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The article discusses the significance of the Confederate States of America Medical Department and the periodical the "Confederate States Medical and Surgical Journal" in advancing Confederate nationalism and identity during the U.S. Civil War, particularly concerning what is referred to as a Confederate intellectual independence.

The summer of 2020 saw a global mobilization protesting the murder of George Floyd, during which statues glorifying white supremacy were toppled. Drawing on the narratives surrounding the removal of the Colston statue in Bristol and the Confederacy statues in New Orleans and Charlottesville, the paper examines the role of statues in the construction of political identities and social fantasies through Lacan's theory of anxiety. For Lacan, anxiety tells us what subjects identify as threatening or familiar is not a reflection of objective circumstances but individual desires. By proposing the concepts of working against anxiety and working with anxiety, the paper examines (1) fantasies that aim to re-establish the old narratives and identities that were challenged in the process of statue removal and (2) practices that dwell in the moment of anxiety in an attempt to repair historical violences. The paper makes three contributions: firstly, to the literature on anxiety, the paper shows why anxiety is not an emotion but a building block of subject formation. Secondly, to the literature on commemoration, the paper demonstrates how statues affirm some identities while negate others, re-producing (racialized) violence; and to the literature on resistance, the paper demonstrates how deeply entrenched anxieties continue to constrict social progress. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Almost 160 years after the American Civil War, where the Union defeated the Confederacy and ended slavery in the United States, approximately 1,910 tributes remain to Confederate military leaders located on public property in the 11 original Confederate states, particularly in cities with an exceptionally high density of Black residents. To Blacks, this iconography delivers a clear message of White supremacy. Six states have enacted laws to protect and preserve these memorials, making it almost impossible to use the court system to move them to private property. This paper explores connections between support for a myth called the Lost Cause, which is a revisionist history intended to spread misinformation about the true cause of the American Civil War, and attitudes toward placement of Confederate symbols on public land. We show that there is significant belief in the Lost-Cause myth among many White U.S. Southerners. Furthermore, we find those who believe most in the myth are the least likely to want to move the monuments or end taxpayer support for their maintenance. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper uses the donors' register of the Zurich Bürgerbibliothek ('citizens' library') to explore how the collection of the city's first public library developed in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries. The donors' register records over 3,000 gifts from some 900 local and foreign benefactors between 1629, the year of the library's founding, and 1769. Unlike a standard library or auction catalogue, the donors' register allows us to observe engagement with the Bürgerbibliothek over time and reveals that, while a remarkable influx of patrons in the first decade of the library's existence secured its position in the cultural and intellectual fabric of Zurich society, international interest in the institution dropped significantly by the end of the seventeenth century. Nevertheless, the Bürgerbibliothek's consistent growth across the period attests to the popularity of the library and its accessible collection at a local level as well as its benefactors' belief in the reciprocal value of patronising this new type of civic institution. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

During the American Civil War, abolitionists and their allies gathered an extraordinary amount of written material from the abandoned offices of slave traders. Though engaged in the common practice of relic hunting, they also intended these letters and ledgers to convey the significance of slavery's demise. As reconciliation shaped white Americans' attitudes toward the war in the latter nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, these materials disappeared from the public eye. A century later, however, the archives abolitionists created from slave traders' records re-emerged, with transformative effects for the study and understanding of slavery and emancipation in the United States. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Objective: Over the course of the late 19th and early 20th centuries, steps made toward full enfranchisement of African Americans, competitive elections, and representative democracy in the former Confederate States collapsed. White "Redeemers" established a subnational authoritarian regime that encompassed nearly the entire formerly Confederate South—reasserting the rule of political and economic white supremacy. This paper aims to understand how racial threat affected the political decisions made by disfreanchisers. Methods: Analyzing an originally constructed data set of congressional elections returns and demographic data from 1870 to 1920. Results: I find evidence that racial threat, properly specified, explains why democracy deteriorated in particular pockets of the South faster and more completely than in others. Conclusion: I argue that racial threat, despite its contemporary limitations, is a useful theory for understanding the political development of the American South. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Students and community members forcefully tore down a confederate monument known as Silent Sam at the University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill in 2018. This action unleashed brutal retaliation and ongoing strife. The toppling of Silent Sam should be celebrated as an antiracist milestone that can inspire deeper reflection, racial reckoning, and institutional accountability locally and in other North American higher education institutions. While the Jim Crow era monument's massive concrete plinth held aloft an armed confederate soldier, a brass plaque on its base vividly depicted white women's moral authority in encouraging militarism. I argue that white supremacy is deeply rooted at UNC, the oldest public university in the country, and is reinforced by layers of official lies such as the invented historical narrative of the Lost Cause, celebrating an idyllic slaveholding past that never existed. In order to build on this moment of rupture, scholars must begin to think of themselves as cultural and intellectual workers and endeavor to build collective power through labor unions, creative activities, American Association of University Professors chapters, professional and antiracist organizations. Only in this way, can scholars protect themselves, their colleagues, and students. Signing petitions is not enough! In this paper, I discuss a few ways antiracists built collective power on our campus in recent years. I also analyze the visual lessons of the confederate monument that was erected at the University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill more than a century ago during an earlier period of brutal white supremacist backlash. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

"A CIVIL WAR IS A BATTLE BETWEEN THE SAME CITIZENS IN A COUNTRY. THE AMERICAN CIVIL WAR WAS FOUGHT FROM 1861 TO 1865 TO DETERMINE THE INDEPENDENCE FOR THE CONFEDERACY OR THE SURVIVAL OF THE UNION. BY THE TIME ABRAHAM LINCOLN WAS ELECTED PRESIDENT IN 1861, IN THE MIST OF 34 STATES, THE CONSTANT DISAGREEMENT CAUSED SEVEN SOUTHERN SLAVE STATES TO THEIR INDEPENDENCE FROM THE UNITED STATES AND FORMED THE CONFEDERATE STATES OF AMERICA. THE CONFEDERACY, GENERALLY KNOWN AS THE SOUTH, GREW TO INCLUDE ELEVEN STATES. THE STATES THAT REMAINED DEVOTED TO THE US WERE KNOWN AS THE UNION OR THE NORTH. THE NUMBER ONE QUESTION THAT IS NEVER COMPLETELY UNDERSTOOD ABOUT THE CIVIL WAR IS WHAT CAUSED THE WAR. THERE WERE MULTIPLE EVENTS THAT LED TO THE GROUNDBREAKING, BLOODY, AND POLITICAL WAR. IN THE 19TH CENTURY THERE WAS A POPULAR DOCTRINE OR BELIEF THAT THE WESTWARD EXPANSION OF THE UNITED STATES NOT ONLY COULD HAPPEN, BUT THAT IT WAS DESTINED TO STRETCH FROM COAST TO COAST."[1] THIS PAPER IS DEVIDED INTO TWO MAJOR PARTS CLOSELY CONNECTED. THE FIRST PART PRESENTS THE AMERICAN CIVIL WAR AND INTENDS TO ANSWER THE FOLLOWING QUESTIONS: 1. WHAT WERE THE REASONS BEHIND THE AMERICAN CIVIL WAR? 2. WHICH WERE THE MAIN FIGURES, AND BATTLES OF THE AMERICAN CIVIL WAR? 3. WHICH WERE THE CONSEQUENCES OF THE AMERICAN CIVIL WAR? THE SECOND PART OF THE PAPER PRESENTS AN EMBLEMATIC FIGURE OF THE AMERICAN SOCIETY: THE PRESIDENT ABRAHAM LINCOLN. HERE ARE PRESENTED HIS LIFE, POLITICAL ACTIVITY, ASSASINATION AND HIS ROLE IN THE AMERICAN CIVIL WAR. THE CONCLUSIONS ROUND THIS PRESENTATION. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines the non-linear and often backwards development of universal human rights for Indigenous peoples in twentieth-century North America. It criticizes the failure of international bodies dedicated to upholding the so-called universal human right to self-determination in the wake of a Canadian military coup at Six Nations of the Grand River in 1924. By assessing the legal grounds upon which the Haudenosaunee Confederacy has repeatedly argued the need for international intervention, to both the League of Nations and the United Nations, the article asserts that international law has perpetually denied the Confederacy equal nationhood status on the world stage, despite meeting all recognized (and quasi-legal) criteria. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Both sides in the U.S. Civil War financed military spending by issuing new fiat currencies. The Union 'greenback' underwent moderate inflation (by wartime standards), but the Confederate 'greyback' suffered hyperinflation. Existing explanations for these price movements typically treat only one of the two cases and adopt either a quantity theory or rational expectations approach. We compare Union and Confederate policies directly and highlight the importance of taxation for assuring the value of inconvertible money. Combining monetary and fiscal history literatures, we find that tax policies were determined by long-term development of democratic governing institutions. Higher levels of democracy in the North, as compared to the slaveholding South, meant greater tax policy legitimacy and administrative competence. The Union drew on this legacy to back its money effectively, while the Confederacy failed to do so. We contribute to credit theories of money by drawing attention to the political determinants of effective fiscal policy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The use of battlefields and associated conflict sites provide tantalising hooks upon which to hand tapestries of grand narratives relating to regional and national identities, often defined by what the identities are not. This paper examines the unlikely connection between Jacobite and Confederate romanticism, and how battlefields, conflict related sites, and symbolic material culture are mobilised through active commemoration by some heritage groups in support of a created, mythic identity of a ‘Southern Celt’. Furthermore, it examines the production of a mythic history that whitewashes and recasts the Confederacy, the reality of the Civil War, and the Confederate Flag, while at the same time minimising, hiding, or ignoring competing narratives. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

A critical element in civil wars is military fragmentation. Yet, we have a limited understanding of why military elites fight in civil wars and on what side. In this article I develop a theory of the economic and professional motivations of military elites. I test this theory using the case of West Point graduates in the American Civil War. I argue that in addition to home state, economic and professional interests were a major influence on West Pointers. Graduates with connections to Southern cash crops were less likely to fight for the Union and more likely to fight for the Confederacy. Higher ranking graduates were more likely to fight for both sides, as they were better positioned to compete for promotion. I test this argument using a new dataset of more than 1000 West Point graduates' wartime allegiances and antebellum careers and find strong evidence in support of my expectations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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This article provides fresh insight on the ways in which the American Civil War challenged and destabilized understandings of familial and gendered power within the Confederate States. It is well established that the impressive extent of the Confederacy's military mobilization significantly altered the gendered demographics and dynamics of the home front. While not rejecting this orthodox view, this article does challenge its tendency to overemphasize the extent to which the rural South was sapped of men. In doing so, it not only underscores the important roles some men, most notably those too old for military service, continued to play in ordinary households but also how this pattern unsettled familial power in terms of generation and age as well as gender. Finally, this article endeavors to excavate the more quotidian experience of Confederate common white families and, in order to do so, utilizes three microbiographies of specific households from the state of South Carolina. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

"Space wins" is a long-held homiletical maxim. Usually, this means that architecture and pulpit style influence how sermons are delivered and heard. What is less frequently considered is how monuments and memorials affect proclamation in space. Among other things, Confederate monuments make claims on space, communicate idealized aesthetics, and preach about hopes for a particular eschatological community. This essay examines pedagogical approaches to preaching that confronts Confederate monuments. It is based upon courses I offered in 2022 at The University of the South in Sewanee, Tennessee, and through the Association of Chicago Theological Schools D.Min. program in Chicago, Illinois. After articulating a pedagogy drawn from the work of Leonora Tubbs Tisdale and Willie James Jennings, I examine three approaches to place-based pedagogy that serve anti-racist preaching by (1) analyzing monuments within the teaching location, (2) fostering reflective participation in pilgrimage to the National Memorial for Peace and Justice, and (3) inviting students to research monuments in their home community and confront them through preaching. These approaches can foster preaching that is better attuned to addressing localized histories, better able to identify and confront specific aspects of white supremacy that are concretized in a community, and more adept at offering a gospel proclamation that is finely tuned to the transformative needs of a particular place. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Leading up to the 2008 U.S. election, pundits wondered whether Whites, particularly in Southern states, were ready to vote for a Black president. The present paper explores how a common Southern symbol-the Confederate flag-impacted willingness to vote for Barack Obama. We predicted that exposure to the Confederate flag would activate negativity toward Blacks and result in lowered willingness to vote for Obama. As predicted, participants primed with the Confederate flag reported less willingness to vote for Obama than those primed with a neutral symbol. The flag did not affect willingness to vote for White candidates. In a second study, participants primed with the Confederate flag evaluated a hypothetical Black target more negatively than controls. These results suggest that exposure to the Confederate flag results in more negative judgments of Black targets. As such, the prevalence of this flag in the South may have contributed to a reticence for some to vote for Obama because of his race. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses the motivations of Confederate soldiers, especially those from Alabama, who did not enlist in 1861, but did so only later. First, the historiography from the second half of the 20th century surrounding Confederate motivations generally is discussed, including competing explanations that emphasize either political ideology or social and cultural factors. The analysis in the article draws on the wartime letters and diaries of 320 "later-enlisters," finding that only about one-fifth ever mention political or ideological factors, such as liberty or the desire to maintain slavery, white supremacy, and the Southern way of life. Charts are included showing demographic data for the soldiers in the sample from Alabama.

The mistreatment of prisoners taken and held overseas in the war on terrorism has a domestic corollary in US history. The great suffering endured by American Civil War era prisoners and the justification used by Union and Confederate governments responsible for such cruelty provide some striking parallels to contemporary experience. This paper first reviews scholarly interpretations offered by penal historians who have attempted to understand the causes for the inhumane conditions that existed during the Civil War in most military prisoner-of-war camps. It then provides an illustrative case study of one such prison for Confederate prisoners at Camp Randall in Wisconsin. The findings from the historical evidence on Wisconsin's Civil War camp experience are discussed and weighed within the context of customs and practices for handling prisoners of war. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article focuses on an aspect of confederate finance during the American Civil War. The attitudes of France and Great Britain toward the American Civil War were important to both the South and the North; and these attitudes also had a bearing on any European financial operations involving the disunited states. At the beginning of the war, the ruling classes of both France and Great Britain were in sympathy with the Confederacy. Because of his colonial plans in the western hemisphere, French President Louis Napoleon was in favour of intervening on the side of the South, but he could not do so without the concurrence of Great Britain with whom France was joined in an entente. Great Britain was unwilling to undertake such an overt action, partly because a large segment of English liberals and English working men saw the Civil War as a struggle of free versus slave labour and hence supported the North even though southern cotton was wanted for English mills. Although France and Great Britain both issued proclamations of neutrality, thus according to the South, the status of a belligerent nation rather than an internal territory in rebellion, neither they nor any European nation ultimately took the further step of granting diplomatic recognition to the Confederacy.

In the wake of the European invasion, the pre-colonial Native South underwent a fundamental transformation. The pre-colonial Mississippian chiefdoms fell, and the people restructured themselves into new kinds of societies adapted to living on the edge of an expanding European empire. We call these new societies "coalescent societies" because they were all coalescences of varying people, languages, and so on. This essay takes a close look at the origins of the coalescence of the Creek (Muscogee) Confederacy of the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries. In this essay, I collate the most recent archaeological and ethnohistorical evidence into a single, coherent account of the Creek coalescence. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Public historians have struggled to take a hard line against neo-Confederate groups in theory as well as practice. This article proposes a methodological shift that can clarify the work and obligations of the public historian following the insurrection on January 6, 2021. The frame of action research positions historians as public-facing actors and advocates. The frame of restorative justice clarifies the stakes of, and stakeholders within, historical harm. We apply these frameworks to two contested sites for public history in Florence, Alabama, that revolve around the Confederacy. Finally, we use our experiences from the field to distinguish communities from counter-communities and provide strategies for making cultural institutions inhospitable to cultural insurrectionists. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

There has been a rise in far-right extremism (FRE) globally, with a related rise in white nationalist and white supremacist violence. In all this, places connected to white supremacist violence remain less well-studied. This article reflects upon the politics of commemoration at the largest Confederate memorial in the world, Stone Mountain, Georgia in the United States. We analyse visitor reviews on TripAdvisor and YouTube videos about commemorative events to illustrate how visitors to Stone Mountain erase its and, more broadly, the United States' history of white supremacy. Instead, there are claims that this is a tourist site, a place for leisure where violence and politics have no place. Such claims evade the issue of white supremacist violence that was foundational to the Confederate cause and to the production and development of memorials like Stone Mountain. Such erasure means understandings of "violent extremism" in the United States – wherein events like the Confederacy and its aftermath in relation to racial injustices are not discussed – is limited and incomplete. This article argues that before debating what is or is not "violent extremism", this history of white supremacist violence needs to be reckoned with, especially regarding its presence and its traces on the landscape. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses the role that prisoners of the Alabama State Penitentiary in Wetumpka, Alabama played in the manufacturing of military supplies for the Confederate States of America's armed forces during the U.S. Civil War. An overview of the prison labor in the state penitentiary, including in regard to the inmate John Wilson's attack on the prison's Sergeant of the Guard using a piece of iron from the prison's blacksmith workshop, is provided.

This study uses insights from the white racial frame perspective to examine associations among race-ethnicity, region, and reactions to viewing the Confederate flag using public opinion data from 2011 and 2015. Data come from pooled nationally representative cross-sectional surveys collected by the Pew Research Center (n = 3,092). Results from adjusted multinomial logit models showed that U.S. adults were on average more likely to react positively to seeing the Confederate flag in 2015 than in 2011. Increased positive responses were driven largely by whites whose odds of reacting positively in 2015 increased 2-fold relative to 2011. Compared with black Americans, whites were more likely to react positively to viewing the Confederate flag, and Latinx respondents were less likely to react negatively to the flag. Further inquiry into intragroup differences showed that the adjusted probability of reacting positively in 2015 increased by 14% for whites in former Confederate states and by 8% for whites outside the former Confederacy. Reliance on the dominant white racial frame typically invokes positive reactions to the Confederate flag because of its symbolism of white supremacy, antiblackness, and an ahistorical and romanticized Lost Cause of the civil war. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This essay details the efforts of William Henry Trescot, "executive agent" for South Carolina, to secure pardons for the state's lowcountry elite class after the Civil War. As state executive agent, Trescot held job responsibilities extending well beyond inducing Andrew Johnson's administration to issue individual pardons. Trescot also used those pardons to facilitate the restoration of land the federal government had seized from lowcountry planters during the war. The seizures were primarily rooted in the land's legal classification as Captured and Abandoned Property. At the time of the war's conclusion, this land was in the hands of Freedmen's Bureau, and it provided the foundation for the tentative plans for land redistribution in the former Confederacy. Trescot's maneuvering in the Johnson White House and with Freedmen's Bureau officials throughout 1865 and 1866 was a primary reason for the failure of Reconstruction-era land redistribution in the United States. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The history of postal service during the Civil War is surprisingly underdeveloped, and little is known about the Confederate Post Office Department. It labored under a strict mandate to achieve fiscal self-sufficiency, to which all other service rationales were subordinate. This policy, in conjunction with a multitude of war-related privations, hampered the Department's ability to foster the substantive or reliable circulation of information, complicating the process of democratic nation-building in which postal services have historically played an important role. After examining reports of the Confederate Postmaster General, coverage of postal operations in Southern newspapers, scholarship in state and local historical publications, and the study of philately, the implications of the Confederacy's fixation on the economic performance of its postal service might well serve as a cautionary tale as the practices of modern media policymaking evolve along similar lines. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses the role of German-American Charles Frederick Gunther during the U.S. Civil War. It examines Gunther's service to the Confederacy during the war following his being located in Memphis, Tennessee, when the U.S. southern states seceded from the union. The article states that Gunther worked as a purchasing agent aboard the steamship "Rose Douglas" that ferried men and material to the Confederate forces along the Mississippi River. The article also discusses the contents of Gunther's extensive diaries that he kept during the war. According to the article, Gunther endowed the Chicago History Museum with most of its U.S. Civil War collection and served as an alderman and city treasurer in Chicago in the late 19th century and early 20th century.

The article explores the roles and experiences of common soldiers during the U.S. Civil War. Particular focus is given to the motivations of volunteer soldiers in both the U.S. military and that of the Confederate States of America (C.S.A.) According to the author, Confederate soldiers were largely driven by a desire to defend the institution of slavery and Southern conceptions of honor and civil rights, while Union soldiers saw themselves as defending the U.S. as an idea and as a unified political and economic entity. Details on the challenges of military life, including illness, boredom, and material deprivation, are presented. Changes in public opinion regarding the war are also discussed.

The article discusses manuscripts, maps, and cataloged items owned by the Georgia Historical Society. Items mentioned include the papers of journalist and author Steve Oney, a print of Confederate Army Generals Stonewall Jackson, Joseph E. Johnston, and Robert E. Lee, and a photograph of Bonaventure Cemetery in Savannah, Georgia. Maps include a map of the city of Savannah by John R. McKinnon, a map of Georgia's Sapelo Sound by A.D. Bache, and a map of the southern U.S. states published by C. Dilly.

Roman Catholic Irish nuns formed a large part of the American Civil War nursing experience in both the North and the South. In fact, when Confederate President Robert E. Lee beseeched the assistance of Irish-born Patrick Lynch, then Bishop of Charleston, South Carolina, to provide nurses for his hospitals, Roman Catholic sisters from a local convent were pressed into service. Sister M. De Sales (Brennan), born in County Kilkenny, Ireland, became instrumental in establishing two hospitals in the Virginias. During the war years she penned over 1000 pages of letters to him. Initially, the paper provides an overview of the cultural milieu and medical knowledge that existed prior to the onset of the conflict. Attending to soldiers whose wounds changed both the nature of medicine and the approach to it, women willing to move beyond the confines of predominantly private and family-oriented care assisted on battlefields and in field hospitals of various kinds. In these settings, widows, adventure seekers, good-hearted women and Irish Catholic nuns alike offered many kinds of on-the-job training. Their duties ranged from the more traditional tasks of setting up kitchens, organising laundries and writing letters, to the more daunting services of 'cupping', administering anaesthetics such as whiskey and chloroform, and surgically removing limbs. By virtue of the sheer magnitude of the suffering, the experiences endured by these women altered their confidence in their abilities to minister, changed their perspectives on public life, and ultimately redefined their futures in organisation and administration. De Sales' letters serve as a case study by which to examine how, as a result of the American Civil War, the Roman Catholic Church gained ground and its Irish nuns acquired a stronger foothold in American nursing. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Around 20,000 Irishmen served in the Confederate army in the Civil War. As a result, they left behind, in various Southern towns and cities, large numbers of friends, family, and community leaders. As with native-born Confederates, Irish civilian support was crucial to Irish participation in the Confederate military effort. Also, Irish civilians served in various supporting roles: in factories and hospitals, on railroads and diplomatic missions, and as boosters for the cause. They also, however, suffered in bombardments, sieges, and the blockade. Usually poorer than their native neighbours, they could not afford to become 'refugees' and move away from the centres of conflict. This essay, based on research from manuscript collections, contemporary newspapers, British Consular records, and Federal military records, will examine the role of Irish civilians in the Confederacy, and assess the role this activity had on their integration into Southern communities. It will also look at Irish civilians in the defeat of the Confederacy, particularly when they came under Union occupation. Initial research shows that Irish civilians were not as upset as other whites in the South about Union victory. They welcomed a return to normalcy, and often 'collaborated' with Union authorities. Also, Irish desertion rates in the Confederate army were particularly high, and I will attempt to gauge whether Irish civilians played a role in this. All of the research in this paper will thus be put in the context of the Drew Gilpin Faust/Gary Gallagher debate on the influence of the Confederate homefront on military performance. By studying the Irish civilian experience one can assess how strong the Confederate national experiment was. Was it a nation without a nationalism? [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article outlines the political agendas surrounding the dedication of the Stonewall Jackson Memorial Statue, an early Confederate monument commissioned in Britain in 1863 and unveiled with much fanfare in Richmond, Virginia in 1875. It argues that the statue's British provenance made it an ideal means of expressing the distinctive claims of the Conservative Party of Virginia. By commemorating both General Jackson and Britain's Confederate sympathizers, modernizers in the Conservative Party presented themselves as representatives of an Anglo-Saxon Christian value system, guardians of the “Old Dominion's” immemorial character, and defenders of political views that held national and international significance. Thus the Conservatives dedicated an international monument to a transatlantic and implicitly racist cultural tradition as part of their larger effort to facilitate Virginia's integration into the reconstructed national union on terms favorable to the former Confederates. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Legal restrictions theory suggests that dominance of non-interest-bearing currency is possible only because legal impediments prevent financial institutions from offering interest-bearing alternatives. A viable interest-bearing medium must be issued in denominations low enough for day-to-day use, however, and without historical examples of small-denomination interest-bearing issues we cannot properly test whether interest-bearing currency will circulate as legal restrictions theory predicts. Civil War Arkansas offers a rare instance where large quantities of small-denomination interest-bearing money were actually issued, mostly below $5. The results of this Arkansan experiment show that small-denomination interest-bearing issues can indeed function as the primary medium of exchange. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

At a time when newspaper reports from Richmond or Charleston were few and the Southern states remained mysterious in Europe, Frank Vizetelly's drawings helped give an international audience a way to see the stirrings of a would-be nation, while his commentary made it possible to read the conservative social order of the South against both the market enthusiasms of the North and the growing clamor for reform and wider suffrage in Britain itself. The problem of heterogeneity in Britain's domestic affairs thus made the American Civil War at once newsworthy and a virtual referendum on social change, particularly when the "ILN" printed the best pictorial coverage of the Confederacy. Invoking the recent wars in Italy, Vizetelly tied Confederate secession to Italian independence, but as a result he also insinuated the steadfast commitment to emancipation that had made Garibaldi the hero of London and the abolitionist North. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Focuses on the loyalty of James Hickman which originated in the fractious local politics of the Confederate community. Discussion of the issues in Civil scholarship pressing from the case of Hickman; Family background of Hickman; Achievement of Hickman's financial success in the autumn of 1860.

This paper examines the role of a group of intellectuals as the emergent leadership of a neo-Confederate nationalist organization called the League of the South (LS) that was formed in Tuscaloosa, Alabama in 1994. I argue that these intellectuals, primarily professional accredited and recognized academics, comprise a nascent nationalist intelligentsia who developed a series of theories and historical interpretations that both connected with understandings about the past position of the Confederate States of America (CSA) and led them to propose its future revival. Tracing the academic production of and debate over these ideas, from their presentation in scholarly venues in the 1970s and 1980s to their role in supporting an outspokenly neo-Confederate nationalist politics in the 1990s, I claim that the nationalist sentiments of the individuals that produced them have shifted from 'banal' to 'hot.' Over time, analyses forwarded by Grady McWhiney (b.1928), Michael Hill (b.1951) and Donald Livingston (b.1938) have solidified as a neo-Confederate nationalist ideology. In its promotion by the LS, within which these individuals have been leaders since its formation, this ideology currently underpins a wider neo-Confederate movement that is reaching out to established Confederate heritage groups such as the Sons of Confederate Veterans (SCV). [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Milton Friedman's famous proposition tying inflation to excessive money growth seems to have been always and everywhere rejected in the latest studies of the Civil War era. Analysis of both the northern paper 'greenback' currency (Kristen L. Willard et al., 1996; Gregor W. Smith and R. Todd Smith, 1997) and the southern 'grayback' (George T. McCandless, Jr., 1996) points to the same conclusion: currency fluctuations are driven primarily by war news and, to a lesser extent, financial news. Such deemphasis on the role played by the quantity of money succors Wesley Clair Mitchell's (1903 p. 188) classic claim that 'the fluctuations in the premium on gold were so much more rapid and violent than the changes in the volume of the circulating medium?.' We offer new proof that the 1864 Confederate experience does not fit this characterization, however. Our findings suggest that Milton Friedman (1992 p. 202) is entirely correct in citing the 1864 Confederate Currency Reform Act as a dramatic textbook example of how a drastic change in the quantity of money led to an equally drastic change in the price level. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Examines the sympathies and actions of transatlantic financiers in Great Britain during the U.S. Civil War. Economic condition of the U.S. in 1860; Reasons for the support of British capitalists to the Northern states; Actions taken by U.S. securities dealers Baring Brothers and George Peabody & Company to solicit British support; Problems with the British financiers of the Confederacy.

The purpose of this article is to provide the first dedicated examination of the pro-Confederate movement in Britain in the wake of the Emancipation Proclamation. By analysing the ideas and activities of pro-Confederates after emancipation, the article problematizes our understanding of Civil War diplomacy and British responses to the conflict. Through an analysis of propaganda, and the correspondence between Confederate representatives and British sympathizers, it offers insights into reactions to emancipation among a group who were deeply invested in the conflict. It also explores how southern sympathizers attempted to publicly respond in a way that they hoped would appeal to Britons after 1863. In doing so, it emphasizes the intellectual and organizational vibrancy that characterized pro-Confederates in this period as well as the extent to which emancipation itself did not automatically determine the diplomatic outcome of the conflict. In addition, it demonstrates that Confederate activism in Britain had always rested on shaky ideological foundations. The lack of clear moral distinction between the belligerents prior to emancipation had allowed sympathetic Britons to project their own values on to the Confederacy. The effects of emancipation on southern diplomatic prospects were as much about revealing these internal dynamics as causing a sudden shift in attitudes towards Confederate nationalism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Rather than surrendering to Union forces in 1865, various bands of ex-Confederates chose Mexican exile. From generals and elite politicians to rank-and-file soldiers, the majority of these "Confederados" journeyed to French-controlled Mexico to escape punishment, to tap financial opportunities, and to observe how southern society would function post-emancipation. Still others, as represented by the cavalry officer and Quixotic newspaper editor John Newman Edwards, understood the U.S. Civil War on more international terms. To these men, Mexico constituted a new, imperially subsidized laboratory to continue the Confederate Experiment and recreate a mythic version of the Old South. Although cut short by the violent death of Emperor Maximilian I, their saga reveals not only how adaptation to Confederate defeat took different forms in the immediate postbellum period, but also the extent to which conceptions of defeat and even the purpose of the Confederacy itself had never been monolithic in the first place. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Objective: This study evaluates factors that might explain southerners' opinions toward Confederate monuments. Method: We conduct a series of multivariate analyses of opinions toward Confederate monuments based on a poll of 789 respondents who live in the American South. Results: The majority of southerners surveyed want to leave Confederate monuments where they are, place a marker next to them for historical context, or place them in a museum. Southerners who express high levels of racial resentment are more likely to want to leave monuments where they are, without additional context. Southern identity has no effect on opinions toward Confederate monuments. Conclusions: Southerners are divided in their opinion on symbols of the Confederacy. Racial resentment explains much more of opinions on Confederate monuments than southern identity, suggesting that "hate" rather than "heritage" is the primary driver of opinions on these symbols of the South's Confederate legacy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Analyzes the role of southern women during the Civil War in the U.S. Services offered by women during the war; Focus of the Confederate public discussion of women's roles; Recognition of women as custodians of public and domestic culture in wartime.

This study draws on several thousand images submitted by 56 fine art photographers for the largest exhibition of photographs about the American South yet undertaken, Southbound: Photographs of and about the New South, to investigate the cultural landscape of the region in the early twenty-first century. The prevalence of the flags of the Confederacy in cultural landscapes in the South highlights the endurance of longstanding white political identities there. More telling, however, is the understated power of the Stars and Stripes, often so taken for granted as to be almost invisible in photographs of the region. Fine art photographs open a window onto the cultural landscape of the New South that showcases charged political identities in the region while underlining the salience of Americanness there. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Amid recent calls in the United States and elsewhere to remove statues and other references that glorify historically racist figures, we offer a reexamination of nineteenth-century naval officer and early ocean scientist Matthew Fontaine Maury. While Maury made significant contributions toward understanding and representing the ocean-atmosphere system and argued for increased support from both government and the public for such studies, his work, including his science, was also inextricably involved in his nation's imperialist goals. Before and after his resignation from the United States Navy to join the Confederacy during the American Civil War, Maury worked for the perpetuation and expansion of race-based slavery. For these reasons, we argue that oceanographers, historians, and the public need to rethink depictions of Maury that glorify his accomplishments without interrogating their darker side. Presenting honest portrayals is not only historically responsible but also aids the larger endeavor to recruit and retain more diverse students and scientists for ocean science. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article focuses on role and place of Confederate monuments in public places to the historical underrepresentation of minorities in cultural institutions, slavery and its continuing effects constitute a phenomenon that is anything but forgotten, including in Alabama. It mentions records greatly aid in documenting slavery at the local level and demonstrate how local histories of slavery in Alabama and local government records also document slavery.

The article focuses on narratives written by individuals personally connected to the Great Hanging in Houston "Tri-weekly Telegraph" and overthrow of the Confederate States and the destruction of innocent men, women and children. It mentions criminals were allowed to confront the witnesses and prisoners stated that they intended soon to seize the powder. It also mentions point of moral integrity, intelligence, discretion and humanity and unceasing vigilance.

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This article examines the budgetary process of the Confederate government, an aspect of the Confederacy generally ignored by Civil War historians. The budgetary process of the Confederacy resembled that employed by contemporary poor countries, and using a model of budgeting developed by Wildavsky, it is shown that the Confederacy's budgetary process should have been conflict-laden, as indeed it was. The Confederate budgetary process was repetitive in terms of both requests and appropriations, and since it lacked predictability, participants could not take their bearing from it. In addition to adding to our general knowledge about an important period of American history, this analysis describes how a budgetary process similar to the United States federal model operated under extreme pressure. Further, it gives an insight into the kinds of problems experienced by governments undergoing periods of development while experiencing extreme financial crisis. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]