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Background: Tobacco industry documents provide a unique opportunity to explore the role transnational corporations (TNCs) played in shaping the poor outcomes of privatisation in the former Soviet Union (FSU). This paper examines British American Tobacco's (BAT's) business conduct in Uzbekistan where large-scale smuggling of BAT's cigarettes, BAT's reversal of tobacco control legislation and its human rights abuses of tobacco farmers have been documented previously. This paper focuses, instead, on BAT's attitude to competition, compares BAT's conduct with international standards and assesses its influence on the privatisation process. Methods: Analysis of BAT documents released through litigation. Results: BAT secured sole negotiator status precluding the Uzbekistan government from initiating discussions with other parties. Recognising that a competitive tender would greatly increase the cost of investment, BAT went to great lengths to avoid one, ultimately securing President Karimov's support and negotiating a monopoly position in a closed deal. It simultaneously secured exclusion from the monopolies committee, ensuring freedom to set prices, on the basis of a spurious argument that competition would exist from imports. Other anticompetitive moves comprised including all three plants in the deal despite intending to close down two, exclusive dealing and implementing measures designed to prevent market entry by competitors. BAT also secured a large number of exemptions and privileges that further reduced the government's revenue both on a one-off and ongoing basis. Conclusions: BAT's corporate misbehaviour included a wide number of anticompetitive practices, contravened Organisation of Economic Cooperation and Development's and BAT's own business standards on competition and restricted revenue arising from privatisation. This suggests that TNCs have contributed to the failure of privatisation in the FSU. Conducting open tenders and using enforceable codes to regulate corporate conduct would help deal with some of the problems identified. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

BACKGROUND: The World Health Organization Framework Convention on Tobacco Control (WHO FCTC) bans all forms of tobacco advertising, promotion and sponsorship. The comprehensiveness of this ban has yet to be tested by online social networking media such as Facebook. In this paper, the activities of employees of the transnational tobacco company, British American Tobacco, (BAT) on Facebook and the type of content associated with two globally popular BAT brands (Dunhill and Lucky Strike) are mapped. METHODS: BAT employees on Facebook were identified and then the term ‘British American Tobacco’ was searched for in the Facebook search engine and results recorded, including titles, descriptions, names and the number of Facebook participants involved for each search result. To further detail any potential promotional activities, a search for two of BAT's global brands, ‘Dunhill’ and ‘Lucky Strike’, was conducted. RESULTS: Each of the 3 search terms generated more than 500 items across a variety of Facebook subsections. DISCUSSION: Some BAT employees are energetically promoting BAT and BAT brands on Facebook through joining and administrating groups, joining pages as fans and posting photographs of BAT events, products and promotional items. BAT employees undertaking these actions are from countries that have ratified the WHO FCTC, which requires signatories to ban all forms of tobacco advertising, including online and crossborder exposure from countries that are not enforcing advertising restrictions. The results of the present research could be used to test the comprehensiveness of the advertising ban by requesting that governments mandate the removal of this promotional material from Facebook. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

BACKGROUND AND OBJECTIVES: Transnational tobacco companies (TTCs) considered Turkey an important, potential investment market because of its high consumption rates and domestic commitment to tobacco. This paper outlines how British American Tobacco (BAT) attempted to establish a joint venture with the government monopoly TEKEL, while waiting for privatisation and a private tender. METHODS: Analysis of tobacco industry documents from the Guildford Depository and online tobacco document sources. RESULTS: BAT failed to establish a market share in Turkey until 2000 despite repeated attempts to form a joint venture with Turkey’s tobacco monopoly, TEKEL, once the market liberalised in the mid 1980s. CONCLUSIONS: BAT’s failure in the Turkish market was due to a misguided investment strategy focused solely on acquiring TEKEL and is contrasted with Philip Morris success in Turkey despite both TTCs working within Turkey’s unstable and corrupt investing climate. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Background: The Czech Republic has one of the poorest tobacco control records in Europe. This paper examines transnational tobacco companies' (TTCs') efforts to influence policy there, paying particular attention to excise policies, as high taxes are one of the most effective means of reducing tobacco consumption, and tax structures are an important aspect of TTC competitiveness. Methods and Findings: TTC documents dating from 1989 to 2004/5 were retrieved from the Legacy Tobacco Documents Library website, analysed using a socio-historical approach, and triangulated with key informant interviews and secondary data. The documents demonstrate significant industry influence over tobacco control policy. Philip Morris (PM) ignored, overturned, and weakened various attempts to restrict tobacco advertising, promoting voluntary approaches as an alternative to binding legislation. PM and British American Tobacco (BAT) lobbied separately on tobacco tax structures, each seeking to implement the structure that benefitted its own brand portfolio over that of its competitors, and enjoying success in turn. On excise levels, the different companies took a far more collaborative approach, seeking to keep tobacco taxes low and specifically to prevent any large tax increases. Collective lobbying, using a variety of arguments, was successful in delaying the tax increases required via European Union accession. Contrary to industry arguments, data show that cigarettes became more affordable post-accession and that TTCs have taken advantage of low excise duties by raising prices. Interview data suggest that TTCs enjoy high-level political support and continue to actively attempt to influence policy. Conclusion: There is clear evidence of past and ongoing TTC influence over tobacco advertising and excise policy. We conclude that this helps explain the country's weak tobacco control record. The findings suggest there is significant scope for tobacco tax increases in the Czech Republic and that large (rather than small, incremental) increases are most effective in reducing smoking. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Objectives: To provide an overview of the complicity of British American Tobacco (BAT) in the illicit trade of cigarettes across the African continent in terms of rationale, supply routes and scale. Methods: Analysis of internal BAT documents and industry publications. Results: BAT has relied on illegal channels to supply markets across Africa since the 1980s. Available documents suggest smuggling has been an important component of BAT's market entry strategy in order to gain leverage in negotiating with governments for tax concessions, compete with other transnational tobacco companies, circumvent local import restrictions and unstable political and economic conditions and gain a market presence. BAT worked through distributors and local agents to exploit weak government capacity to gain substantial market share in major countries. Conclusions: Documents demonstrate that the complicity of BAT in cigarette smuggling extends to Africa, which includes many of the poorest countries in the world. This is in direct conflict with offers by the company to contribute to stronger international cooperation to tackle the illicit tobacco trade. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

From approximately 1952–1995 the Copán Valley in western Honduras was the site of intensive production of flue-cured tobacco. Local growers and laborers produced flue-cured tobacco for the transnational corporation, British-American Tobacco (BAT) under a contract farming arrangement. BAT introduced new tobacco varieties, cultivation techniques, mechanization and agrochemicals, as well as the flue-cured processing technique, and then purchased tobacco leaf for the manufacture of cigarettes in their Honduran subsidiary. Using ethnographic data and the interpretation of time series aerial photographs, this article documents the social and ecological impacts of this production system including extent of production, labor requirements, deforestation, exposure to agrochemicals and reinforcement of a hierarchical social system based on low-wage employment among landlessness agricultural workers. The paper also explores the reasons for, and consequences of, the decline of this system. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Background: Cigarette smuggling is a major public health issue, stimulating increased tobacco consumption and undermining tobacco control measures. China is the ultimate prize among tobacco's emerging markets, and is also believed to have the world's largest cigarette smuggling problem. Previous work has demonstrated the complicity of British American Tobacco (BAT) in this illicit trade within Asia and the former Soviet Union.Methods and Findings: This paper analyses internal documents of BAT available on site from the Guildford Depository and online from the BAT Document Archive. Documents dating from the early 1900s to 2003 were searched and indexed on a specially designed project database to enable the construction of an historical narrative. Document analysis incorporated several validation techniques within a hermeneutic process. This paper describes the huge scale of this illicit trade in China, amounting to billions of (United States) dollars in sales, and the key supply routes by which it has been conducted. It examines BAT's efforts to optimise earnings by restructuring operations, and controlling the supply chain and pricing of smuggled cigarettes.Conclusions: Our research shows that smuggling has been strategically critical to BAT's ongoing efforts to penetrate the Chinese market, and to its overall goal to become the leading company within an increasingly global industry. These findings support the need for concerted efforts to strengthen global collaboration to combat cigarette smuggling. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

BACKGROUND: African countries are a major potential market for the tobacco industry, and the smoking epidemic is at various stages of evolution across the continent. Ghana is an African country with a low prevalence of smoking despite an active tobacco industry presence for over 50 years. This study explores potential reasons for this apparent lack of industry success. OBJECTIVE: To explore the history of tobacco industry activity in Ghana and to identify potential reasons for the current low prevalence of smoking. METHODS: A search was made of tobacco industry archives and other local sources to obtain data relevant to marketing and consumption of tobacco in Ghana. FINDINGS: British American Tobacco, and latterly the International Tobacco Company and its successor the Meridian Tobacco Company, have been manufacturing cigarettes in Ghana since 1954. After an initial sales boom in the two decades after independence in 1957, the sustained further increases in consumption typical of the tobacco epidemic in most countries did not occur. Possible key reasons include the taking of tobacco companies into state ownership and a lack of foreign exchange to fund tobacco leaf importation in the 1970s, both of which may have inhibited growth at a key stage of development, and the introduction of an advertising ban in 1982. BAT ceased manufacturing cigarettes in Ghana in 2006. CONCLUSION: The tobacco industry has been active in Ghana for over 50 years but with variable success. The combination of an early advertising ban and periods of unfavourable economic conditions, which may have restricted industry growth, are likely to have contributed to the sustained low levels of tobacco consumption in Ghana to date. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Objectives: To understand the strategy of British American Tobacco (BAT) and other transnational tobacco companies (TTCs) to gain access to the Lebanese market, which has remained relatively closed under monopoly ownership and political instability. Methods: Analysis of internal industry documents, local language secondary sources and industry publications. Results: TTCs have relied on legal and illegal channels to supply the Lebanese market since at least the 1970s. Available documents suggest smuggling has been an important component of BAT's market entry strategy, transported in substantial quantities via middlemen for sale in Lebanon and neighbouring countries. TTCs took advantage of weak and unstable governance, resulting in uncertainty over the Regie's legal status, and continued to supply the contraband trade despite appeals by the government to cease undermining its revenues. Since the end of the civil war in the early 1990s, continued uncertainty about the tobacco monopoly amid political instability has encouraged TTCs to seek a legal presence in the country, while continuing to achieve substantial sales through contraband. Conclusion: Evidence of the complicity of TTCs in cigarette smuggling extends to Lebanon and the Middle East where this trade has especially benefited from weak governance and chronic political instability. The regional nature of TTC strategy supports strong international cooperation under the Framework Convention on Tobacco Control to tackle the problem. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Background: China entered the World Trade Organization (WTO) in 2001 after years of negotiations. As a WTO member, China had to reduce tariffs on imported cigarettes and remove non-tariff barriers to allow foreign cigarettes to be more competitive in the Chinese market. Among foreign tobacco companies, British American Tobacco (BAT) was the most active lobbyist during China's WTO negotiations. Objective: To review and analyse BAT's tactics and activities relating to China's entry into the WTO. Methods: Internal tobacco industry documents were reviewed and are featured here. Industry documents were searched mainly on the website of BAT's Guildford Depository and other documents' websites. 528 documents were evaluated and 142 were determined to be relevant to China's entry into the WTO. Results: BAT was extremely active during the progress of China's entry into the WTO. The company focused its lobbying efforts on two main players in the negotiations: the European Union (EU) and the US. Because of the negative moral and health issues related to tobacco, BAT did not seek public support from officials associated with the WTO negotiations. Instead, BAT lobbyists suggested that officials protect the interests of BAT by presenting the company's needs as similar to those of all European companies. During the negotiation process, BAT officials repeatedly spoke favourably of China's accession into the WTO, with the aim of presenting BAT as a facilitator in this process and of gaining preferential treatment from their Chinese competitor. Conclusions: BAT's activities clearly suggest that tobacco companies place their own interests above public health interests. Today, China struggles with issues of tobacco control that are aggravated by the aggressive practices of transnational tobacco companies, tobacco-tariff reductions and the huge number of smokers. For the tobacco-control movement to progress in China, health advocates must understand how foreign tobacco companies have undermined anti-tobacco activities by taking advantage of trade liberalisation policies. China should attach importance to public health and comprehensive tobacco-control policies and guarantee strong protection measures from national and international tobacco interests supported by international trade agreements. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article informs that corporate social responsibility (CSR) emerged from a realization among transnational corporations of the need to account for and redress their adverse impact on society: specifically, on human rights, labor practices, and the environment. Two transnational tobacco companies have recently adopted CSR: Philip Morris, and British American Tobacco Co. Over the past three decades increasing pressure from non-governmental organizations (NGOs), governments and the United Nations, has required transnational corporations to examine and redress the adverse impact their businesses have on society and the environment. Some writers on CSR trace its American roots to the 19th century when large industries engaged in philanthropy and established great public institutions, a form of "noblesse oblige."

Faced with ever-increasing advertising restrictions, sponsorship of sports has been an important promotional avenue for tobacco companies in North America and around the world. This paper examines the corporate sponsorship objectives and strategies of tobacco companies, based primarily on historical documents from the British-American Tobacco Co., which has operations in over 80 countries. The documents are part of the Guildford Depository located in Guildford, England. It contains over six million pages of corporate documents for the British-American Tobacco Company (BAT) from a 40-year span (early 1950s to mid 1990s). Tobacco company sponsorship practices include developing sponsorship evaluation guidelines, extensive pre-promotion and post-promotion of sponsored events, making full use of the event site for sponsorship identification, ensuring that sponsored events are televised, and using an extensive array of public relations practices to ensure news coverage of a sponsored event. Other sponsors could benefit from emulating the sponsorship practices of tobacco companies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Fresh from its narrow escape after encountering unforecast publicity storms in Pakistan, British American Tobacco PLC's John Player Gold Leaf ocean going sailing boat slipped silently into a private marina in Oman on November 8, 2001, and slipped just as silently out again three days later. Health officials in the Gulf sultanate believe that the distinctly low key nature of the visit was the result of strong pressure on municipal authorities and Great Britain's Ministry of Commerce not to grant the floating cigarette advertisement, any promotional permits, as well as official representations to government owned newspapers. Nevertheless, the incident has renewed their conviction of the need for comprehensive legislation, to ensure that next time, tobacco companies do not even bother trying it on.

Background: Transnational tobacco companies (TTCs) may respond to processes of regional trade integration both by acting politically to influence policy and by reorganising their own operations. The Central American Common Market (CACM) was reinvigorated in the 1990s, reflecting processes of regional trade liberalisation in Latin America and globally. This study aimed to ascertain how British American Tobacco (BAT), which dominated the markets of the CACM, sought to influence policy towards it by member country governments and how the CACM process impacted upon BAT's operations.Methods: The study analysed internal tobacco industry documents released as a result of litigation in the US and available from the online Legacy Tobacco Documents Library at http://legacy.library.ucsf.edu/. Documents were retrieved by searching the BAT collection using key terms in an iterative process. Analysis was based on an interpretive approach involving a process of attempting to understand the meanings of individual documents and relating these to other documents in the set, identifying the central themes of documents and clusters of documents, contextualising the documentary data, and choosing representative material in order to present findings.Results: Utilising its multinational character, BAT was able to act in a coordinated way across the member countries of the CACM to influence tariffs and taxes to its advantage. Documents demonstrate a high degree of access to governments and officials. The company conducted a coordinated, and largely successful, attempt to keep external tariff rates for cigarettes high and to reduce external tariffs for key inputs, whilst also influencing the harmonisation of excise taxes between countries. Protected by these high external tariffs, it reorganised its own operations to take advantage of regional economies of scale. In direct contradiction to arguments presented to CACM governments that affording the tobacco industry protection via high cigarette tariffs would safeguard employment, the company's regional reorganisation involved the loss of hundreds of jobs.Conclusions: Regional integration organisations and their member states should be aware of the capacity of TTCs to act in a coordinated transnational manner to influence policy in their own interests, and coordinate their own public health and tax policies in a similarly effective way. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Background: Impact assessment (IA) of all major European Union (EU) policies is now mandatory. The form of IA used has been criticised for favouring corporate interests by overemphasising economic impacts and failing to adequately assess health impacts. Our study sought to assess how, why, and in what ways corporations, and particularly the tobacco industry, influenced the EU's approach to IA. Methods and Findings: In order to identify whether industry played a role in promoting this system of IA within the EU, we analysed internal documents from British American Tobacco (BAT) that were disclosed following a series of litigation cases in the United States. We combined this analysis with one of related literature and interviews with key informants. Our analysis demonstrates that from 1995 onwards BAT actively worked with other corporate actors to successfully promote a business-oriented form of IA that favoured large corporations. It appears that BAT favoured this form of IA because it could advance the company's European interests by establishing ground rules for policymaking that would: (i) provide an economic framework for evaluating all policy decisions, implicitly prioritising costs to businesses; (ii) secure early corporate involvement in policy discussions; (iii) bestow the corporate sector with a long-term advantage over other actors by increasing policymakers' dependence on information they supplied; and (iv) provide businesses with a persuasive means of challenging potential and existing legislation. The data reveal that an ensuing lobbying campaign, largely driven by BAT, helped secure binding changes to the EU Treaty via the Treaty of Amsterdam that required EU policymakers to minimise legislative burdens on businesses. Efforts subsequently focused on ensuring that these Treaty changes were translated into the application of a business orientated form of IA (cost-benefit analysis [CBA]) within EU policymaking procedures. Both the tobacco and chemical industries have since employed IA in apparent attempts to undermine key aspects of European policies designed to protect public health. Conclusions: Our findings suggest that BAT and its corporate allies have fundamentally altered the way in which all EU policy is made by making a business-oriented form of IA mandatory. This increases the likelihood that the EU will produce policies that advance the interests of major corporations, including those that produce products damaging to health, rather than in the interests of its citizens. Given that the public health community, focusing on health IA, has largely welcomed the increasing policy interest in IA, this suggests that urgent consideration is required of the ways in which IA can be employed to undermine, as well as support, effective public health policies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Public-health researchers have unveiled a project to tackle what they describe as information concealment by Great Britain-based multinational firm British American Tobacco PLC. The group aims to publish some 8 million pages of the company's documents on an independent Website, making them more easily accessible. Researchers have accused the company of obstructing public attempts to access papers at its depository and allege that some files detailing the company's activities have been removed or altered. The company sources denies the charge of files being deleted.

Monique Muggli and colleagues study British American Tobacco (BAT) internal documents and find that from the mid 1990s BAT pursued a strategy aimed at influencing the public debate on secondhand smoke in China. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Between 1999 and 2001, British American Tobacco, Philip Morris, and Japan Tobacco International executed Project Cerberus to develop a global voluntary regulatory regime as an alternative to the Framework Convention on Tobacco Control (FCTC). They aimed to develop a global voluntary regulatory code to be overseen by an independent audit body and to focus attention on youth smoking prevention. The International Tobacco Products Marketing Standards announced in September 2001, however, did not have the independent audit body. Although the companies did not stop the FCTC, they continue to promote the International Tobacco Products Marketing Standards youth smoking prevention as an alternative to the FCTC. Public health civil society groups should help policymakers and governments understand the importance of not working with the tobacco industry. (Am J Public Health. 2008;98:1630-1642. doi:10.2105/AJPH.2007.129478) [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article focuses on the report filed by the Action on Smoking and Health (ASH) which shows that British American Tobacco (BAT) continues to market to youth despite its public relation spin about corporate social responsibility. BAT's chairman Jan du Plessis claimed that the accusations stated in the report were too general. It mentions that the report of ASH proves how consistent BAT has been in its effort to making the most of diminishing opportunities for tobacco promotion.

This article comments on a lobbying event that was hosted by the British American Tobacco (BAT) on its corporate social responsibility (CSR) program in the European Parliament. Held in January 2007, the event was considered by BAT as a stakeholder dialogue and part of its social reporting process in 2006. However, the author believed that the program was aimed at mitigating what the politicians might do to reduce tobacco consumption.

This article focuses on the attitude of Sri Lankan government, towards tobacco. It often seems that nothing, especially the government, can or will harm the fortunes of the tobacco industry, which largely means near monopoly holder British American Tobacco PLC. Yet at the same time, the government obviously wants to appear to be following the right course, and was among the first in the world to approve the ratification of the Framework Convention on Tobacco Control (FCTC). A recent plethora of aggressive promotion could mean that manufacturers are desperately making hay while the sun shines, until at last, under legislation drafted to comply with the FCTC, further opportunity for recruitment to smoking is closed off. Alternatively, it may just mean that the confident prediction of BAT and others is that in a country where it has always more or less done what it wants, the government's interpretation of the FCTC will mean business as usual.

Research by a coalition of health groups has led to strong condemnation of a new scheme launched in July by cigarette company British American Tobacco PLC (BAT). BAT described its programme as a "comprehensive campaign on youth smoking prevention," and it was formally launched by Bangladesh's Home Secretary at a meeting in a prestigious hotel, attended by a large group of what BAT calls "stakeholders." However, health groups are urging people not to cooperate with the campaign, pointing out that it is only intended to improve BAT's image and to prevent effective tobacco control action being taken.

For the sobering sum of around $5.7 million, British American Tobacco PLC (BAT) announced that it would fund an International Centre for Corporate Social Responsibility at Nottingham University in Nottingham, England. BAT's gift comes at a time when the company is being investigated by Great Britain's Department of Trade and Industry, over allegations of involvement in international tobacco smuggling and in the still-churning wake of revelations concerning what is, undeniably, the world's largest, longest running, and most mendacious consumer fraud ever perpetrated.

In June 2003, U.S. health minister Melchior Pep talked to journalists about an advertisement run by British American Tobacco (BAT) PLC, to publicise its World Environment Day clean-up. Pep went on to say that the advertisement, run in two daily newspapers about "working together to create a clean environment" on June 5, made a mockery of the efforts of health service providers to promote health lifestyles. The damage that national tobacco and other international tobacco companies inflict on the human body and the environment has far-reaching health and well people throughout the world. BAT has carefully designed this advertisement in the disguise of helping to keep the environment clean.