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Background: Negative attitudes remain a major barrier to the equality of people with disability, especially when coupled with the lack of autonomy imposed on many people. This paper analyses how disability self-advocacy groups seek to change community attitudes and work towards systemic change by mobilising knowledge from their lived experience. Methods: The paper applies a cycle of praxis community development approach (a cycle of experience, learning and reflection, synthesis and planning, and implementation and review) to conceptualise and analyse their activities. The methods were a desktop document search, focus groups and reflective analysis with members of two self-advocacy groups. Findings: A synthesised data analysis found that applying the four-part community development framework was useful to understand the practice and the purpose of work by self-advocacy groups to change attitudes. The analysis also demonstrates the benefits for advocates and codesigned activities to intentionally apply the cycle of praxis model to guide their future efforts to change attitudes. Conclusions: The research provides evidence that self-advocacy groups achieve sustained impacts on attitudes in the community, beyond the direct benefit to their members. Government investment in self-advocacy has potential to leverage wider system change in attitudes to achieve policy goals for the rights of people with disability. Methodologically, the research also has implications for the benefit of inclusive roles in reflective analysis to understand the lived experience of how practices contribute to system change. The design is an opportunity for inclusive researchers to intentionally incorporate reflective analysis into research processes.

From July 6th to 10th, 2010, International Peace Research Association (IPRA) held its biennial conference at the University of Sydney in Australia. Hosted by the University's Centre for Peace & Conflict Studies and coordinated by Jake Lynch and a team of dedicated staff and volunteers, the conference featured seven plenary panels and many papers presented within 24 Commissions and working groups. Some 400 delegates from many regions gathered to share their ideas, experiences, practices and research in diverse and inter-related fields of peace research, education and action. Given its venue, this IPRA conference appropriately highlighted the continuing struggles of Australia's indigenous peoples for their rights, justice and cultural identity and the vital need for an authentic process of reconciliation. As in many previous conferences, the Peace Education Commission (PEC) attracted the most number of participants (40) although some presenters could not attend due to delays in obtaining visas and/or lack of funding support. Under the overall conference theme of "Communicating Peace", PEC participants presented papers in panels reflecting a wide range of issues and sub-themes. Overall, the PEC program in the IPRA 2010 conference again affirmed the continuing and also growing interest in peace education worldwide. Each gathering of PEC members and associates under the IPRA umbrella has provided a valuable opportunity for peace educators to exchange ideas on best practices, barriers and challenges as well as the ongoing theoretical reflections vital to deepening of the scholarly field of peace education.

Across Australia many young people are taking action to address the issue of climate change and educating others through leading grassroots activism on local and global issues of sustainability. This paper discusses findings from an online document analysis that investigated three case studies of how youth-led organisations in Australia are leading and developing human rights-based education for sustainability (EfS) to empower others to enjoy and exercise their rights in keeping with the guidance of the 2011 UN Declaration on Human Rights Education and Training. This paper discusses how these organisations represent their activism online to empower young people to lead democratic action to achieve climate crisis justice. Drawing on a conceptual framework developed by Jensen & Schnack, the authors argue that the data suggests that the young activists in these case studies demonstrate high levels of 'social action competence' through raising awareness and taking action.

In 1936, Prof A. P. Elkin attended a seminar in Hawaii lasting several weeks, on the topic of 'native education.' In his various papers presented to a range of experts from the region and beyond during the formal conference held in Honolulu as part of the residency, Elkin set out his views on the future of the Indigenous people of Australia. Education would be pivotal to this new approach on pragmatic and humanitarian grounds. Elkin concurred with the findings of the residency: local forms of adapted education were considered appropriate for most Aboriginal Australians, only a minority continuing into further education; communities as well as children should be better prepared for their integration into the nation as the Indigenous people. This paper sets out to interrogate the proximity of anthropology and education in these claims, and the elision of Aboriginal people's agency including their contemporaneous campaigns for equal education.

This paper examines the openings for educational change enabled by framing inequality through the concept of rights, considering how variations of this framing have emerged historically and in current debates. Taking as our starting point the 1970 publication Rights and Inequality in Australian Education, we suggest that it is important to pay attention to the ways in which rights gain force within social action and through demands made by differently constituted publics. In the 1960s and 1970s, a right to educational equality garnered greater recognition, prompting moves towards needs-based funding and curriculum diversification, led by the Commonwealth Schools Commission. These moves were responsive to social movements that helped to shape new publics. In a second and more politically conservative moment, rights and inequality were increasingly separated in policies influenced by neoliberalism. We argue that the strategies currently adopted by Indigenous scholar-activists are promoting a return to a rights-based perspective, which is distinctive in casting inequality as ontological and epistemic violence.

Throughout the last decade in Malaysia, participation of students with disabilities in higher education has seen minimal growth. This paper investigates the policies and practices regulating disability in Malaysia's higher education. Three aspects -- legislation, funding, and governance -- are analysed. To reveal the gaps in policy and practice, comparison is carried out with the cases of England and Australia. The research involved examining government documents such as disability acts, action plans, and research and statistics reports, combined with interviewing university administrators. It was found that Malaysian legislation requires more supporting details and that disability funding for universities should be considered. For governance, systematic legislation review and specific university monitoring are recommended. Establishing an independent national entity to conciliate grievances is proposed to address the inadequate redress mechanism available for students with disabilities. Overall, the government and universities could ensure that disability information is available in the public domain, especially online. Such practice would enhance disability awareness and knowledge for all. Although this paper mainly takes on the perspective of a developing nation, it attains an international orientation as it also depicts the workings of the developed world in governing disability in higher education.

The hierarchy in our educational institutions and services often mirror societal attitudes towards power and whose voices are privileged or ignored. Historically, those with power feel uncomfortable when marginalised voices are heard. There is a lot at stake when power is threatened and new voices demand changes within society. This discussion paper explores various instances of where that has happened and the backlash faced by those who are given a chance for their opinions to be heard or those who assist them to voice their narrative through research and reporting. Using publicly available data and our own experiences, we examine incidences where society has listened to children, the victims of sexual abuse in institutions and Indigenous Australians. For people to reach their potential, their voices need to be heard in matters that affect them, according to the United Nations Human Rights Declaration (United Nations, 1948). Using discourse and narrative analysis, the authors discuss the cost of exercising those rights within a neoliberal context and examine how this influences peoples' agency as they face media backlash, online trolling and death threats. Despite this, when marginalised people are bold enough and are allowed to tell their stories, societies, educational institutions, and services have the chance to adapt and improve. This will interest those who educate and research with marginalised people or who study social and institutionalised power.

This paper targets the principle of full inclusion as articulated by Article 24 of the Convention on the Rights of Persons with Disabilities and General Comment #4 through an analysis of the CRPD Committee's Concluding Observations for Poland, Germany, and Australia. We find inherent tensions and dialectical contradictions between the ideals of full inclusion embodied in Article 24 and the reluctance of the State Parties to meet the targets. To date, the obligations entailed by Article 24 have failed to retrofit education systems.

In this paper, I present the concept of global citizenship from the perspective of virtue theory, namely as a disposition to do the right thing, for the right reason and in the right way. The paper consists of two parts. In the first part, I show that global citizenship is a virtue that is needed to respond in the right way to the challenges that Anthropocenians meet. In the second part, I focus on the possibility of including the virtue of global citizenship in global education. I present arguments for including virtues in global education programmes and an example of a successful virtue education programme in Australia.

The Chameleon Educational Policy Reforms' (CEPR) 25th anniversary was celebrated at the Global General Assembly with the 2075 Decennial Analysis of Schooling (DecAS) announcement of the attainment of a benefit-cost ratio of >1.0. The attainment of a global positive net value of education is directly linked to the educational reforms established to 'provide the right access to the right education for all people' (CEPR, 2050). The Chameleon reforms, informed by The Algorithm, produce policies that instantly adapt to the learning environment and needs of students. Barriers that effect students' learning are removed, in stark contrast to historic processes that viewed students as the barrier to be removed from learning environments. The case studies presented in this paper are guided by three questions: 'Where are we now?', 'How did we get here?', and 'Are we there yet?'. Questioning the 'here and now', directs a look back from educational engagement currently governed by the CEPR to key moments and movements in the attainment of past grand policy announcements that no child be left behind to live in poverty. And 'yet', leads to critical consideration of the ongoing engagement with The Algorithm. Artifacts detailing the 2045 commencement of annual donations from the richest two percent to fully fund global education remain sealed. The results of the annual donations are, however, publicly available; and some would say exploited (Gerve, 2072). Achieving self-sustainable economic cost-benefit status for the CEPR may release the Donators from those agreements and untether society from the Donators.

This paper tells stories from a higher education study abroad collaboration entitled "Investigating Diversity, Human Rights and Civil Society in Japan and Australia." Starting from a pedagogical focus on students' active learning about human rights, this project has come to value relationship building--between academic institutions, civil society and community groups, and individuals. We ask 'what is human rights education?', and argue for a radical pedagogy in which knowledge about human rights and diversity is negotiated in 'third spaces' (Bhabha). In an attempt to address the 'im/possibility of engaging with alterity outside of a pedagogic relationship of appropriation or domination' (Sharma), learners 'become border crossers in order to understand otherness on its own terms' (Giroux). As the stories demonstrate, active learning also requires active unlearning (Spivak). Pivotal to our radical pedagogy is a conception of human rights education as dialogic and that creates the conditions for ethical encounters with otherness. [Paper presented at the International Conference on Human Rights Education (ICHRE) (9th, Sydney, Australia, 2018).]

Refugees are seldom admired or applauded for their resolve and resilience, and their post and pre-migration experience rarely serves as the basis for the development of educational practice or policy solutions. Using a postcolonial theoretical framework this paper argues that while the maligned mobility and disparaged figure of the 'refugee' serves to establish and reconstruct exclusionary national identities, the same identities can be re-presented to offer new possibilities for inclusive education. Informed by southern epistemology and the sociology of absences and emergence (Boaventura de Sousa Santos, 2012. "Public Sphere and Epistemologies of the South", Africa Development. 37(1) 43-67; Boaventura de Sousa Santos, 1997 "Toward a Multicultural Conception of Human Rights", Zeitschrift fu¨r Rechtssoziologie, (10) 1-5), this paper discusses the anticipatory and emergent dimensions of refugee education. A focus on the pre- and post-settlement experience of refugees brings to light both their determination and strength as well as the complex and sometimes contradictory effect of racism and racialisation. Consideration of absences in relation to the anticipatory and emergent dimensions of education illuminate how inclusive education can serve as an instrument of resistance, transformation, and reconstruction. It shows how refugee mobility can open up possibilities for new forms of intelligibility, community and humanity.

As long as literature has been specifically aimed at children questions have been raised about ideological representations in children's literature. Award-winning children's literature generally upholds contemporary standards of moral ideologies in the text. Ideological representations of sustainability and justice are yet to be fully accommodated in the judging criteria of children's literary awards. The Earth Charter proposes a framework of responsibility for 'a sustainable global society founded on respect for nature, universal human rights, economic justice and a culture of peace'. This paper proposes an argument for adopting the sixteen principles of the Earth Charter as an ideological framework for selecting award-winning children's books. The 2018 Australian Children's Book Council Award for Early Childhood is used as the case for analysis. The award-winning book is analysed using an Ideological Framework for Earth Charter Principles. This framework is adapted from McCallum and Stephens' (2011) model of Ideological Framing in Children's Literature. Our analysis revealed that this award-winning book both upholds and violates Earth Charter principles. This paper provides an argument for excluding books from award honours if they violate the principles of the Earth Charter without redefining or resolving the violations. For award-winning children's literature to stand the test of time, the selection of texts could be referenced to an aspirational document like the Earth Charter that advocates justice for a sustainable future.

Purpose: The purpose of this paper is to examine the educational impulses and effects of Indigenous dialogue with the settler colonial state. Taking the "Uluru Statement from the Heart," devised in May 2017 by a convention of Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander peoples, as a starting point, and contrasting this with the 1967 Referendum campaign for constitutional reform, the paper explores the role of multiple forms and contexts of education during these processes of First Nations dialogue with the settler state. Design/methodology/approach: This paper draws on historical accounts of the 1967 Referendum and the 2017 Uluru Statement from the Heart. Findings: The paper demonstrates how education provided by the state has been used by First Nations peoples to challenge education systems and to dialogue with the settler state for Indigenous recognition and rights. It also illuminates the range of views on what education is and should be, therefore, contesting the neat and settled conceptions of education that can dominate policy discourse. Finally the historical cases show the deficiencies of settler state education through its failure to truthfully represent Australian history and its failure to acknowledge and confront the entirety of the consequences of settler colonial practices. Originality/value: This paper seeks to bring issues of education, politics and justice together to illustrate how the settler state and its institutions -- specifically here, education -- are part of an ongoing project of negotiation, contestation and dialogue over questions of justice.

The United Nations (UN) asserts that children and young people should have access to human rights education (HRE) and that schools are one of the key means through which HRE should be made available. However, there is currently limited knowledge about the presence and form of HRE in school contexts, and there is no established means through which HRE provision within schools is evaluated. This paper proposes a theoretical framework to support the classification of teachers' responsibilities in relation to HRE and argues that systemic change is needed within education systems if HRE provision is to be realised in more extensive and consistent ways. The curriculum documents of three nations -- Australia, England and Sweden -- were analysed to determine teacher responsibilities for educating pupils about human rights. The viability of the developed framework was then tested through applying it to the outcomes of these analyses. The theoretical contribution made by the paper deepens knowledge and understandings about the nature of responsibilities placed on teachers to educate pupils about human rights, and provides a foundation from which to stimulate debate about what constitutes effective school-based HRE practices.

This paper examines how government approaches to education were contested by Aboriginal communities in the late 1930s, through organised political actions designed in part to ensure access to the same standard of education and schooling available to non-Aboriginal people. It explores some of the ways that Aboriginal campaigns for education were enacted, focusing on the Cummeragunja Aboriginal reserve in New South Wales, when, in 1939, hundreds of residents walked off to protest to the New South Wales Aborigines Protection Board over the repressive conditions, the reserve manager, and the teacher and curriculum of the Cummeragunja school. The strike aimed to generate several changes at Cummeragunja, including the appointment of a new teacher, and the delivery of curriculum that was at the same standard as that delivered in other government schools in NSW. These demands were not unique to the Cummeragunja community as, throughout south-eastern Australia, Aboriginal communities were fighting for access to education alongside campaigns for land and greater civil rights.

Human rights activists aim to create social and political change. This article analyses the factors which influence and motivate human rights activists in Australia to want to be a part of this movement. Human rights education is an important part of activism. The pedagogy about, through and for human rights education was used in this study to assess the processes that the activists engaged in prior to and through the experiences of their activism. The findings demonstrated that these human rights activists were motivated to be justice-oriented citizens by altruism, often through the influence of their families rather than their schooling. Some participants also experienced political socialisation through their families when they were children, which enabled them to have knowledge and agency as human rights activists. The study also found that belonging to a non-governmental organisation was an important part of maintaining the motivation of human rights activists. [Paper presented at the International Conference on Human Rights Education (ICHRE) (9th, Sydney, Australia, 2018).]

This paper examines the nexus between Indigenous rights, the modern university, and graduate attributes and theorises the potential of the university in postcolonial democracies to address Indigenous rights in its professional education programs. It posits the postcolonial professional as one who has been educated about internationally recognised human rights and economic justice mechanisms, provisions and frameworks within a supportive university policy environment that has focussed both academic work and the formulation of graduate attributes in order that new professionals, emerging from the modern university, will have the skills and knowledge to proactively contribute to the engagement of the professions within postcolonial states. In an era where government funding for universities is becoming increasingly tied to them being able to help businesses and governments to achieve desirable socioeconomic outcomes, and with myriad government policy drivers focussed on improvement of provision of opportunities and services to Indigenous and other traditionally oriented communities globally, this paper investigates the link between graduate attributes and a university's organisational culture to examine the capacity of professional education in the modern university and the new graduates it produces to reorientate from a colonial to a postcolonial engagement with Indigenous peoples. The paper describes international corporate social justice and Indigenous rights mechanisms and their significance for the education of professionals. The paper finds that a university focus on graduate attributes has an influence.

Syllabus and policy documents in many states and countries around the world, and more specifically in Queensland are underpinned by an emancipatory agenda, in particular the principles of social justice. Educators are called upon to achieve this through a pedagogy which is immersed in the language of critical theory. Two elements that underpin emancipatory politics, that is, a transformative attitude towards the future, and the aim of overcoming the illegitimate domination of some individuals or groups by others, seem to be unobtainable within a choice generation, with its focus on lifestyle and consumerism. This paper focuses on the discourses of youth that are legitimated through the accounts of young people for whom emancipation is not a key issue. Such students may achieve the syllabus outcomes related to the critical agenda, yet it begs the question: Are contemporary youth making choices that further the critical transformative cause, or are our critical pedagogies simply serving to perpetuate dominant understandings? This paper explores and interprets performative accounts of youth and their multiliterate lives, within a critical poststructuralist framework. (Contains 1 table.)

This collective paper on radicalization and violent extremism part of the 'Philosophy of education in a new key' initiative by "Educational Philosophy and Theory" brings together some of the leading contemporary scholars writing on the most pressing epistemological, ethical, political and educational issues facing post-9/11 scholarship on radicalization and violent extremism. Its overall aim is to move beyond the 'conventional wisdom' associated with this area of scholarly research best represented by its many slogans, metaphors and other thought-terminating clichés. By providing conceptual lenses on issues previously compartmentalized primarily [or even exclusively] in security and intelligence studies or at the fringes of scholarly interest, radicalization and violent extremism turn out to be much more complex than 'radicalization studies' has been eager to acknowledge.

In 2019, the Australian Government introduced a new post-study work rights policy as a lever to attract international students to study and work in regional Australia. The aim of this paper is to explore the potential implications of the new policy and consider factors which may impact it from realising the intended benefits. An analysis of historical international student enrolment and post-study work rights data for three regions in Australia was conducted to make assumptions about potential growth in those three regions brought by the new policy. This illustrated that while regions are regularly homogenised in policy discourse, there are a variety of complex place-based factors that may impact the success of the policy such as local employment industries, institutional growth profile and community engagement. It recommends that tertiary education leaders undertake comprehensive place-based planning to support the intended outcomes of the policy change to be realised and sustainable.

The educational attainment of Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander students is often presented within a deficit view. The need for Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander researchers to challenge the societal norms is necessary to contribute to the struggle for self-determination. This paper presents a theoretical and methodological approach that has enabled one researcher to speak back to the deficit discourses. Exemplification of how Indigenous Critical Discourse Analysis (in: Hogarth, "Addressing the rights of Indigenous peoples' in education: A critical analysis of Indigenous education policy," Queensland University of Technology, Brisbane, 2016) identifies the power of language to maintain the inequitable positioning of Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander peoples within Australian society is provided. Particular focus is placed on the Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Education Action Plan 2010-2014 (in: MCEECDYA, "Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Education Action Plan (2010-2014)," 2011) and how policy discourses ignore the historical, political, cultural and social factors that influence the engagement and participation of Indigenous peoples in education today. The paper argues for the need to personalise methodological approaches to present the standpoint of the researcher and, in turn, deepens their advocacy for addressing the phenomenon. In turn, the paper presents the need to build on existing Indigenous research frameworks to continue advocating for the position of Indigenous research methodologies within the Western institution.

Student engagement, achievement, and participation are equity issues. Students' engagement in their learning is especially important in schools that cater to low-income communities where improved educational experiences can break the cycle of low achievement, school disaffection, and early school leaving. Moreover, for students who experience disadvantage in their lives, having input into their learning enables and supports a sense of connectedness, with learning and with school. This paper reports on a youth participatory action research project (YPAR) that took a rights-based approach to researching with students. The study was conducted in an Australian government secondary school situated in a context of disadvantage. The student-researchers, who faced socioeconomic disadvantage in their own lives, investigated students' experiences of engagement in learning in the first four years of secondary school. The findings demonstrated that students from a low socioeconomic community, including students who tended to be marginalized in conventional classroom contexts, had thoughtful and important contributions to make about their engagement in learning. The paper also reports on ways in which the participatory research design impacted upon the student-researchers and the school community. Importantly, the student-researchers valued the research opportunity and there was evidence of the impact of their investigations within and beyond the school.

This paper interrogates the case for improved and broadened public sustainability reporting by universities, and explores whether and how global performance measures capture the institutional attitudes and activities pertinent to universities' contributions to sustainability. The analysis explores all stand-alone, English language reports produced by universities world-wide since 2007. The analysis focuses primarily on the Global Reporting Initiative (GRI) index. The paper finds that those universities which have adopted the GRI share a distinct conceptualisation of their role in society. The GRI framework is helpful in capturing universities' environmental impacts and benefits, but is lacking in relation to universities' human rights and social concerns. The paper identifies value in universities adopting a globally accepted sustainability reporting framework and makes specific suggestions as to how the framework might be better adapted for universities.

It is well documented that the most effective sexuality education programmes employ a whole-school learning approach. More specifically, when schools and their leaders and teachers embrace such an approach, they view student learning in the context of the whole experience of being at school -- from the classroom, to the home and the partnerships schools form with the local community. In parallel to this, people born with intersex variations report the lack of a systematic and broad approach to recognition and inclusion of intersex variations in schools due to strong 'normativity' messaging, including that pertaining to the body. Similarly, schools fail to engage mindfully with contemporary content that promotes a positive and diverse understanding of intersex in educational spaces, guidelines, policies and the curriculum. In line with community expectations outlined by the Darlington Intersex Community Consensus Statement, peer-led intersex rights-and-health-advocacy, and intersex-affirming scholarship, this paper advocates for and seeks to offer recommendations on how schools might enact a whole-school approach for sexuality education that is inclusive, affirming, visible and supportive in promoting and upholding the rights and health of students with intersex variations.

It is all too easy to be discouraged, indeed, outraged, by the continuing state of socio-economic inequality and the fragility of "the neighbourhood" (our world) in a deteriorating, conflict-ridden environment. As educators, we struggle with the perceived lack of educational quality, relevance, and ethics of policy and practice. Education systems tend to reflect the political ideologies of the day, many of which are socially and economically divisive and hostile to equitable change. It is crucial to condemn, in the strongest manner, current racist, separatist, and discriminatory views that tend to permeate our social media space, affecting public attitudes. Comparative and international education theorists and practitioners can play a crucial role in critiquing, through the lens of critical postcolonial awareness, such socio-political constructions of society and education. The observations made in this article refer in particular to comparativists in Oceania, a region containing both large economies such as Australia, and small Pacific island states. This paper sets out an argument for "unleashing our global postcolonial consciousnesses" to effect change, acting with non-violence and empathy in an intercultural, ethical, and actionable space (Ermine, 2007; Sharma-Brymer, 2008).

Recent critiques of citizenship education have identified the need for curricula that cover not only civil, political, social and cultural aspects of political belonging and responsibility, but that orient students to the realities of global engagement and responsibility. Rather than focussing on national values, histories and political procedures, the argument is that active citizenship, cosmopolitan values and identities, social justice, globally responsible behaviours, and critical self-awareness should be the goals of such education. This paper develops a typology of citizenship education, and then examines the 'Civics and Citizenship' module of the new Australian National Curriculum to understand what type of citizenship is being promoted through the curriculum and the teaching resources. The research finds that despite some opportunities to engage students' thinking more globally, and a positive focus on the rights and contributions of Australia's Indigenous peoples, the main thrust of the curriculum is the promotion and perpetuation of traditional nationalist and proceduralist citizenship, rather than global or cosmopolitan citizenship. Some recommendations for potential improvements are made.

"Dedifferentiation" represents the merging of the wider "intellectual disability" category with the broader one of "disability" generally; a product of the ascendance of the social model of disability. The recent re-emergence of the significance of impairment and embodiment in disability theory re-establishes the importance of situated experience and reinserts realities of difference in the dedifferentiation/difference debate. This paper highlights these issues by exploring the experiences of people with Profound Intellectual and Multiple Disabilities (PIMD) and their decision-making supporters in the context of the National Disability Insurance Scheme (NDIS) in Australia. Lived experiences accessing, planning for, and implementing NDIS supports illustrate some limitations of dedifferentiation in social services, highlighting the need for recognition of realities of embodied difference for people with PIMD. Here, our systems and theories are most uncomfortable, our ideals of inclusion are most challenged in practice, and some balance between realities of difference and ideals of dedifferentiation is most needed.

Australia is in the process of implementing a national geography curriculum to replace the separate state and territory curriculums. The paper describes the process of curriculum development, and identifies the different groups that were involved. These included the board and staff of the national curriculum authority, geography teachers across Australia, the state and territory curriculum bodies and a great variety of interest groups. It analyses some of the issues on which there were differences of opinion, such as how to describe the concepts, and some of the debates over what content to include, such as what place knowledge or skills to teach. The paper ends with a brief assessment of the curriculum and of the roles of the various groups in determining its content.

The place of education for and about human rights within the school curriculum remains contested and this paper reports on the first national cross-sectoral investigation of its place in Australian curricula and more specifically in national and state History curriculum documents. Opportunities for the inclusion of human rights based studies were examined across school learning stages, taking into account explicit and implicit, compulsory or elective, as well as curricular and extra-curricular dimensions. Given the continued importance of History as a learning area there is a need to strengthen the available explicit and mandatory opportunities for students to learn about human rights issues, working closely with key teacher associations, non-government organisations and supportive networks, drawing on available educational resources and technologies.

In this paper we take on Green's (2017) orientation of the Australian Curriculum: English and consider what might it hold for the students of Australia. We set about analysing eighteen minutes of storytelling by a group of young 9-12 year old Kunibídji males from Maningrida in the far North of the Northern Territory in Australia, making this storytelling visible to the readership. In doing so, we note the rhetorical attitude held by these young people and their artful use of discourses as they translanguage between Ndjébbana, English, traditional knowledge, popular culture and mainstream Australian culture. The artful use of discourses demonstrated by these young people highlights their preference to engage in oral storytelling using scaffolds of meaning-making found in digital technological literacies. We argue that all Indigenous students should have the right to learn in their preferred language of communication as part of their linguistic human rights.

The education rankings of Australian students continue to slide further down the international scale, yet the dominant discourse in relation to both the cause and solution to this perceived decline remains focused on funding, curriculum and teacher quality whilst failing largely to take account of the broader social contexts in which education takes place. Drawing on findings from recent research in primary schools in regional Australia, this paper raises the question of Australian school students' human right to an education and explores the role that school social workers can play in upholding this right. Discussion draws on international research, including studies that examine the outcomes of employing suitably qualified School Social Workers who can foster links and networks between student, family, school and community. It is argued that these networks create social capital that can serve to enable students to benefit from both the education to which they are entitled, and the connections that may empower them, as they move into adult life.

Critical Sexuality Studies is an emerging field of academic enquiry linked to an international network of advocacy agencies, activists, and political issues. This paper reports on the development of an advanced short course in sexuality theory and research, drawing on Critical Sexuality Studies and aiming directly at academics in developing countries working in sexuality issues. Over a three-year period, a new curriculum was developed by an international team. The course was piloted in two continents, refined, revised, and released globally under a Creative Commons licence in 2010 on a dedicated website. This paper documents the project and its progress to date. (Contains 5 figures and 8 notes.)

This paper evaluates UNESCO's recommended sexuality educational framework for junior school students aged 5-8 years. It also compares it to an existing state-designed Health and Physical Education curriculum that includes sexual and reproductive health for the same cohort. Based on the universal values of respect and human rights, UNESCO's" International Technical Guidance" (2009) promotes clear, comprehensive, and evidence-informed sexuality education in the compulsory school years, for all countries. Aimed at education and health decision-makers, the framework addresses knowledge, values and discussion of often-stifled issues that are appropriate for healthy child development, and necessary to counter children's vulnerability to abuse, exploitation and sexually transmitted infections. Most importantly, it emphasises that children are not ready for sexual contact with other people. The results of this paper's evaluation show that the "Guidance" offers timely, definitive, wide-ranging, inclusive and effective sexuality education for children who are usually left "to find their own way". The comparative results show that the sampled Australian curriculum is woefully inadequate for the task of teaching puberty, sexuality and reproductive health and safety education.

While numbers, data and statistics have been part of the bureaucracy since the emergence of the nation state, the paper argues that the governance turn has seen the enhancement of the significance of numbers in policy. The policy as numbers phenomenon is exemplified through two Australian cases in education policy, linked to the national schooling reform agenda. The first case deals with the category of students called Language Backgrounds Other than English (LBOTE) in Australian schooling policy--students with LBOTE. The second deals with the "closing the gap" approach to Indigenous schooling. The LBOTE case demonstrates an attempt at recognition, but one that fails to create a category useful for policy-makers and teachers in relation to the language needs of Australian students. The Indigenous case of policy misrecognition confirms Gillborn's analysis of gap talk and its effects; a focus on closing the gap, as with the new politics of recognition, elides structural inequalities and the historical effects of colonisation. With this case, there is a misrecognition that denies Indigenous knowledges, epistemologies and cultural rights. The contribution of the paper to policy sociology is twofold: first in showing how ostensive politics of recognition can work as misrecognition with the potential to deny redistribution and secondly that we need to be aware of the socially constructed nature of categories that underpin contemporary policy as numbers and evidence-based policy. (Contains 7 notes and 1 table.)

This paper examines indirect discrimination in Australian universities that tends to obstruct and delay women's academic careers. The topic is defined and contextualised via a 1998 speech by the Australian Human Rights Commission's Sex Discrimination Commissioner, juxtaposed with a brief contemporaneous exemplar. The paper discusses the prevalence of women among casual and fixed-term academic workers, and the contrasting low numbers of women in senior academic positions. It is argued that the neo-liberal "marketisation" of higher education, which still prevails, has fostered a number of indirectly discriminatory practices and conditions that substantially disadvantage women. A selection of studies of the problem are critiqued. It is argued that a broad statistical methodology is inadequate due to its tendency to "homogenise" the academy and its component individuals, in the process giving scope for unjustified optimism among university policy-makers. A particulate approach is advocated, acknowledging the wide variation between and within universities, and the range of hidden difficulties individual women academics can face. It is concluded that despite apparent reforms over the past decade, the situation of women has improved little in practical terms.

This position statement was developed collaboratively by members of the Annual Roundtable on Intellectual Disability Policy in Victoria. It attempts to set out what people with severe or profound intellectual disability might expect in terms of housing and support if the principles embedded in contemporary disability policy, such as the 2006 United Nations Convention on Rights of Persons with Disabilities, the 2002 Victorian State Disability Plan, and the 2001 UK white paper "Valuing People", are implemented. These principles emphasise citizenship, rights and the importance of achieving empowerment, community inclusion, and participation for all people with disabilities. The position statement highlights the issues that require particular attention for people with severe and profound intellectual disability. They are expressed primarily in terms of the outcomes desired for individuals. It is not a description of the shape or nature of the service system which is the means to achieve these outcomes. The components of housing and support described are in many ways identical for all people with disabilities but their application to this group is seldom illustrated or considered. Without specific representation, people with the highest housing and support needs are in danger of exclusion in the implementation of disability policy and are also likely to be relegated to inappropriate or inferior living arrangements. Without somewhere to live with sufficient support, aspirations about empowerment, community inclusion, and participation are meaningless. (Contains 1 table.)

Most Australian universities have a policy that stipulates responsibilities and protocol for situations when children are on campus. In recent times children have begun to be seen as possessing rights to participation in society. Ideas of children as citizens, that is, as active members of the public sphere, have been theorised, discussed and investigated. University campuses have also been defined as sites of citizenship (e.g. Harkavy, 2006). This paper examines the positioning of children as citizens on university campuses through analysis of how children are defined in children on campus policies from three Australian universities. Poststructuralist readings make visible irony at play, and a case is argued for the reworking of children on campus policies to be built on language that positions children as welcome participants of universities as democratic sites.

In the formulation of new humanities--knowledge, truth and social action brought together in the defence of what makes us human in this place and time--there is also the need to identify the obstacles to honouring our humanity. This paper continues the task of critically examining contemporary forms of inhumanity, in this instance as perpetuated by a liberal Australian government against its citizens and others. Liberalism, by nature, enables the co-existence of contradictory practices that both protect and deny human rights and dignities. In psychoanalytic terms, the defence of liberties and its repressed other, the denial of them, are both present in such states. Because of their links with both the conscious and the unconscious, an analysis of jokes provides insights into these contradictory processes. The paper explores how both the humanities and the inhumanities are manifest variously in the joking behaviours of social groups.

Global moves to integrate Indigenous perspectives and histories into university curricula are growing. In Australia, shifts towards Indigenisation in higher education teaching and research have been slow, but now--partly due to new national and institutional policies--are re-forming the disciplinary landscapes where our students learn and grow. Vital to achieving these new agendas are the Indigenous Australian scholars whose work experiences are reported in this paper. Findings from a nation-wide survey of Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander academics (mainly in professional disciplines like law, education and health) support a more optimistic scenario than that portrayed in some existing literature. No longer peripheral to institutional missions, this newly confident cohort of Indigenous academics is forging unprecedented partnerships with non-Indigenous colleagues and transforming the very essence of a university degree. The implications for Australia, and for other societies with Indigenous communities, are profound.