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As two influential countries in the global grain production and marketing system, China and Russia have increasingly strengthened their agricultural, economic, and trade cooperation. There are few papers that have considered trade relations from the perspective of the growth effect of grain exports, and it is necessary to fill this gap by systematically sorting the grain trade between the two countries and clarifying the growth effect and influencing factors in this paper. By comparing and analyzing the quantitative and structural characteristics of grain trade between China and Russia between 1996 and 2020, this study used the H–K marginal analysis method to explore the growth path and influencing factors of the export trade of grain products between China and Russia. The results show that the main driving force of the export growth of Russian and Chinese grain products is the price margin, which presents a growth pattern dominated by price and complemented by type and quantity. The empirical analysis of the gravity model shows that the size of the agricultural economy, grain productivity, trade cost, and economic shocks have significant impacts on bilateral trade. In view of this, the status of international agricultural cooperation between China and Russia will be further optimized if they can optimize trade policies to improve the quality of trade development, build cross-border cooperation parks to construct the layout of the whole industrial chain, strengthen infrastructure construction, and deepen and expand interconnectivity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Ten Lectures on Chinese-Russian Literary Relations is a new important book by famous Chinese scholar of Russian literature Professor Chen Jianhua. The monograph is valuable not only for deep analysis, thorough fact-checking and massive data, but also for navigation instructions to all scholars, who are involved in the study of Russian-Chinese literary communication. This paper tries to mirror the analysis by Chen Jianhua of the perception of Russian literature in China in order to discuss the translations and study of Chinese literature in Russia. It has been discovered that though two countries strive to achieve certain balance in literary exchange, each of them not only demonstrates common tendencies, but also retains important differences. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper analyzes Mongolia's attempts at balancing its relations with China and Russia and the dilemmas it faces as China's influence grows in the wake of its "Belt and Road Initiative". Mongolia has embraced China's connectivity projects and a new form of trilateralism, even though Mongolia was not included in the initial five economic corridors proposed by Xi Jinping in 2013. Mongolian concerns over geo-strategic isolation led to a renewed effort to embrace its two big neighbors, resulting in the proposal of the trilateral "Economic Corridor" in 2016, followed by further trilateral summits. The paper thus seeks to answer the puzzle how Mongolia's self-perception as a geopolitical bridgehead state can be reconciled with the partially diverging interests of its two neighbors. Drawing on interviews with Mongolian experts and officials as well as qualitative document analysis, the paper adds empirical nuance to the debate about Sino-Russian interaction in Eurasia, but also to the understudied dimension of the agency of the "in-between countries" in their shared neighborhood. It argues that the spectrum ranging from competition to accommodation between China and Russia is further complicated by the choices and policy responses of actors "in between", like Mongolia. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

With ever-increasing political tensions between China and Russia on one side and the EU and the US on the other, it only seems a matter of time until protectionist policies cause a decoupling of global value chains. This paper uses a computable general equilibrium trade model calibrated with the latest version of the GTAP database to simulate the effect of such a decoupling–implemented by doubling non-tariff barriers–between the two blocks on trade and welfare. Imposing import barriers almost completely eliminates bilateral imports. In addition, changes in price levels lead to higher imports and lower exports of the imposing country group from and to the rest of the world. The targeted country group increases exports to the rest of the world and reduces imports. Welfare falls in all countries involved, suggesting that governments should strive to cooperate rather than turn away from each other. By imposing a trade war on Russia, the political West could inflict severe damage on the Russian economy because of the latter's smaller relative economic size. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper, from a realist-constructivist perspective, compares the motivations, diplomatic polices and actions of China and Russia as parties that are economically, politically or militarily involved in addressing the Syria's crisis. By drawing on the taxonomy of power, I argue that China and Russia respectively demonstrate structural and compulsory power when dealing with Syrian issue. They also cooperate with each other and maintain strategic partnership by virtue of institutional power and productive power, but the results are different. I also argue that the relations between China and Russia is influenced by both material power and identity structure. Finally, I conclude that as China and Russia continue developing their strategic relations and coordinating stances over regional and international issues, in the realm of diplomacy they are overwhelmingly on their own. Hopefully, as tension wanes and reconstruction starts in full swing, we can expect more cooperation, rather than confrontations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The rebirth of the Silk Road presents itself as a possible change in the status quo in Central Asia. China's presents and influence in the region has been increasing in the past decade in the detriment of Russian influence. This paper analyzes the New Silk Road and Sino-Russian relations through the lens of liberalism, realism and neocolonialism. The Belt and Road Initiative presents itself as a revolutionary project however the changes it produces in terms of trade are minimal. Strategic aspects trump the trade related ones. The paper demonstrates that China needs Russia to participate in order to make the project successful while Russia should participate in order to limit China from taking control over the region, thus realism is they school of thought together with neocolonialism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines the development of economic relations between Russia and China in recent years, focusing on how the slowdown in China's growth and changes in its economic structures might impact Russia's economic outlook and the future of China-Russia economic relations. Economic relations between the countries have progressed favorably over the past decade with increased trade and Russian oil exports to China buoying Russian economic growth. While this trade cooperation has served both countries' interests, it has also reinforced Russia's dependence on commodity exports. Like the rest of the world, Russia has to deal with China's slowing economic growth. Those repercussions, however, are particularly challenging in Russia's case. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The year 2021 marks the 30th anniversary of the dissolution of the Soviet Union and Russia's transition from a planned to a market economy. It is also the 25th anniversary of the announcement of a strategic partnership of cooperation between China and Russia and the 20th anniversary of the signing of the China-Russia Treaty of Good Neighborliness and Friendly Cooperation. Therefore, 2021 is especially important both in terms of the development of contemporary Russia and the evolution of China-Russia relations. As the transitional economy of a great power, the Russian economy has distinctive characteristics; analysis of its economic transition and development over the past thirty years since the collapse of the Soviet Union, and especially in the period since Putin took office, is of immediate significance for observing the development of the Russian economy. At present, the profound changes the world is undergoing and alterations in the external environment present increasing uncertainties and obstacles to China-Russia economic and trade cooperation. This paper introduces the present state of China-Russia economic and trade cooperation and analyzes the new challenges and opportunities for future bilateral cooperation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Since the fall of the USSR, Sino-Russian relations have evolved along a paradoxical dichotomy of friendship and mistrust. Experts have widely discussed this phenomenon, but little attention has been paid to historical narratives. Border regions of the Russian Far East are places where memories of a conflicting Imperial past coexist with more recently developed friendly narratives of cooperation and "bon voisinage". Exhibitions in history museums are interesting objects of study in this context. They selectively display historical contents to visitors and convey a political interpretation of the past. This paper explores the significance of the representations of history in Russian border museums, and that of the Nerchinsk Treaty, within the framework of contemporary Sino-Russian relations. This analysis reveals contradictory elements related to the historical narratives of the history museums of Vladivostok, Khabarovsk, Chita and Nerchinsk. On the one hand, it detects a desire to portray a history in a way that expunges elements of contestation and smooths over highly controversial facts. On the other hand, national discourses cannot completely renounce particularistic narratives or obliterate elements of pride considered to be founding elements of Russia's past. The persistence of tensions triggered by the interpretation of history is then revealed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This historiographical study examines the Russian Orthodox Mission in Beijing from 1715 to 1956, revealing its historical impact on Christianity in China and Sino–Russian cultural exchanges. The research explores how the Mission functioned not only as a religious entity but also influenced diplomatic ties and scholarly pursuits, as documented in both Chinese and Russian historiographies. This study utilizes contemporary sources, exploring Chinese narratives to re-evaluate historical perspectives, and portrays the Mission as a critical mediator in Sino–Russian relations. An examination of the historical context shows that the Mission has undergone a transformation over time. It has evolved from an influential ecclesiastical presence to a cultural and diplomatic agency unobtrusively entered into Chinese society. From the mid-18th to the early 20th century, the Mission adapted to the local environment by combining the transmission of religious doctrine with engagement in China's political and cultural contexts. The article proposes a holistic interpretation of the Mission's function, encompassing not only evangelism but also diplomatic engagements, and adding to the multifaceted discourse within Chinese cultural heritage. In summary, the article recommends exploring the enduring impact and historical complexities of the Russian Orthodox Mission as it is grounded in a broader framework of global movements. The research suggests that it may be beneficial to broaden the scope of historiographic narratives to encompass a diverse range of interdisciplinary studies that reflect the complexity of the Mission's enduring impact and its role in shaping a shared global history. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Being neighbors, China and Central Asian states face common problems, which require collective response and leadership. In this article, we explore to what extent China's increased engagement in the region since the dissolution of the USSR has included attempts to lead cooperation to address some of these common problems. We answer our research question by exploring observable leadership efforts, such as institutional development, financial support, moral or belief supply, and unilateral exemplary activities. The analysis shows that in three selected issue areas, namely counter-terrorism, infrastructure development, and water management China has made certain efforts to lead, but the scope and character of its efforts have varied significantly between different issue areas and over time. This variation can be explained in the light of China's evolving foreign policy interests, the specificities of the Central Asian states, and the role of Russia as the other prominent external actor. While earlier China's initiatives focused on Central Asia and Russia, the more recent ones either include Central Asian states among other members or focus only on some of them. Joining China's projects helps Central Asian states to improve their international standing and diversify their foreign relations, but also affects regional geopolitical structure. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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The crisis today in Ukraine between Russia and the West has uncanny parallels to an often-overlooked Cold War conflict between China, the Soviet Union, and the United States known as "The Taiwan Straits Crisis of 1958" or "The Second Taiwan Straits Crisis" – which some analysts have referred to as the first serious nuclear crisis. In addition to worries about nuclear escalation, there are other similarities: Russia and China viewed themselves, then and now, as exceptional nations, superior to a decadent, materialist America thought to be in decline – but still carrying dangerous military clout. Faced with a strong West, the leaders of China and Russia in the 1950s tried to present a united, Sino-Russian public front, even if their two countries were fundamentally split over the issues that led to the Taiwan Straits Crisis. If the past is any guide, then despite economic pressure from the United States and the loss of international reputation, China is unlikely to ever join the US-led sanctions against Russia. As the conflict deepens, both dictators' assessments of the strength and intentions of the United States might begin to diverge, opening a way for their rivals to drive a wedge between them. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Among analysts of China-Russia relations, it has been common to assume that bilateral rapprochement has primarily been rooted in geopolitical, security, and balance-of-power considerations. This article argues that the corresponding Realist theoretical approaches can explain some important incentives for Sino-Russian rapprochement, but struggle to account for how substantive bilateral alignment has actually become. The article posits that a particularly useful theoretical approach for examining the motives underlying Sino-Russian strategic alignment is "Omnibalancing" – a variation of balance-of-power theory that combines considerations of system-level balancing with a simultaneous focus on both leaderships' prioritization of domestic threats and regime security. Due to the increasing convergence of their authoritarian regime types, a major factor accounting for the dynamism of China-Russia strategic cooperation has been both governments' shared concern for regime survival/legitimacy, and their concrete policy cooperation in recent years has reflected their preoccupation with shoring up regime security against domestic challenges to authoritarian rule. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In recent years, Russia has gradually lost influence in peripheral states that traditionally used to gravitate around Moscow. China's significant investments in infrastructure development and trade with Central Asian states have isolated Russia, causing it to lose its importance and guiding role in the region. At the same time, Russia's war of aggression in Ukraine has led to a complete breakdown in Russian-European relations and increased cohesion among Western nations. Although Russia has lost its role as the world's second-largest power to China, Sino-Russian relations remain a vital issue in regional and international dynamics due to the conjunctural alliance designed to shake the leading role of the US in the global security architecture. The struggle between the West and Russia creates imbalances throughout the international system, and the current World Order seems more disrupted than ever in the last 30 years. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Janus.Net: e-Journal of International Relations is the property of Universidade Autonoma de Lisboa, Observare / Observatorio de Relacoes Exteriores and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

A Tokyo-based economist and a noted western economic geographer, both specializing in the hydrocarbon resources of Russia, apply the framework of governance studies in an effort to gain a deeper understanding of the recent changes in the country's energy policy-making. The authors argue that, unlike the international relations paradigm prevailing in studies of Russia's energy policy, the country's multiple roles in the international energy arena (as producer, consumer, exporter, importer, and transit state) warrant a more nuanced approach, reflecting Russian energy policy's flexibility over time and diversity across space. This paper endeavors, therefore, to apply a political economy and governance perspective to an understanding of the significant changes in Russia's energy policy-making regarding its dynamic energy relations with the Northeast Asia (NEA; China, Japan, and South Korea). In exploring the complex interactions between Russia's internal energy policy-making and its emerging energy relations in NEA, the authors addresses three key questions, namely: (1) how Russia's Asian energy policy corresponds to its domestic needs, (2) how much coherence in energy governance and cooperation exists between Russia and the Northeast Asian states at the institutional and organizational levels, and (3) the extent to which Russia's expectations for increased energy cooperation with the Northeast Asian states are likely to materialize. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Baltic Pearl is a 205-hectare development project underway southwest of St. Petersburg, Russia, originally financed and designed by a consortium of firms from Shanghai, China. This paper analyzes the discourse surrounding the development of one section of the Baltic Pearl, the commercial multiplex Southern Square, particularly the use of the term “European” as used to signal the project's intended cultural orientation and to exert control over the interaction between Russian planners and Chinese developers. In the negotiation over the form of the multiplex, control over architectural style emerges as leverage for preservation of cultural norms and local autonomy. In further analysis, the situation emerges as an example of Sassen's [(2008)Territory, Authority, Rights. From Medieval to Global Assemblages. Princeton: Princeton University Press] shifting assemblages, that is, a reassembling of global influences in a space invoked as national as well as local. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

As far as space technology cooperation is concerned, China and Russia took the Ukraine crisis in 2014 as the dividing line. The content and methods of cooperation between the two countries have undergone significant changes, making the cooperation from simple to complicated. Meanwhile, the space technology cooperation between China and Russia will definitely shape the structure of power in space geopolitics among China and Russia and US, which helps to create a balance of power and prevent the emergence of a Kindleberger trap in space geopolitics, but to a certain extent, will in turn restrict China-Russia space technology cooperation and have an important impact on China-Russia strategic partnership of coordination. The deepening of space technology cooperation between China and Russia may increasingly show the nature of power competition in space geopolitics. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Introduction: After the Ukraine crisis in 2014, Russia's foreign policy actually experienced an eastward shift, especially in terms of increased cooperation with China. The energy sector played a significant role in this strategic partnership between the two countries. Before the crisis, Russia's energy cooperation with China was relatively unstable and limited in scope. However, in the aftermath of the Ukraine crisis, the relationship deepened and transformed into a more robust and strategic partnership. Research Question: The article examines the issue of what is the strategic partnership between Russia and China in the field of energy in recent years? Research hypothesis: The hypothesis suggests that the progress of bilateral cooperation in the field of energy, along with Russia's focus on looking to the east in its energy strategy and China's emphasis on energy diversity and security, has led to the implementation of a strategic partnership between the two countries. Methodology and Theoretical Framework: The method of this research is qualitative and with an analytical-explanatory approach. The research uses a qualitative analysis of texts, reports and documents related to Russian and Chinese energy sectors, using the theory of neo-classical realism to evaluate factors at the system and unit levels, as well as geopolitics. The operationalization of the strategic partnership between Russia and China in the field of energy can be understood by examining the mechanisms and measures that have been taken to strengthen their cooperation. Results and Discussion: Some key aspects that have contributed to the operationalization of this partnership in recent years include: -Bilateral Cooperation: Russia and China have engaged in various forms of cooperation in the energy sector, including the signing of long-term contracts for the supply of oil, gas, and other energy resources. These agreements provide a foundation for stable energy trade between the two countries. Energy Strategy Alignment: Russia has been actively shifting its energy strategy towards the east, emphasizing closer ties with China. This strategic shift is based on the recognition of China's growing energy demand and its potential as a reliable energy partner. By aligning their energy strategies, Russia and China have created a framework for mutual benefit and collaboration. Infrastructure Development: Both countries have invested in the development of energy infrastructure to facilitate the transportation and trade of energy resources. This includes the construction of pipelines, such as the Power of Siberia gas pipeline, which enables the export of Russian natural gas to China. The establishment of transmission lines and infrastructure projects enhances the connectivity between the energy sectors of Russia and China. -Investment and Financing: Russia and China have also engaged in significant investment and financing activities in the energy sector. Chinese companies have invested in Russian energy projects, while Russian companies have sought capital and expertise from Chinese partners. These investments strengthen the economic ties between the two countries and facilitate the implementation of joint energy projects. The energy sector is also influenced by geopolitical factors. Both countries share a common interest in diversifying their energy partnerships and reducing their dependence on the West, particularly the United States. This strategic alignment allows Russia and China to pursue their geopolitical objectives while enhancing their energy security. The consequences of this operationalized strategic partnership can be significant. It strengthens the energy trade and cooperation between Russia and China, providing them with reliable sources of energy and contributing to their respective energy security. The partnership also enhances the geopolitical positioning of both countries, allowing them to counterbalance the influence of other global powers, particularly the United States. In addition, the deepening integration of energy cooperation between Russia and China could have implications for the global energy landscape, potentially shaping the dynamics of energy markets and resource flows. Conclusion: The findings of the research suggest that Russia and China are further deepening their energy trade integration, which enables them to have more leverage in pursuing their agenda. This includes balancing the US and promoting a favorable multipolar model on the world stage. The institutionalized interaction between China and Russia is a complex topic that involves multiple factors shaping their foreign policy strategies. While economic and security motivations are important, they alone cannot fully explain developments in Sino-Russian relations. In addition to these factors, changing the perceptions of oneself and others, as well as the experience of interaction between the two countries, has a decisive role in the formation of their foreign policy. A key aspect is the changing narrative about world politics among elites in both countries. The way Chinese and Russian elites perceive themselves and their roles on the world stage has evolved over time. They have developed narratives that emphasize their shared interests and the need for closer cooperation. These narratives help shape their foreign policy decisions and create a sense of common purpose between the two countries. Moreover, changes in domestic factors within China and Russia also influence their foreign policy strategies. Domestic political considerations, public opinion, and economic conditions can all play a role in shaping the approach taken by these countries in their interactions with each other and the rest of the world. For example, the dynamics of Russia's dominant public narrative and domestic politics have influenced its eastward trend. This shift in national interests is a response to how Russian politicians interpret and react to European positions, particularly in light of efforts to isolate Russia economically and geopolitically. When analyzing China-Russia relations, it is important to consider the interplay between these factors. Economic and security motivations are undoubtedly important drivers, but alone they are not sufficient to explain the depth and direction of cooperation. The evolving narratives about world politics and changing domestic factors in both countries are equally important in understanding the dynamics of institutionalized interaction and their foreign policy strategies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Sino-Russian relations evidently present a puzzle or quandary to foreign observers. In the wake of Russia's aggression against Ukraine, China has opted decisively to offer Russia limited but substantial political and informational support. But it has continued joint drills and exercises with Russia. The argument presented here states initial that despite an equivocation, these actions reveal that this relationship amounts to a de facto alliance of the two governments. The article begins with an analysis of China's reaction to the war in Ukraine, proceeds to discuss the issue of the nature of this relationship and the view that it is an alliance, and then proceeds to discuss the benefits of this alliance to both sides in regard to their defense industrial sectors and for China in regard to Taiwan. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This reseat ch applies a neoclassical realist framework to explore the causes and consequences of Russia's recent "reorientation to Asia." Based on an analysis of publications and fieldwork conducted in Russia, the paper examines both the international systemic and the Russian domestic factors that have conti ibuted to this important change in Russia's foreign policy. At the system level, Russia's turn to Asia can be understood as a part of its longer campaign of balancing against American unipolar domination. At the unit level, economic demands to develop Russia's eastern territories, together with the complex socio-political processes of post-Soviet identity formation, generated a political environment that was conducive to Asia-oriented policies. Russia s reorientation to Asia implies not only comprehensive strategic cooperation with specific Asian powers, such as China, South Korea, or Japan, but also a "reinvention" of Russia as a Eurasian power. Given Russia s cross-continental spread and economic and military capabilities, its reorientation to Asia may have significant implications for the balance of power in the current world system. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines the impact of the Ukraine war on Russian-North Korean relations at three different levels. At the international level, the war will bring two power groups into confrontation. The closer security cooperation between Russia and China will form an illiberal group that will set the security environment for North Korea to establish a new international identity. At the regional level, Russian-Chinese security alignment will be reinforced, which North Korea will exploit. At the bilateral level, Russian-North Korean relations will be strengthened as Russia's influence in Northeast Asia wanes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the context of traditional media, the media can dominate the topic and composition of public opinion, but in the context of the convergence of online media, the dominance of public opinion has gradually evolved from the direction of the coexistence of single items and pluralism, especially from the international level. In other words, the construction of the comprehensive strategic writing partnership between China and Russia in the new era has given a new orientation and connotation to the bilateral relations and cooperation in the new era. In the face of an increasingly complex international public opinion environment, media cooperation between China and Russia is crucial. Therefore, based on an in-depth analysis of the construction of the discourse power of international public opinion under the dual influence of the ecological environment and the network environment, the construction of the discourse power of international public opinion is discussed from the aspects of the construction of discourse objects, the construction of the main body, and the enrichment of the content of international communication. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The territorial dispute in the South China Sea (SCS) affecting China and several ASEAN countries has already resulted in drawn-out political tensions in the region. However, one aspect of the dispute is rarely discussed: its influence on Sino-Russian relations and its possible role as a case study in analysing the character of these relations. While Russia moves closer to China in the dispute it still refrains from support of its territorial claims and develops close relations with some of China's regional opponents such as Vietnam and India. This article describes most recent Russian economic and political activity in the region involving these countries with the aim of clarifying whether the Russian approach to problems in the SCS can be understood as an attempt to balance, bandwagon or hedge against growing Chinese influence, or whether Moscow's approach is guided by different considerations. This article concludes that Russia's approach towards the South China Sea dispute is determined mostly by Moscow's economic interests and cannot be seen as a case of either balancing or bandwagoning China or hedging against it. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the contemporary world order, one of the most attention-getting issues is the recent consolidation of defense and strategic engagement between China and Russia, specifically since the early 2010s. Throughout a critical juncture angle, this study attempts to explain what led to the reinforcement of these China–Russia relations, and how their strategic ties have evolved. This study argues that the three critical junctures driven by the USA – the US Pivot to Asia, the Ukraine Crisis and the US-led sanctions against Russia, and the US THAAD deployment to Korea – aggravated China and Russia's perception of threat from the USA, which contributed to the incremental China–Russia strategic and defense ties. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article provides a brief description of two modern systems for assessing the energy efficiency and environmental friendliness of university campuses in Russia and China: GREEN ZOOM "Universities and Campuses" (Russia) and GB/T51356-2019 (China). This issue is relevant due to the possible cooperation between Russia and China in the field of the use of green technologies on university campuses. This article uses the following methods: analysis, classification, analogy. Similar sections of the GB/T51356-2019 standard were defined and compared to the generated sections of the GREEN ZOOM system as a reference. Further, according to a similar principle, in the format of a large table, the key indicators of each section of the GREEN ZOOM assessment systems "Universities and Campuses" (Russia) and GB/T51356-2019 systems (China) were highlighted, showing the similarities of these systems, as well as the possible reasons for their differences. In the final part, conclusions are made reflecting the similarities of these systems, the possible reasons for their differences are analyzed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In spite of a turbulent past of mistrust and rivalry, the Russian Federation and the People's Republic of China are not adversaries, they are political, economic and security partners, and in the context of their common opposition to the USA and western liberalism they could even become allies in the future. Russia's war against Ukraine put China in a difficult situation, since it is a supporter of peaceful ways for solving interstate conflicts and it invested a lot in the Ukrainian economy, but cannot side with the West against Moscow. Chinese lack of criticism towards Moscow was widely seen as an indicator of the convergence of the two nations's positions on the evolution of the international security architecture. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper looks at the various aspects of migration going on between Russia's Amur Region and China in our days. The manner in which migration traffic streams in either direction across this section of the two countries' common border does not substantiate the theory of Chinese "demographic expansion." If used wisely, labor coming in from China can become a driving force for the region's development. The scale of Russian migration to China is still unknown to Russian researchers. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper looks at the evolution and structure of Russian-Chinese trade since the early 1990s to our day. The issues it examines include cooperation between the two countries in the areas of investment and energy, and possible ways to remove barriers blocking it. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The aim of this article is to describe direction of Sino-Russian relations toward a new epoch - as the decision-making centers of both countries define them - indicating the commitment to building the future international order. It includes the synthesis of evolution of relations, descriptions of cooperation building of mutual confidence by both sides in variety of institutions; analyses of geo-economic relations emphasizing their geostrategic dimension and finally dynamics showing how two great powers want to achieve new areas of cooperation focused on building multipolar world order which is the essence of "new epoch". The argument goes towards recognizing the relationship as a "hhybrid alliance". This hybridity is a structural factor that can constrain the use of new dimensions of asymmetric interdependence as political leverage especially by United States against the two non-western powers but also facilitate to use it against West. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

China and Russia have been developing a strategic partnership over the last decade or more. This serves them to assert their own perspectives in international relations and cooperation to alter the liberal world order. The article is analysing the dimensions of this partnership, as well as asymmetries between the two partners. Russia does not have too many tools nowadays at its disposal to counter China's rise and the power gap between the two is widening every day. Unlike Russia, which does not have many foreign policy alternatives as relations with the West have worsened drastically, China is often courted by both Westerners and non-Westerners. In this context, the European Union seems to be unprepared, at a time when the EU-US relations have suffered during the Trump administration, and all circles are demanding a reset of the transatlantic relationship. Biden's change in tone regarding the transatlantic relations seems insufficient, as little progress is being made on delicate issues like trade, technology, climate, and China. The EU is unprepared to face the 'grey rhinos', the serious problems generated by the rise of China and of the China-Russia partnership. The article identifies and discusses the most important 'grey rhinos' the EU needs to deal with. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The steady intensification of Sino-Russian cooperation over the past few years has triggered a surge in scholarly interest. However, in light of the far-reaching geopolitical implications of the Sino-Russian rapprochement, most studies of Sino-Russian dynamics are not only conducted from the disciplinary perspective of International Relations (IR), but also continue to be embedded in realist assumptions and power-political perspectives. This special issue seeks to advance the scholarly knowledge on the Sino-Russian relationship by making the case for expanding the scope of analysis theoretically, disciplinarily and empirically. This introductory article first sets the context by providing a historical overview of key developments in Sino-Russian relations. Following an in-depth review of the IR-dominated literature, it then substantiates the claim that there is a need to broaden the scope of analysis in order to move beyond the IR realist perspective that predominates the literature on the Sino-Russian relationship. Together, the articles in the special issue add new insights to the literature by analyzing the depth of the relationship; scrutinizing Russian discourses on China, in both historical and contemporary contexts; exploring the limitations and dilemmas of the relationship; and paying specific attention to the agency of the countries "in-between", from Central Asia to Mongolia. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Through the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) it is obvious that China is crafting a new space for itself in the international system and becoming more assertive and confident in its international dealings, including in Eurasia, typically considered by Russia as its backyard. This raises the question of how the BRI is presented and perceived in Russia. The article explores this question by examining the coverage of the BRI in Russia's major newspapers between 2013 and 2019. It traces the visibility of different topics in Russian media coverage of BRI and maps the shifts in its focus over six years. The article demonstrates that while the definition of BRI in Russian newspapers includes multiple and often contradictory discursive frames that compete with each, Sino-Russian cooperation in Eurasia and, specifically, Russian proposal of "linking up" of the Eurasian Economic Union (EAEU) and BRI are unanimously supported and approved as a strategy that suits Russia's international status. Consequently, it can be concluded that Russian newspapers support the official narrative of Sino-Russian relations and follow trends rather than create them. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The energy-rich Central Asian region (CAR) has been in the news ever since the demise of the Soviet Union. This landlocked region shares frontiers with China, Russia, Iran, and Afghanistan. The Sino-Russian mutual relations have had an immense impact on the whole CAR. Russia directly ruled the region for more than a century. However, with the disintegration of the Soviet Union, Beijing increased its influence in the region. These two giants of the world politics manage their interests through different regional organizations such as the SCO, CIS, CSTO, and the EAEU. After 9/11, the Central Asian region gained special attention when the US began operations in Afghanistan. Initially, China and Russia welcomed and supported American activities but the 'colour revolutions' in the former Soviet republics prompted China and Russia to build strategic partnerships to check American activity in the neighbourhood. The basic purpose of this study is to investigate the nature of cooperation and competition between China and Russia in Central Asia. Applying the qualitative method, it also highlights the effects of the Sino-Russian relationship in this region. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines the current China-Russia partnership in the energy sector, focusing on natural gas and other Eurasian Economic Union countries' role in this relationship. It argues that the foundation of China-Russia cooperation is strategic, despite the existence of several long-term issues, which make it fragile. Russia's "pivot to China" in the energy field relies on practical considerations, such as export diversification and problems with Western countries. However, China has fast-growing demand and many choices of gas import. Moreover, China negotiates bilaterally with its partners, which secures Beijing an upper hand in gas talks, including those with Russia. The economic significance of energy interdependence in the Eurasian region allows a monopsonist China to leverage over the region's regimes, including Putin's Russia. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The current state of bilateral relations between the Russian Federation and the People's Republic of China is described by many international relations experts as the best in history. After taking the president office by Donald Trump, the bilateral relations between America and abovementioned powers are cooling down. Current foreign policy of the People's Republic of China and the Russian Federation focuses on holding a common position in the international political arena, which is in fact an attempt to counter-weight political influence of the US administration and their allies. The dimension of the strategic partnership between China and Russia is also determining the mutual economic dependence, which is now crucial for both powers to build a strong position on the international forum. In addition, Russia is one of the crucial partners for the Chinese-led Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) – by many recognized as the Chinese attempt to break the American economic domination. The collisional course of the American foreign policy towards Russia and China forces the latter to look for Central and Eastern European allies as well as to gain influence in the region of Central Asia which is leading to a constant increase in tensions between China and Russia. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Russian foreign policy thinkers have used a succession of geopolitical imaginaries to articulate a Russian role and identity in the post-Cold War era. This essay analyses one such spatial project, the idea of 'Greater Eurasia', which imagines a new geopolitical geometry centred on Sino-Russian cooperation. The 'Greater Eurasia' discourse provides a new role for Russia in international affairs but also makes far-reaching claims about the nature of the emerging, post-liberal world order. The essay concludes with an analysis of the main challenges to the 'Greater Eurasia' project. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

On 21 May 2014, during a state visit by President Vladimir Putin to Beijing, China and Russia signed a $400 billion, 30-year gas deal. Under this agreement, China will import 38 billion cubic metres of natural gas from Russia’s Gazprom, beginning in 2018. Why, after 15 years of stalemated negotiations, did this breakthrough occur in 2014? Why did a natural, symbiotic gas relationship not develop earlier and more gradually? Most studies explain this by looking at Russia’s international isolation post Ukraine. Based on interviews with both Chinese and Russian officials this article argues the following: domestic incentives, rather than foreign-policy pressures, are the real force behind the timing of Sino–Russian energy breakthroughs in 2014. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The different agreements on oil and natural gas signed by Russian and Chinese companies testify to the profound changes in the oil and gas policies of both Russia and China. We stress the importance of the contractual norms which structure the energy interdependency of the countries involved. As there is no international multilateral framework able to manage energy supply security, the way the countries involved construct their energy interdependence to an extent defines models of sectoral governance. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Sir Tony Brenton, formerly British Ambassador to Moscow (2004-2008), considers in this article the Asian dimension of Russia. He considers the historical connections and importance of Asia (as opposed to Europe) in the development of Russia and the historical balance between Asian and European influence. This section pays particular attention to the development of Siberia and early encounters between Russia and China. He then examines shifting Russian attitudes towards Asia at significant moments in Russian history including the 19th century (the Slavophile Movement), the Communist period, the post-Soviet 1990s and the current era under President Putin. The implications of the Ukraine crisis and the current relationship with China is studied. He concludes with a discussion of whether Russia is likely to see its future orientation as more towards China and Asia, and what implications Russia's deliberation about its future direction has for the western powers. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Russia views its military exports as a major tool for achieving its national security interests, particularly, in the East Asia and the Middle East. The arms trade is an integral part of its image as a world power, a critical part of its relationship with other states in Asia, a central element in its defense and security agreements, and an essential component of its ability to obtain and maintain access to influence and resources in regions of interest. So, while it is true that Russia does sell arms and military equipment to generate revenue and extend production runs for its defense industry, it is erroneous to claim that this in the central driver behind Russia’s arms trade. Russia seeks to maintain and expand its status as a world power, and views the focused, purposeful export of its military technologies to key countries as a fundamental tool in achieving this. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]