region of Egypt--a semi-autonomous Khedivate. Finally, this paper seeks to confront traditional historiography on the intelligence activities during the reign of Abdülhamid II (r. 1876-1909). By doing so, this paper demonstrates how the intelligence organization stretched from the administrative center to the frontiers and borderlands of the Ottoman Empire, contrary to the common assumptions in the existing literature. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]