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With the rise of polarization and extremism, the question of how best to transmit civic virtues across generations is more acute than ever. In this paper, we test the hypothesis that schools can be the place for this transmission by empowering students and gathering them around concrete and democratically chosen objectives. We draw on an RCT implemented in a large sample of middle schools in three European countries. The evaluated program leads students to carry out collective citizenship projects in their immediate communities under the supervision of teachers trained in student-centered teaching methods. The program significantly increases student altruism, their political self-efficacy as well as the quality of their relationship with their classmates and their respect for the rules of school life (less sanctions and absenteeism). In all three countries, the benefits are greater for students with the highest level of altruism and interest in politics at baseline. Investments made at an early age appear to be complement to those made during adolescence for the production of civic virtues.

In assessing the current and future role of universities in the nation-states in which they are chartered and funded, it is useful to ask, When are universities societal leaders as societal and constructive change agents, and when are they followers, reinforcing the existing political order? As discussed in the book, "Neo-Nationalism and Universities: Populists, Autocrats and the Future of Higher Education," the national political history and contemporary context is the dominant factor for shaping the leadership or follower role of universities -- what I call a political determinist interpretation. We often think of contemporary universities, and their students and faculty, as catalysts for societal progress -- the Free Speech and Civil Rights movements, Vietnam War protests, the anti-Apartheid movement, Tiananmen Square, and more recently the pro-democracy demonstrations in Hong Kong. Universities can be, and have been, the locus for not only educating enlightened future leaders, but also for opposing oppression and dictatorships. But universities have also proved over their history to be tools for serving the privileged, and reinforcing the social class divisions of a society; they also have been factories for errant theories that reinforce the worst of nationalist tendencies. Universities are both unique environments for educating and mentoring free thinkers, entrepreneurs, and citizens with, for example, a devotion to social change, or for creating conformists -- or all of the above. How might we assess whether universities are followers or leaders in their societies? This essay considers this question, offering a framework for evaluating the follower or leader role, and with particular attention to the emergence or, in some cases, re-emergence of neonationalist leaders and autocratic governments.

This report, intended primarily for civics reformers considering how best to defend and improve traditional American civics education, surveys a selection of different civics offerings, both the traditional and the radical. Surveyed providers include organizations such as the Jonathan M. Tisch College of Civic Life, We the People, and Hillsdale College's 1776 Curriculum. The report assesses both how they approach civics education and their ideological content. The report will also judge each organization's effectiveness--although no one knows exactly what is being taught in each classroom in America, much less precisely what students take from their education. Finally, it will provide recommendations about how civics reformers should build upon this existing array of civics curriculum resources to work most effectively to reclaim America's civics education.

Hong Kong and Singapore are island city-states that exude the complicated tensions of postcolonial nationalism. Both are influenced directly or indirectly by the long shadow of China's rising nationalism and geopolitical power and, in the case of Hong Kong, subject to Beijing's edicts under the terms of the 1984 Sino-British Joint Declaration. Both have productive economies dependent on global trade, and each has similar rates of population density--Hong Kong's population is 7.4 million and Singapore is home to 5.8 million people. It remains to be seen whether Hong Kong's peripheral nationalist identity will be retained, or whether the increasingly assertive influence and control by mainland China will prevail and fully assimilate Hong Kong. But it is apparent that Hong Kong is at a turning point. Throughout 2019, protesters filled the streets of the city, worried about declining civil liberties, specifically Beijing's refusal to provide universal suffrage as promised previously in law and the disqualification of prodemocracy candidates, along with the growing control of Hong Kong's government and universities by Chinese central government designates and fears of an ever-expanding crackdown on dissent. Singapore provides a less dramatic but relevant example of the tension caused by the influx of foreign national students and academics who often displace native citizens, combined with government-enforced efforts to control dissent in universities. And like Hong Kong, the long shadow of China influences the role universities are allowed to play in civil society. The following is an excerpt from the book "Neo-Nationalism and Universities: Populists, Autocrats and the Future of Higher Education" (Johns Hopkins University Press) that explores the implications of nationalist movements on universities in Hong Kong and Singapore. In both, university leaders, and their academic communities, value academic freedom and the idea of independent scholarship. Yet the political environment is severe enough, and the opportunity costs great enough, that they, thus far, remain generally neutral institutions in a debate over civil liberties and the future of their island states. The exception is the key role students have played in the protest movement in Hong Kong, but for how long?

At least 38 states have created service areas or "districts" for each of their community colleges. However, little is known about the geographic boundaries of community college districts, the political process that defines them, and how they relate to institutional racial segregation. Given this dearth of knowledge, we studied nearly 150 state policy documents nationally and the actual district boundaries of Texas community colleges in order to investigate the larger political process of determining boundaries and whether gerrymandering is present. We found significant variation across the United States, including in who determines the boundaries and whether the districts have associated tuition reductions. In our case study, we also found evidence that at least some of Texas's community college districts may exhibit evidence of gerrymandering.

This Policy Paper aims at analysing the most important aspects of Public Responsibility, Financing and Governance of Higher Educations while seeking to formulate a students perspective on the state of play within the European Higher Education Area (EHEA). In doing so it touches upon the very foundation of how and in which socio-political environment educational systems and higher education institutions work nowadays. The European Students' Union (ESU) believes that open access to all levels of education is the cornerstone of a socially, culturally and democratically inclusive society, and a prerequisite for individual and societal development and well-being. ESU sees higher education as a human right, which is guaranteed in the Universal Declaration of Human Rights and the International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights. How education is seen in society, how it is funded and how it is governed are tightly interlinked areas. This policy paper focuses on: (1) Public responsibility of higher education (fundamental values; institutional autonomy and academic freedom; academic integrity; intellectual property; education for sustainable development; human rights and democratic citizenship education; digitalization, artificial intelligence, learning analytics and privacy; commodification; partnerships between higher education institutions and industry; internships; and internationalisation and international trade); (2) Financing of higher education (financing of higher education; the funding gap; optimisation of funding of higher education institutions; performance based funding; and education free of tuition fees); and (3) Governance of higher education (students participation; working conditions of academic staff; committees and ombudsmans and leadership, intersectionality and training). [For the 2016 version, see ED587168.]

This report has been produced by Douglas Bourn, Director of Development Education Research Centre at UCL and Jenny Hatley from Bath Spa University, on behalf of the Our Shared World Coalition of organisations. The focus of Our Shared World is to lobby UK government and other policymakers on why Target 4.7 of the Sustainable Development Goals should be an integral component of all children and young people's learning. This report has been commissioned by the network to gather evidence of the extent to which the themes of Target 4.7 of the Goals are already reflected within schools in England, and aims to demonstrate current levels of engagement in these themes, how they are being delivered, areas of success, identifiable gaps and what the priorities for policymakers should be in the future.

This working paper will share the experience of Ashta No Kai (ANK), a grassroots nonprofit the author founded in 1998 in 10 villages in Shirur County, Maharashtra state, India, to promote the empowerment and education of women and girls in rural areas. The paper will, at first, examine the state of education in India including the Indian government's policies and programs that are attempting to address the gender gap in girls' education. Next, the barriers that girls in rural areas face to access their right to an education will be discussed followed by an introduction of various holistic, need-based, and low-cost educational interventions that ANK has initiated to address some of these impediments. Findings will then be reported from quantitative and qualitative surveys conducted, as well as case studies to gauge the impact of these interventions. Finally, the paper will propose evidence-based recommendations of integrated and sustainable strategies and approaches as guidance to policy practitioners to help promote educational outcomes and enhanced agency for adolescent girls to better navigate their world.

Despite educational gains in recent decades for many Latino students, there are still significant barriers to universal quality education in the U.S.; among these are the stresses of current U.S. immigration policy and political discourse, which serve as negative multipliers to pre-existing social, economic, and health inequities. This report captures the experiences of educators in UnidosUS K-12 programs across the U.S. to document the effects of immigration policy on UnidosUS-affiliated students' well-being and classroom climates.

In 1954, the United States Supreme Court decided "Brown v. Board of Education," a case that is known throughout the US and around the world for its strong statements about equality and about the importance of education. The years since the "Brown" decision have been filled with many changes in US law and society. From the perspective of civil rights advocates, many of those changes have resulted in great progress, but others have fallen far short of "Brown's" lofty ambitions. Today, if Americans who are committed to achieving more integrated schools and broader access to quality education look only inside our own law and our own borders, the situation is discouraging. At first glance, however, recent developments in Europe seem to pursue one road not taken by the US Supreme Court. In 2007, the European Court of Human Rights, the most influential international human rights court in the world, decided what some commentators have referred to as "Europe's Brown v. Board of Education." Informed by the contours of what constitutes illegal discrimination under different legal regimes' statutes and judge-made law, this working paper analyzes school desegregation liability and remedies available in the US and the EU (specifically the Czech Republic). Turning to the EU, the authors see how an international human rights court is redefining the way national remedies against discrimination are construed. Before beginning their analysis, the authors explore some similarities and differences between US and European conceptions of race and ethnicity.

Like bullying in general, bullying of students with disabilities represents both a civil rights and public health challenge. Amongst the possible effects of bullying the U.S. Department of Education (DOE, 2010) includes lowered academic achievement and aspirations, increased anxiety, loss of self-esteem and confidence, depression and post-traumatic stress, deterioration in physical health, self-harm and suicidal thinking, suicide, feelings of alienation, absenteeism and other negative impacts, both educational and health related. While both students with and without disabilities face significant negative emotional, educational and physical results from bullying, students with disabilities are both uniquely vulnerable and disproportionately impacted by the bullying phenomena. Despite this, there exists a dearth of both research and policy focusing on eliminating the bullying of students with disabilities. Furthermore, evidence suggests that existing legal and policy tools available to address bullying against students with disabilities remain significantly under-utilized. Additional focus is needed on the bullying of students with disabilities, both as part of a general strategy of bullying prevention efforts and as a specific area of focus in policy and practice. Effectively addressing bullying of students with disabilities will require undertaking action as part of both general and special education policy. This paper recommends several policy actions for addressing bullying of students with disabilities. (Contains 1 footnote.)

This study unearths and examines rich models of learning in which multiple institutions collaboratively play a role in promoting civic education. Using historical and ethnographic case study analysis, this paper addresses the research question: What is the role of community in civic education? Specifically, the author examines Hull House and the pioneering social settlement work of Jane Addams at the turn of the 20th century; democratic education for social change put into practice during the civil rights movement by Myles Horton, Septima Clark, Bernice Robinson, and others at the Highlander Folk School; and the Neighborhood Learning Community in St. Paul, Minnesota, a network of community institutions, schools, and higher education institutions which applies the lessons from Hull House and Highlander in its efforts to create a neighborhood culture of learning. Short overviews of these cases are given, as well as detailed lessons for the role of community in civic education. The cases in this study present important historical and contemporary models where educators commit to making change over longer periods of time; place a deliberate emphasis on comprehensive, relational, and public education; make learning relevant to people's everyday lives; recognize the creative powers of diversity through public work; utilize the talents and instincts of non-professionals; foster reciprocal relationships; and embrace flexibility and trust in the messiness of democracy. [This paper was produced by the Center for Information and Research on Civic Learning and Engagement (CIRCLE), University of Maryland.]

As demographics shift and immigration is a hotly contested area of US civic life, the civic preparation and participation of Latin American immigrant youth is becoming increasingly important. The author examines the growing literature on this topic, inquiring into the political and demographic changes that have stimulated this area of inquiry, the challenges of studying this population, and what individuals currently know and what they still need to know about immigrant youth civic engagement and activism. At a time when the struggle for immigrant rights in the US is caught in the crossfire of severe recession and racism, young immigrant activists offer a ray of hope through their modest yet noteworthy successes. Scholarship on their civic engagement sheds light on ways that young people who live on the fault line between nation-states are creatively forging civic identities, claiming political voices, and making an impact. (Contains 144 footnotes.) [Funding for this paper was provided by the University of California All Campus Consortium on Research for Diversity (UC ACCORD), UC Berkeley's Center for Latino Policy Research, UC MEXUS, and the University of Illinois at Springfield.]

Roderick Watts and Omar Guessous of Georgia State University conducted exploratory research to investigate the link between math and civic engagement. Their research is based on an evaluation of the Young People's Project (YPP), a national program that recruits, trains, and deploys high school and college Math Literacy Workers for mentoring middle and elementary school students. The purpose of this study is to examine whether the Young Peoples Project, as a community-based math and social justice organization for youth, contributes to the math, academic, sociopolitical, ethnoracial identity, and positive youth development of participants. Five specific research questions addressed by this study were: (RQ #1) Program effect: Do YPP participants show more favorable outcomes than the two comparison groups on outcome indicators of interest? (RQ #2) Dosage effect: Do veterans show more favorable outcomes than novices on the outcome indicators of interest? (RQ #3) Program x dosage interaction: Is the dosage effect stronger among YPP participants than among the School Controls? In other words, is there an interaction effect between program membership and level of seniority? (RQ #4) Math--SPD link: Is there a positive relationship between math confidence and indicators of sociopolitical development? (RQ #5) Math--SPD x Program: Is this link moderated by group membership, such that YPP participants demonstrate a stronger positive relationship between math confidence and indicators of sociopolitical development than the School Controls (SC)? Participant in this cross-sectional study were Chicago-area residents in grades 8 and above who were administered a paper-and-pencil survey in a group format at the site of each YPP and After School Matters (ASM) program. YPP participants were encouraged to recruit a peer who did not participate in YPP to serve as matched comparisons. Additionally, ASM participants from three Chicago public high schools were recruited for participation in this study, to serve as an additional comparison group (N=73). There were a total of 196 participants. Each variable of interest was assessed using one or more self-report survey instruments that were answered on a numerical Likert scale. These included measures of social analysis, sense of urgency, societal involvement, cultural and ethnoracial identity. academic and math self-concept, and positive youth development. The five research questions were examined using Univariate Analysis of Covariance and Hierarchical Multiple Regression. Among the outcomes was a favorable link between YPP participation and aspirations for mathematics education, and another was evidence of sociopolitical development. The third was an exploration of other youth development outcomes of interest to the program and the researchers. Sense of Agency was positively related to math self confidence and negatively related to math self-doubt. Similarly, commitment to societal involvement activities was negatively related to math self-doubt. And in the only instance were the ethnoracial variables came into play, cultural pride reinforcement was found to positively correlate to math self confidence. The relationship between sociopolitical development and math confidence was consistently stronger among YPP participants compared to School Controls. This suggests that YPP contributed to a link between math knowledge or reasoning and to both sociopolitical agency and commitment; that is, YPP experiences are associated with the idea that "math is power." (Contains 14 tables and 9 figures.) [This Working Paper was produced by CIRCLE (The Center for Information and Research on Civic Learning and Engagement). For CIRCLE Working Paper 49, see ED494074.]

A major task of South Africa's new government in 1994 was to promote racial equity in the state education system. This paper evaluates progress toward this goal using three distinct concepts: equal treatment, equal educational opportunity, and educational adequacy. The authors find that the country has succeeded in establishing racial equity defined as equal treatment, primarily through race-blind policies for allocating state funds for schools. Progress measured by the other two criteria, however, has been constrained by the legacy of apartheid, including poor facilities and lack of human capacity in schools serving black students, and by policies such as school fees. The paper concludes with some thoughts on the future outlook. (Contains 2 tables and 2 figures.) [This paper was prepared for the special issue of "International Journal of Educational Development (IJED)" on "Education Policy and Practice in Post-Apartheid South Africa--Ten Years of Democratic Change." The ideas in this paper are developed more fully in the book, "Elusive Equity: Education Reform in Post-Apartheid South Africa" (Washington, DC: Brookings Institution Press: 2004)].

The purpose of this project was to gain a better understanding of dimensions of trust and inter-relationships between those dimensions during the adolescent years. Drawing from survey data collected at the beginning and end of a semester in eighty middle- and high-school social studies classes, relationships were assessed between: social trust, trust in elected officials, trust in the responsiveness of government to ordinary people, trust in the American promise, and trustworthiness of the media. The study was designed as a randomized evaluation of a civics curriculum called Student Voices in the Campaign, with data gathered from two waves of surveys with 1,670 students ages 12-19 during the fall of 2004. Students from ethnic minority backgrounds were less likely than their ethnic majority peers to trust elected officials or people in general or to believe that the government was interested in ordinary people. However, ethnic minority students were not less likely to believe in the general tenets of that all people, regardless of background, had an equal opportunity to succeed in America. Controlling for social class, age, and ethnicity, adolescents' trust in the American promise and their civic commitments were found to be significantly predicted by the youths' proximate experiences of social inclusion in their communities and, particularly for ethnic minority students) by their reports that teachers practiced a democratic ethos at school. (Contains 9 tables.)

An evaluation is presented on the impact of HIV/AIDS on the education sector in the Asia Pacific region. Its focus is how human rights in relation to education have been upset by the epidemic. The education sector is urged to develop more initiatives to educate about the epidemic, and to build measures that deal with both immediate and long-term impacts of HIV/AIDS. Children infected with HIV are often restricted from access to education. This limitation does not only come from the community, but also from family or parents. Such stigma and discrimination is not restricted to children. Teachers and school administrators who are HIV infected are also deprived of their right to work. Such discrimination affects not only the individual but the education sector as a whole. An analysis is given on how governments can change and rectify such discrimination through the 4A's models, developed for a UNESCO-supported manual on rights-based education (2004). The 4A's comprise Availability, Accessibility, Acceptability, and Adaptability. Availability refers to the obligation to ensure compulsory and free education for all children within a determined age range. Accessibility describes an obligation to eliminate exclusion from education based on internationally accepted norms. Acceptability sets minimum standards for education; and Adaptability calls for special action to provide education for children who were are precluded from formal schooling. Apart from government policy formulation, the education sector can ensure that all children (whether they are infected with HIV/AIDS or not) are given the right to an education, that infected teachers can continue working, and that confidentiality is observed. There should be no stigmatizing curricular. Young people should learn about the epidemic and ways to protect themselves. There are several links between the education sector, HIV/AIDS and human rights. Key to confronting discrimination includes inclusive education, knowledge about HIV/AIDS, and the quality of the curriculum. (Contains 1 footnote.) [This document was published by UNESCO Asia and Pacific Regional Bureau for Education. For Discussion Paper No. I in this series, see ED496239.]

This paper examines the political status of Romani. the language of the Gypsies/Roma, in the European Union (EU). Even though some groups do not call themselves "Roma," all Romani speaking groups use the name "Romanes" for their language and "Romani/Romano/Romane" for everything related to their group. All groups use the same language, and all languages can be subdivided into dialects. Three aspects make Romani dialects more diverse than other EU dialects: absence of centuries long influence from a standard language or prestige dialect; influence from a variety of local languages; and a great number of communities of Romani speakers (with speakers not all in contact with each other). This paper highlights the following: (1) "Introduction"; (2) "The Roma"; (3) "Roma and International Organizations"; (4) "The Romani Language: Demographic and Sociolinguistic Data"; (5) "The Status of Romani in International Institutions"; (6) "Romani and European Charter for Regional or Minority Languages (non-territorial languages and implementation); (7) "The Framework Convention on the Protection of National Minorities"; (8) "Article 27 of the Un-Covenant on Civil and Political Rights"; (9) "Country-by-Country Survey of Romani in EU Countries" (individual countries, Romani in education, and publications in and about Romani); and (10) "Conclusions: The Future of Romani." (Contains 47 references.) (SM)

India took a decisive step towards universal basic education by proclaiming a constitutionally-guaranteed Right to Education (RTE) Act in 2009 that called for full access of children aged 6-14 to free schooling. This paper considers the offsetting effects to RTE from induced expansion of private tutoring in the educationally competitive districts of India. We develop a unique database of registrations of new private educational institutions offering tutorial services by local district between 2001-2015. We estimate the causal impact of RTE on private supplemental education by comparing the growth of these private tutorial institutions in districts identified a priori as having very competitive educational markets to those that had less competitive educational markets. We find a strong impact of RTE on the private tutoring market and show that this holds across alternative definitions of highly competitive districts and a variety of robustness checks, sensitivity analyses, and controls. Finally, we provide descriptive evidence that these private tutoring schools do increase the achievement (and competitiveness) of students able to afford them.

This document provides an analysis of key themes, as they relate to the U.S. Latino population, included in the President's 2016 State of the Union Address. Addressing these issues is critical to extend opportunity to more people to help ensure national prosperity and security for generations to come.

This report is about learning and older people. In the UK, one person in three is over 50, and the numbers are rising. People are living longer, and while some of these years are healthy active retirement, some are spent in poor health. In both cases, learning can make a major contribution both to the well-being of older people, and their contribution to society and the economy. However, the potential is often wasted, because few older people participate in learning, and what is available to them is poorly coordinated. The report discusses the benefits of learning for older people, the problem, and a strategy. Since these issues are relevant to many areas of public policy, the report is addressed to a wide range of agencies and organisations, especially at local level. This includes all those with a concern for the well-being of citizens and society: not only those with explicitly educational purposes, but also those whose main concern is with the economy, health and social care, finance and culture. The following are appended: (1) A Picture of Older People's Learning in England; and (2) Some of the Partners. [This paper has been produced collaboratively with an array of expert partners who form the National Older Learners Group.]

Efforts to strengthen the pipeline to college degree completion have focused on improving college access and providing academic, social, and financial supports to students post-enrollment. This paper explores one facet of postsecondary education that has served as a barrier to both college access and success--developmental education--which has proven to exacerbate racial inequities in academic progress in higher education and has effectively decreased college access for low-income students and students of color. After more than a decade of trying to tackle the developmental education problem indirectly through basic skills-related initiatives, task forces, and success initiatives, the California state legislature passed Assembly Bill 705 (AB705) in 2017, which directed colleges to replace standardized placement tests with multiple measures of high school performance to determine college readiness. In this paper, the authors describe the research that prompted developmental education reform approaches nationally and in California, describe the efforts in California that led to the passing of AB705, and summarize research on its implementation and outcomes. Building on analysis of the research, the paper concludes with five key practice and policy recommendations for California community college leaders as they move toward realizing a civil rights agenda for college access and success in the next 25 years: (1) Address faculty and practitioners' beliefs; (2) Move from structural to instructional reform; (3) Improve data accessibility, reporting, and accountability; (4) Expand equitable college access opportunities for students in high school; and (5) Address barriers facing English learners.

What are the key contents related to democratic life in the curricula of civic and citizenship education in Latin American countries? What values and dimensions are most emphasized? This document summarizes the results of a comparative analysis of civic/citizenship curricula for primary and secondary education in six Latin American countries (Colombia, Chile, the Dominican Republic, Guatemala, Mexico and Paraguay) that participated in the International Civic and Citizenship Study (ICCS-2009) conducted by International Association for the Evaluation of Educational Achievement (IEA). The document comprises four parts. The first section takes stock of the state of democratic belief in the region, drawing upon the most significant opinion studies of the past decade, so as to offer broader meaning bases for curriculum analysis and, more generally, for educational work in the field of citizenship. The second section describes the organizational (or structural) characteristics of the curricula of the six countries and presents a framework of categories for their comparative analysis. The subsequent section describes and analyses the contents of the six curricula examined and how they deal with the values, institutions and citizenship relations in their civic (political) and civil (coexistence) dimensions. On the basis of the most significant findings, the closing section includes some reflections regarding curriculum development with regard to citizenship. A list of the official curriculum documents of the six countries included in the analysis is provided in an annex. A bibliography is included.