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The purpose of this research was to identify how the use of a debate-based course delivery approach merged with a flipped classroom model influenced the students' academic outcomes and motivation in relation to their intelligence type and how the sampled students perceived the course delivery approach and certain debate-related activities. Sampled students' academic performance records, an evaluation survey to obtain students' feedback on both the course delivery approach and the effectiveness of the activities like 'Think-Pair-Share', 'Write-Pair-Share', 'Illogical story-telling', 'Treasure Hunt', case-study, 'One Minute Paper', 'Attitude/motivation test battery' as intelligence type-based diagnostics of learners' motivation, and a focus-group semi-structured interview were used as the instruments. SPSS 10.0.5 computer statistical package was used to process data. The use of debates to deliver the instructional content to the tertiary students can be considered a three-vector approach capable to bring a positive change to learning motivation, cognitive (intellectual) activity, self-esteem (self-efficacy) of a student and the overall quality of the vocational training system of the historians and lawyers-to-be. This study boosts the methodology of vocational training of the students majoring in humanities like History/Law in terms of fostering the 21st century-competencies and it adds a different perspective to the theory on relation between the type of intelligence and skills. This approach fosters learner autonomy and positive perception of challenging educational activities. It was found that it was prerequisite for the success of the above approach that there was a well-trained debate moderator, and debate-procedure-aware and trained students. The further research is needed in purposeful introduction of NLP training into the above model and examination its impacts.

This paper examines the sources of authority behind the Bologna and ASEM secretariats' technocratic appearance and administrative routines, and argues that they are transnational policy actors in their own right. By drawing on principal-agent theory and the concept of "authority," it offers an alternative framework for understanding the various forms of authority. The case studies generate three important insights. First, it shows how the secretariats derive their authority from the "tasks delegated by states," the "moral values" and social purpose they uphold, and the "expertise" they possess. Second, it compares how the different governance structures of the Bologna and ASEM education processes impact on the secretariats' authority. Third, it highlights how the secretariats exercise their respective authorities and exert their discernible influence at different stages of higher education policy-making and region-building processes. [The paper was presented at the European Consortium for Political Research (ECPR) conference in Prague.]

The White Paper on Intercultural Dialogue, published in 2008 by the Council of Europe, is one of the first European level attempts to provide a common guideline for diversity politics in Europe. It introduces the idea of ‘intercultural dialogue’ as a new focus and a method of governing diversity. Our paper aims to investigate the explicit and implicit meanings included in the idea of ‘intercultural dialogue’ and how the idea is rhetorically operationalized as a policy in the White Paper. The investigation is conducted with a lexical and semantic analysis of the text in the White Paper and a discourse analysis of its rhetoric, in order to explore how the ‘intercultural dialogue’ as a policy relies on a mixture of ideas borrowed from different political discourses. The investigation revealed how the concept of intercultural dialogue and other related concepts, such as culture and diversity, embrace power hierarchies. The meanings of these concepts are produced from a hegemonic point of view which grants the ‘intercultural dialogue’ with the power positions of a dialoguer and a dialoguee . The policy rhetoric in the White Paper emphasizes social cohesion in Europe. Its policy discourse does not recognize the societal, cultural, historical, religious, or linguistic differences between European societies, but offers unified – and profoundly Western European – views for the governance of diversity. Formulating a common and generic diversity policy for Europe as a whole inevitably simplifies the idea of diversity in Europe and produces new hierarchies between the subjects and objects of these policies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper develops the concept of spatial imaginations as the constructions of places as meaningful entities that establish identities of self and other through particular narratives and associated practices. It argues that traditionally, International Relations has ignored question of space despite their obvious centrality to the discipline. This has changed with the "spatial turn", which has its precursors in critical scholarship, especially drawing on sociology and political geography. The paper traces these contributions to the conceptual development of space in its material and discursive dimensions. It proposes that spatial imaginations are central to relations between "Turkey" and "Europe", establishing both as meaningful yet contested entities. In the works collated in the special issue of which this paper serves as an introduction, we may thus see facets of three core claim of the spatial turn: that space matters, that space needs to be made, and that spaces need to be formed. Against the prevailing attempts to fix the meaning of the spaces of "Turkey" and "Europe", I end with a plea to provide room for the articulation of a multiplicity of spatial imaginations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Reflecting on the other papers in this special issue, this synopsis characterises some essential trends in European Landscape Ecology, including the challenges it is facing in society. It describes the various perspectives on the 'contents' of landscape that are currently being practiced, and especially considers the notion of 'environment' as something intrinsic to human activity. Landscape classification and typology are discussed in their potential but limited use for landscape science. The specificity of the European approach appears to be related to the large diversity of cultural landscapes, currently losing their functional ties with the land-use systems that had formed them. European landscape research reports show a large commitment to this decreasing diversity, a dedication characterised by a strong sense of 'loss and grief'. On the other hand, it is concluded that European landscape research has a specific niche with a clear focus on applied landscape studies explicitly including people's perceptions and images, as well as the participation of the public and stakeholders. Since globalisation tends to reinforce the detachment of people from their environment; an increased effort is needed to compensate for this effect, and therefore the consideration of the various dimensions of the landscape is today more pertinent than ever. Meeting the challenges of present landscapes, in the face of new multifunctional demands in old diverse landscapes, requires more than before the combination of various perspectives and methods, and of various scales of application, in order to design innovative and adaptive paths for the future. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Since 2008, a negative image of China has prevailed in Europe, leading to the country's image crisis in the region. The state has implemented several policies to improve such a perception. This paper aims to examine the major tools of China's attempts at influence in Europe, targeting the media and public opinion. Applying the concept of soft power and public diplomacy, we analyse the tools China uses to modify and shape public opinion about itself in Europe. The research framework comprises secondary resources on China's foreign policy, soft power, public diplomacy and media strategy in Europe. We distinguish four primary influence tools: China buys European media outlets to prevent negative information about itself; it pays for inserts in leading European newspapers; it signs cooperation agreements with media organisations and holds media forums; and it limits access to its market to affect media, film and academic content. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article uses discourse analysis to study the continuities in British foreign policy thinking within the Labour party from the 1960s to the present day. Using representative extracts from speeches by Hugh Gaitskell, Harold Wilson, Tony Blair and Gordon Brown, it identifies the ideational consistencies in the leaders' attitudes to: Empire; federalism in the EEC/EU; and laying down conditions that have to be met before any constructive engagement with ‘Europe’ can be countenanced. We argue that these consistencies, spanning a 50-year period, exemplify a certain stagnation both within Labour's European discourses and within British foreign policy thinking more widely. We develop the idea that Labour party thinking has been crucially framed by both small ‘c’ conservative and upper-case Conservative ideology, popularised by Winston Churchill in his ‘three circles’ model of British foreign policy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The research of Eurasian regionalism mostly focuses on the Eurasian core, for example, Russia, Belarus, Kazakhstan, which have been pursuing a more exclusive and closer form of integration – Customs Union/Eurasian Economic Union. Other countries of the post-Soviet space are often described as post-Soviet ‘escapists’ or ‘isolationists’ and mostly discounted in the analyses of the Eurasian regionalism. The paper looks at six post-Soviet states, who opted out from the Eurasian Economic Union, and analyse their interaction with the EEU. The paper argues that despite tensions in relations with Russia, most of these countries are reluctant to entirely disrupt their economic relations with the post-Soviet Eurasia. The paper argues that six countries of the post-Soviet Eurasian periphery effectively pursue policies of a looser form association with the Eurasian core. This finding allows to argue that Eurasian regionalism, similarly to its European model, consists of the core and outer circle. The outer circle is featured by overlapping regional arrangements and growing presence of external powers and growing number of transit and trade flows linking this Eurasian periphery with the West and Asia. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

The objective of this paper is to emphasize the importance of the creation of a pluralistic security community, the security order and institutional structures of a multipolar Europe, the pattern of diplomatic and strategic interactions in the European security system, the performative role of security representations, the creation of a regional security community, and the prospects for intense security competition. In the first part of the article, I shall focus on the creation of security communities, the complexities of international politics in the contemporary European security system, the crucial factors affecting the prospects for peace and security in Europe, the link between internal security concerns and external relations, and the importance of the state as a provider of security. In the final portion of the article, I explore and describe the subjective nature of human security, the nature and dynamics of contemporary European security, and the impact of security competition between states. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper uses the concept of orientalism to propose a framework for understanding the relationship between international news media and individual representations of minority groups in Europe. Even though the case study focuses on Narva, Estonia, the model here provides a basis for comparing the identity formation practices, particularly of geographically separated Russian speaking minority groups in Europe. Narva's large Russian speaking population and geographical proximity to Russia have been pinpointed as security concerns due to the convenient source of information and mass media sponsored by the Russian Federation causing a misrepresentation of Russian speaking minority groups in international media. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

As international relations actors in the post-Second World War world, international organisations have played a significant role in the standardisation of global policy concepts during the 20th century, and humanitarian assistance has been no exception. While the study of the role of international organisations in shaping a dominant model of humanitarian aid has recently gathered pace, few historians have focused on different, less successful models and interpretations developed by other international organisations. Recently declassified Commonwealth Secretariat records show that discussions within the Secretariat and among member states regarding the potential objectives and scope of Commonwealth humanitarian assistance programmes took place as early as the 1960s, and continued throughout the following decades. This article provides an overview of the origin and evolution of the Commonwealth’s approach to humanitarian assistance since the 1960s. Its objective is to document this hitherto little known aspect of Commonwealth assistance policies, and, based on an initial literature and archival survey, to contribute to the identification of further research questions and gaps in this aspect of Commonwealth history. Although they are very different in nature and scope, the Commonwealth and the European Union share at least one common feature in so far as humanitarian assistance is concerned, namely their difficulty in reaching a consensual definition of it. By exploring the links and discrepancies between, as well as within, each organisation’s approach to humanitarian assistance, and by examining the initiatives of some of their member states, this paper seeks to highlight the plasticity of the definition of humanitarian assistance. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Purpose - This paper sets out to consider the scale and scope of the value relationship functions of trading partners and of their connected relationships created in a cross-cultural framework. Design/methodology/approach - Using a previously-developed framework of relationship and network functions the paper presents the findings from a database of connected relationships. The perceived importance of relationship functions are compared for buyers and sellers from Europe and China. Findings - It was found that direct functions are more important than indirect functions. There are some differences in perceived importance of functions for buyers and sellers. There are also cross-national differences in ratings across a range of functions. It is speculated that differences are driven by cultural differences, differing degrees of internationalisation, length of relationships and nature of home market mechanisms. Research limitations/implications - Further research is needed to explain how desired and actual relationship functions vary under different market and relationship circumstances and the implications of discrepancies between what suppliers and customers perceive their important functions are and what their counterparts perceive and desire. Future research should also consider the dysfunctions of relationships. Research comparing different parts of China, arguably more diverse than many European countries, should also be undertaken. Practical implications - The differences between the Chinese and European samples are less than expected. This indicates that business models of relationship functions developed for Western business may be more applicable to China than originally thought and there may be more common ground in international business than has been previously indicated. Originality/value - The paper simultaneously considers the cultural and role differences of relational functioning. The findings are highly generalizable. This enables application of the findings to a diverse range of international business relationships and the possibility for managers to re-evaluate their international relationship management strategies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Populist parties are often seen as a threat to liberal democracy domestically, and in the international arena, they are often accused of unwillingness to support a liberal international order. We study how what we know about foreign policy preferences of populist parties is driven by how we study the phenomenon; and how we can fix the shortcomings which exist in the literature. To sketch a future research agenda, we first conduct a systematic review of the literature on the foreign policy views of populist parties in Europe and investigate how what we know is driven by how we know it. We look at the themes of foreign policy, research methods, as well as the parties and countries in researchers' focus. Our findings indicate that skewed focus on particular countries and parties combined with a uniform use of methods contributes to a lack of detailed understanding of populist views on foreign policies. We propose future avenues of research into the foreign policy views of populist parties, including a diversification of methods and more in-depth empirical and cross-national studies on specific themes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Despite its elusiveness and undefined boundaries, policy-makers and pundits have strived to pin down what ‘Europe’ as a territorial project actually represents and where it might (and should) be going. Two of the most intriguing arguments refer to Europe as either a ‘super-state in the making’ or a ‘neo-medieval empire.’ These models are typically presented as either mutually exclusive or in tension with one another. In this paper, I argue that the European territorial project's current trajectory is actually characterized by a mix of the two models. Such hybrid form of governance can be defined as ‘neoterritorial’ since it is based on the modern principle according to which freedom can only flourish in a clearly demarcated political space. Yet, this enclosed political space does not necessarily require the modern nation state's entire legal and institutional paraphernalia, but can instead be based on a ‘pooling’ of sovereignty and a flexible institutional framework and be spread out over a larger and more heterogeneous area than the traditional nation state. This hybrid model is epitomized by the Schengen regime, the institutional arrangement governing the management of Europe's borders. Despite its ongoing internal tensions and the challenges it has faced over the years, this model has become—and it is likely to remain in the foreseeable future—an established presence in Europe's political landscape. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Research on European trade unionism has discussed whether the tendency towards ‘union diplomacy’ has meant that that unions are largely disinterested in mobilizing members and pursue contentious action at the European level. Other studies have identified activities that suggest an Europeanization of political mobilization, in demonstrations and strikes and in cooperation with NGOs and social movements. The present paper analyzes attitudes towards transnational action among trade unions in Europe, as well as the degree to which national unions actually partake in more and less contentious action. The study, which is based on a survey to trade unions in Europe carried out in 2010–11 (n 250), focuses particularly on the production of joint statements and petitions, demonstrations and boycotts, and strikes. The aim was to identify the similarities and differences between industrial relations regimes and sectors in Europe and the analyses have revealed that there are in fact significant differences. Trade unions in the continental social partnership regime and the southern polarized/state centered regime tend to approve of and partake in European demonstrations and boycotts to a higher degree than unions in the other regimes, while the Nordic unions in the organized corporatist regime tend to be more skeptical and also participate to a lower degree. In addition, unions in services and organizing professionals tend to partake and approve of such action to a lower degree than unions in other sectors and national peak level unions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The aim of this paper is to investigate the extent to which the shift from "government" to "governance" is affected by the Treaty of Lisbon and this in the light of the concept of "governmance". The analysis of the text of the Treaty and the evolution of the decision making processes leads us to notice that, rather than a shift from "government" to "governance", the evolution under way with the Treaty of Lisbon expresses a movement of interactions between both elements, marking perhaps the transformation of governance into a « new European governance » of which certain contours are emerging. This interactive dimension thus attests to the dynamic character underlined in several studies of the European integration process (Jachtenfuchs M & B. Kohler-Koch, 1996, Littoz-Monnet A., 2010). This will then lead us, by way of conclusion, to query the political nature of the European process. Such questioning is justified insofar as the answer to this question constitutes an additional element, making it possible to assess the new balance resulting from the interaction between « government » and « governance » in the European integration process. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper explores the relationship between pay inequality and unemployment rates for 187 European Regions from 1984-2003. We measure inequality within the regions between 16 industrial sectors in each region - and also between the regions: thus, the inequality measures are nested. Our model of unemployment employs a panel structure that permits us to separate regional, national and continental influences on European unemployment. This allows us to test whether a tradeoff exists between cohesion and competitiveness. We find no evidence of this tradeoff; instead, lower pay inequality is generally associated with a lower regional unemployment rate. We find strong country effects lowering unemployment (relative to the model) in relatively smaller countries such as Ireland, Austria, Portugal and the Netherlands; on the other hand unemployment is high, relative to the model, in Spain and Poland. Time effects reveal the effects of European macro-environment on regional unemployment. We find an employment penalty associated with the Maastricht Treaty (1992) and its implementation of around four percentage points, lasting until 1998, when a general reduction in unemployment appears to coincide with the arrival of the euro. Unfortunately, the pattern is again reversed in 2000, coinciding with the implementation of the Lisbon Treaty. The analysis has grave implications for the consequences of the crisis of 2008 and after, although data on this period will not become available for some time. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Perceptions of the United States in European public opinion greatly improved around 2008, while perceptions of China simultaneously deteriorated. The Transatlantic and Sino-European relationships stem from radically different historical contexts. Yet could the image of China and the image of the U.S. be related in the eyes of Europeans? This paper examines whether attitudes toward China have contributed to determining attitudes toward the U.S. in Europe by analyzing data from the Transatlantic Trends survey taken in 2010, a critical juncture in Europe's relations with both the U.S. and China. We investigate three hypotheses about this relation: the 'yin and yank' or negative correlation (the more Europeans fear China, the more positive they become about the U.S.; the more favorably Europeans view China, the more negatively they see the U.S.); the 'open vs. closed' or positive correlation (the more favorably Europeans see China, the more favorably they see the U.S.; the more negatively they see China, the more negatively they see the U.S.); and no relation (European attitudes toward China and the U.S. are independent). To the question of whether anti-Chinese sentiment has the potential for replacing anti-Americanism in Europe, our main conclusion is that positively correlated attitudes toward the U.S. and China reveal a deep cleavage in Europe between those who are 'in' and those who are 'out' of globalization. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Economic History Research / Investigaciones de Historia Económica is the property of Asociacion Espanola de Historia Economica and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The Iranian Revolution, the 9/11 attacks, the Arab Spring, the appearance of the Islamic State movement and other similar events have caused a shift in inter-faith engagements such that inter-religious dialogue, maintaining a balanced politico-religious discourse, has become imperative in international relations. This imperative is reshaping world politics. We observe that inter-religious engagements in response to such political events have had a steady katechontic character. The katechon, originally a biblical concept, refers to political institutions and cultural mechanisms used by sovereign actors, be they religious bodies, churches or states, to restrain [apocalyptic] chaos. Katechontic mechanisms essentially diffuse messianic zeal within a given community while redrawing how its members imagine the shape of things to come. Given the current trends in global culture, the katechontic character of inter-faith dialogue makes it most likely that, in the future, the world will be mainly animated by numerous simultaneous inter-cultural and inter-faith relations and modes of engagement, while the major political players seek to formulate a new vision for the future of the world. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Since the early 2000s, populist radical right parties (PRRPs) have more than doubled their electoral support in Europe. Previous research found that PRRPs impact migration policy. However, little is known about whether they also impact other fields of domestic and foreign policy. Using a cross‐country panel analysis, we test to what extent the rise of PRRPs has influenced European foreign aid spending. We find that while the rise of PRRPs has not been associated with an overall reduction in foreign aid, it has led to changes in how aid moneys are spent. PRRP strength is linked to a higher share of aid for migration‐containment objectives, and less aid for addressing climate change and for multilateral organizations. Our analysis thereby provides evidence that the 'electoral threat' of PRRPs puts mainstream parties under pressure not only with regard to migration but also in relation to the climate–development nexus and aid for multilateralism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Investigaciones Historicas is the property of Universidad de Valladolid, Facultad de Filosofia y Letras and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The "images" which have commonly distinguished Brussels' relations with Beijing (starting from the 1990s) and Tokyo (since the Cold War years) appear to actually be the result of the concurrence of events and of structuring factors that denoted trade problems on the surface, or dysfunctions generated by the systemic variable. Nonetheless, in this paper I try to explain that these problems are fundamentally based on a much more complex and inherent divergence of two universes of values and different political cultures. Zhao Tingyang's theory on "relation rationality" and the Japanese ethical notion of "relational coexistence" (linked to Watsuji Tetsuro) may help to inscribe and construct modern historical relations between China and Japan towards Europe into a narrative by bringing - in Carol Gluck's words - "the outside in". Finally, I analyze the relationship between the three actors in the light of the systemic changes occurred after the end of the bipolar system and especially following the 9/11 terrorist attacks, trying to highlight the potential of their political dialogue. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Društvena Istraživanja is the property of Institute of Social Sciences Ivo Pilar and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Both in EU policy discourse and in theoretical interventions on Europe, a dilemma was constructed, which has remained implicit. The dilemma in question concerns on the one hand, European solidarity, that is, solidarity within Europe and, on the other hand, solidarity of Europe with 'the rest of the world'. It is posed in the usual either/or form: either Europe creates and strengthens its social solidarity (its society) or it creates and strengthens its human solidarity (or solidarity in the name of humanity or humanity); it cannot do both. The dilemma is the wrong way of putting the issue, since it is not only based on an asymmetry between the specificity of 'social' Europe and the indeterminacy of 'the rest of the world' but it also separates Europe's colonial history from the relevant present. The two solidarities need to be brought back together, both for conceptual and for pragmatic reasons. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]