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2004 was the year when the Japanese public's affinity with China dropped dramatically, to 37.6 %, due to anti-Japan riots in China. Now more than 70 % of the Japanese public does not feel an affinity with China. How could such a strong anti-Chinese sentiment influence Japan's policy toward China? This paper considers this question by examining Japan's decision-making process on terminating the much-criticized yen loans to China. Yen loans are a type of Official Development Assistance (ODA) provided by the Japanese government to countries lacking sufficient funds for economic development. China is one of the top yen loan borrowers, and the loans have contributed to China's economic growth and increasing openness. However, in March 2005, Japanese Foreign Minister Nobutaka Machimura told Chinese Foreign Minister Li Zhaoxing that Japan intended to phase out the yen loans before the 2008 Beijing Olympics and reached an agreement on the matter. Two-and-a-half years later, Japan terminated its yen loans to China, as the foreign ministers had agreed. Through mainly firsthand documents and interviews with government officials, this paper will clarify the following two points: (1) While it is true that the Japanese government significantly reduced its yen loan package to China from 2001 onward due to domestic criticism of China, as pointed out by previous studies, it was not planning to terminate the yen loans as of summer 2004. Instead, the Japanese government was contemplating how to keep providing yen loans to China; (2) Foreign Minister Nobutaka Machimura, who was appointed in September 2004, had pushed for the termination of yen loans to China only after anti-Chinese sentiment rose dramatically in summer 2004, because he felt that continuing the much-criticized yen loans would not benefit stable Japan-China relations. This paper sheds light on the background of the termination of yen loans to China, a major milestone in postwar Japan-China relations that had been unclear until now. Having said this, the more important point of this paper may be that it also shows the influence of strong anti-Chinese sentiment on Japan's policies toward China. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper provides the first systematic analysis of China's conduct in its offshore territorial conflict with Japan to contend that Beijing has adopted a wedging strategy aimed at weakening the U.S.-Japan alliance. Building on previous scholarship, the article demonstrates that over the post-Cold War era China has consistently subordinated its territorial interests in the Senkaku/Diaoyu dispute to help advance broader political and strategic goals. Drawing on Chinese writings, I argue that since 2010 Beijing has viewed U.S. and Japanese strategy in the conflict to be intended to contain it and that the empirical record suggests China's conduct has, in turn, sought to counter this perceived threat by weakening the alliance at its core. Beijing, it is argued, has aimed to sow discord in the U.S.-Japan alliance by "making use of contradictions" perceived to afflict U.S. strategy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Purpose: The authors compared garments made in Poland, Japan and China to investigate the effect of country of manufacture (COM) on garment marketability by Japanese and Chinese experts. The purpose of this paper is to investigate the differences between the Japanese and Chinese experts. Design/methodology/approach: The authors compared ten jackets and ten skirts manufactured by four factories in Poland, Japan and China and one Japanese sample maker using five different textiles. The authors provided the same specifications and sample pattern to each of the garment makers. The garment's marketability was evaluated by 16 Japanese and 18 Chinese experts using a questionnaire survey, considering garment shape, silhouette, face fabric, sub-materials, anticipated appeal to consumers, sewing and ironing skills, and estimated selling price. Findings: There were high correlations between the Japanese experts' estimated selling price and evaluation scores in relation to shape, silhouette and face fabric. There were high correlations between the Chinese experts' estimated selling price and evaluation scores in relation to all items except for face fabric and buttons. However, there were no significant differences between manufacturing countries. Therefore, the garment quality was not dependent on COM because the manufacturing skills of all selected factories were adequate. Originality/value: This study experimentally investigated the effect of COM on garment marketability by evaluating garments manufactured in Japan, China and Poland using the same pattern and specification sheet. Moreover, these results show differences between the Japanese and Chinese experts for the COM effect. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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Copyright of Journal of Agricultural Science & Technology (1008-0864) is the property of Journal of Agricultural Science & Technology and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Research on the Japanese living in Manchukuo in August 1945 has generally fostered the assumption that all Japanese there wanted to return to Japan as soon as possible. Yet, some made the conscious and voluntary decision to stay, at least for the short to medium term. Among those who chose to delay repatriation were a number of technicians employed by Mantetsu's (South Manchurian Railroad Company) Chūo Shikenjo. This paper looks at the political and personal realities faced by these technicians when making their decisions as whether to stay or leave in terms of the concepts of voluntary and involuntary repatriation. It shows that the circumstances faced, and consequently the decisions made by the technicians, differed over time. It argues that there were three main reasons behind any decision to stay: pragmatism, a sense of responsibility for Japan's activities during the war and a sense of loyalty. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

As a rising power, China has realized that it is an urgent task to improve its national image among foreign publics. In the era of Xi Jinping, China has invested a substantial amount of resources in its foreign-language media to present a more favorable national image to an international audience. This study provides a novel approach to examine the content of China's Japanese-language media and its dissemination. The study found that the Chinese state media promotes China's soft power using two main strategies: (1) highlighting China's culture and economic achievements, and (2) providing positive stories of China. A comparative content analysis of Chinese and Japanese media shows that Chinese media's narratives are not well circulated in Japan's public opinion field. This study has both substantive and methodological significance. Substantively, this investigation enhances our understanding of China's strategic use of state-owned media for public diplomacy. Methodologically, this research contributes to the employment of quantitative text analysis methods on Japanese-language data. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Stroke is a principal cause of mortality in China and Japan. High systolic blood pressure (SBP) was considered a chief risk factor for stroke mortality. Herein, we evaluated temporal trends of high SBP-attributable stroke mortality in China and Japan between 1990 and 2017. Data on stroke mortality were retrieved from the Global Burden of Disease Study 2017 (GBD 2017). Using the age-period-cohort method, we computed overall net drifts, local drifts, longitudinal age curves, and cohort/period rate ratios (RRs) for high SBP-attributable stroke mortality. The age-standardized mortality rates (ASMRs) displayed decreasing trends for high SBP-attributable stroke mortality. The annual net drift values were − 1.4% and − 3.5% in Chinese men and women versus − 3.1% and − 4.9% in Japanese men and women. The local drift values in both countries were < 0 among all age groups but were lower in women than in men. The longitudinal age curves showed a greater high SBP-attributable stroke mortality in men than in women across all age groups. Similar decreasing patterns were shown in the period and cohort RRs in both sexes with women having a quicker decline than men. In China and Japan, the ASMRs, as well as the period and cohort RRs of high SBP-attributable stroke mortality, decreased between 1990 and 2017 in both sexes and across all age groups. Yet, the prevalence of high SBP remained worrisome in both countries. Thus, SBP control should be encouraged to prevent stroke mortality. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

China and Japan are among the world's top space powers, with significant technical competence in both conventional and 'newspace' capabilities. Since the early 1990s, each country has also taken a keen interest in shaping the governance of outer space activities. But they have done so in remarkably different ways, calling into question Asian states' supposed preferences for soft and informal institutions. Japan has led the Asia-Pacific Regional Space Agency Forum, involving both state and nonstate participants, which is guided by a set of principles. China has opted for a high-profile formal intergovernmental design, the Asia-Pacific Space Cooperation Organization, with a Convention and all the trappings of a formal organizational structure. This article assesses the activities of China and Japan in the new space race, discusses how and why the design of their space governance differs, and reflects on prospects for competition and cooperation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

As China and the United States have a great impact on Japan, Japanese attitudes toward China and the United States have been the focus of debate. This study uses nationally representative longitudinal data from Japan to investigate how the economic and political threats are relevant to Japanese attitudes toward China and the United States. Empirical analyses find that: first, socioeconomic status (SES) is significantly associated with individuals' attitudes toward the United States but not China. Second, individuals' perceptions of Japan's economic situation influence their attitudes toward China and the United States; that is, an optimistic assessment of Japan's economy increases the Japanese people's positive attitudes toward both China and the United States. Finally, the political threats have contrasting effects on Japanese attitudes toward China and the United States. Concerns over political threats increase Japan's favorable attitudes toward the United States while deteriorating the positive attitudes toward China. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

An online survey of 624 respondents was divided evenly between men and women, with exactly 104 subjects in each of the six generational groupings. The respondents' occupational and other demographic characteristics do not deviate significantly from Japanese averages comprising a good cross-representational Japanese sample. A pre-Olympic survey was conducted on August 6–7, followed by a second survey carried out after the Olympics on September 1–2, 2008. Audience images of China and the Chinese improved as a result of exposure to media content during the Olympics period, although the improvements varied in degree somewhat depending on the issue at hand. As for reported audience attitudes towards China and the Chinese, the pre- to post-Olympic shifts were far less significant than observations of stable (i.e. apparently not significantly influenced by Olympics media coverage) attitudes/impressions in line with the audience members' individual ideological orientation. Among the ideological-type groups, those in the ‘National Regime’-oriented group had more salient and robust attitudes, in general, towards many items surveyed in the research. In terms of the reported preferred media use, the audience was categorised into three groups: newspaper readers/radio listeners, television watchers/Internet users and cellular phone users. Each group displayed similar tendencies regarding the relationship of individual ideological orientation and these individuals' respective evaluations of China/Chinese. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Japanese and Chinese governmental initiatives in Africa since the 1990s have cast a spotlight on the nature of their respective interests and objectives on the continent. In particular, the speed with which China has advanced in Africa has led to observations in the English-language academic literature and media that China and Japan are engaged in a rivalry for resources, power and influence in Africa, and that Japan has been working hard to ‘catch up’ with China. This article questions this ‘strategic rivalry’ view by examining Japanese and Chinese academic studies of each other's activities in Africa and outlining the main themes of Japan's China-in-Africa discourse, and China's Japan-in-Africa discourse. It suggests that there appears to be less interest and anxiety in Japan about China's activities in Africa than some assessments infer, and that, by contrast, China's Japan-in-Africa discourse shows a greater interest in, and in some cases suspicions of, Japan's objectives in Africa. The article also discusses the seemingly distant prospects for cooperation between China and Japan in Africa, in light of these respective discourses, while considering the tentative steps towards coordination in the form of such initiatives as the ‘Trilateral Consultation’ between China, Japan and South Korea and the development of new academic networks. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

This article investigates patterns and contexts of heterosexual extramarital practices among Chinese immigrants in Japan, and their social implications. I show that first, both Chinese men and women were engaged in extramarital sexual behavior during migration albeit in different contexts. Secondly, these extramarital sexual practices imply that international migration is both an economic strategy and a sexual strategy. Even economically motivated migration has sexual and emotional motivations and consequences. Thirdly, Chinese immigrants' extramarital sex is culturally specific to the context of migration from China to Japan. Finally, Chinese immigrants' extramarital sexuality shows the competing cultural interpretations of marriages and gender role expectations. Underlying the extramarital sexuality is an assumption of gender equality in sexual subjectivity. Even a seemingly regressive marital arrangement and gendered role assignment in a marriage could be used strategically by Chinese women in their pursuits of sexual and romantic expressions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

China's and Japan's role in San Francisco's Panama-Pacific International Exposition demonstrates that although both nations sought to use the fair to construct themselves as progressive, modern nations, they faced entrenched anti-Asian racism in California, which contributed to the production of contradictory representations of the Chinese and Japanese at the fair. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

When Japan joined the late nineteenth-century "scramble for colonies" by annexing Taiwan in 1895, the perceived urgency of "civilizing its natives" prompted questions about the nature of "civilization" itself. How could the Japanese, who had for centuries considered China to be civilization's very fountainhead, "civilize" an island largely populated by Chinese immigrants and their descendents? The writings of Inō Kanori (1867-1925) can be viewed as an attempt to resolve this dilemma. In his ethnology, Inō adopted the Middle Kingdom view of "civilization" as "conformity to Chinese customs and obedience to the Qing". In his historical writing, however, Inō regarded the custodians of Chinese civilization, the Qing dynasts, as "backward" for failing to prosecute a "civilizing mission" among the island's non-Han indigenes. In both historical and ethnological modalities. Inō conceptualized Taiwan Aborigines as losers against the Han Chinese in a centuries-long "struggle for survival", thereby accusing the Qing of neglect, while portraying the Japanese as guardians and enlighteners of the Aborigines. By invoking an EuroAmerican "civilizing mission" discourse, Inō argued that Japan's Aborigine policy, by contrast to the Qing's, confirmed its place among the civilized and modem colonizing powers. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

China's relations with Japan over the past several decades have been cyclical, with periods of relative cordiality interspersed with episodes of contention. Since 1995, however, the Beijing leadership has perceived a hardening of attitudes on the Japanese side in ways that are inimical to long-term amicable relations with the People's Republic of China. This has been mirrored in Tokyo, which sees Chinese behavior as increasingly provocative. The policy directions of the two states appear more divergent as well. Periodic slight thaws in relations and numerous joint projects notwithstanding, the problems between the two defy easy solution, and may be intractable. Weak leadership in both countries may encourage extremists in each to become more assertive. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]