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Abstract: Understanding development issues and finding a space to interpret and debate our roles as citizens, consumers and individuals towards greater global justice are complex and contested. In this paper, I consider engagement in development through education‐based international volunteering and report on a case study of a 9‐month course designed to provide development education in preparation for a 2‐month period of international volunteering. I argue that through opening spaces for dialogue and experiential learning, international volunteering, accompanied by critical development education, has the potential to address questions about what responsible development might mean, and how we can actively contribute to it. Copyright © 2015 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Can states become committed and competent agents of cosmopolitan justice? The theory of ‘statist cosmopolitanism’ argues that they can: their citizens can be turned towards a commitment to cosmopolitan principles and actions by moral entrepreneurs constituting a ‘cosmopolitan avant-garde’, and can be sustained in their commitment to those principles by their pre-existing attachment to the state as a political community. Taking cosmopolitan principles as axiomatic, this paper subjects statist cosmopolitanism to critique. First, I question the scale of the transformation that a cosmopolitan avant-garde can engender given the complexity of the causal chains the avant-garde seek to elucidate, as well as the countervailing potency of the state itself which reinforces particularistic attitudes in its citizens. Second, I argue thateven if, contra my preceding argument, the cosmopolitan avant-garde were to be successful, states would find it desirable to federally integrate in order to be better able to realise their cosmopolitan commitments. Such integration is compatible with statist cosmopolitanism’s motivational theory, even if not its institutional vision. Finally, I re-characterise the cosmopolitan avant-garde as agitators for the transcendence, rather than just transformation, of the state system. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Purpose - The paper aims to be a critical engagement with the ideas of Martha Nussbaum, as expressed in her recent book Creating Capabilities. Design/methodology/approach - The author's discussion focuses on the relationship which exists between Nussbaum's capabilities approach and cosmopolitan political thought. It follows Nussbaum in making a distinction between "strong" and "weak" cosmopolitanism. Findings - The paper maintains that, despite Nussbaum's claim that she is not a cosmopolitan thinker, it is arguable that she can be associated with a weak form of cosmopolitanism. Originality/value - This is an original piece of work which sheds new light on the relationship which exists between the ideas of Martha Nussbaum and the cosmopolitan tradition. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Purpose – The aim of this paper is to focus on the engagements and interactions – both conflictive and collaborative – that exist between corporations and NGOs. It documents the variegated ways that NGOs target small, medium, and large firms through anti-corporate campaigns, boycotts, demonstrations, protests, and other advocacy initiatives. It aims to explore the emerging pattern of crosscutting alliances and partnerships between corporations and NGOs.Design/methodology/approach – The paper is a literature review that covers a number of commentaries, essays, reports, scholarly articles, media sources, and textbooks, through which a number of keywords such as activists, corporate, corporations, crisis, diplomacy, NGO, strategic, strategies, and tactics were typed into specialized search engines to identify and select the most pertinent and robust writings on the subject.Findings – The findings suggest that NGOs have come to realize that anti-corporate demonstrations, organized boycotts, and protests can be far more effective and powerful than anti-government campaigns, particularly when targeting established, reputable global brands. In response, corporations have attempted to identify and select the available areas and opportunities to cooperate with NGOs in order to cement fruitful and self-reinforcing relationships.Research limitations/implications – Evidently, to build their images and reputations, corporations are deeply interested in establishing dialogues and relationships with activists, NGOs, and their competitors, and also trying to gain support from agencies and individuals who can speak out favorably: particularly to consumers, politicians, regulators, and the media.Originality/value – This paper can help activists, business executives, leaders, managers, NGOs, scholars, and students to better understand the evolution, nature, and scope of these complex interactions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Acta Scientiarum: Human & Social Sciences is the property of Universidade Estadual de Maringa and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This paper analyses the 'responsibility to protect' (RtoP) from a moral cosmopolitan perspective. It argues, first, that RtoP postulates a remedial responsibility on the part of those nations that have the means and capacity to effectively protect individuals against vulnerability and to provide for the means of human security. Second, the paper explains that human security implies access to human development, including access to social and economic rights. Finally, it argues that developed nations can discharge their remedial responsibilities towards those who lack social and economic rights by adopting just immigration regimes, part of which can be based on temporary foreign labour programs that allow individuals access to the economic opportunities, thus providing them with means to establish economic security. The paper thus argues for an expansion of the interpretation of RtoP. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the IPE literature, neoliberalism and nationalism have generally been portrayed as anti-thetical to one another. More recently, scholars have sought to challenge this binary view by examining how nationalists have employed neoliberal policies for nationalist reasons. However, while showing how neoliberal policies can be compatible with nationalist values, these approaches have not examined whether the reverse might also be true, whether certain nationalist policies (and discourses) might be genuinely compatible with neoliberal values. To address this gap in the literature, this paper makes two arguments. The first is that certain nationalist policies are not only compatible with neoliberal values, but that these values may actually be dependent on certain nationalist policies. The second argument made is that neoliberal nationalism may be on the rise due to a shift among social democratic forces from a broad strategy of economic nationalism to one of social democratic multilateralism. To demonstrate these points, the paper challenges the equation of neoliberalism with internationalism as well as showing why neoliberal nationalism is distinct from the nationalism of both populist and neoconservatives. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

This paper asks whether David Miller's minimalist theory of human rights is coherent with his claim that obligations of global justice involve obligations to provide people with a minimally decent life. I argue that there is a justice gap in Miller's theory: the structure of his distinction between basic and societal needs is such that people will be left below the level of minimal decency even when obligations of justice are met. Miller can either bite this bullet or look for alternative sources of obligations of justice. I take up the second option by arguing that there can be obligations of global justice to build institutions that enable societies to generate income and wealth. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper explores understandings of gender equality and education and the nature of global goal and target setting, drawing on empirical data collected in central and local government departments in Kenya and South Africa reflecting on their implementation of Millennium Development Goal (MDG) 1, concerned with poverty, MDG 2, concerned with education, and MDG 3, concerned with gender equality. The study raises questions about the ownership of the MDGs and the reasons for the kinds of changes in meaning about gender and rights made by differently situated officials. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper takes a personal and theoretical approach to the politics of guerrilla text production by the loose-knit grouping of ex-workers known only as CrimethInc., situating the texts in a predominantly white middle-class North American social context, considering questions of post-punk economics and the 'disavowal of the economic' from Bourdieu, post-situationist politics, anti-capitalist modes of textual production and distribution, and anarchy as an anti-ideology. Following this mapping of CrimethInc.'s texts, the paper analyses notions of privilege and oppression along the intersecting axes of class, gender, sexual orientation, whiteness and race in CrimethInc.'s texts and the punk subcultures from which they emerge. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Anti-globalization movements first emerged in Western countries during the 1990s and gradually diffused to other countries. This paper attempts to trace the way these movements emerged and developed in Turkey and their repertoires of action, drawing on data from newspaper articles and in-depth interviews. Anti-globalization movements emerged in Turkey following the diffusion of ideas from abroad through the translation of papers into Turkish and the participation of Turkish activists, unionists, and researchers in meetings and events organized abroad. As a result of this diffusion process, the action repertoires of anti-globalization movements in Turkey and other Western countries are similar. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines two issues related to research of certified fair trade goods. The first is the question of how agendas for fair trade research should be developed. The second issue is the existence of major gaps in the fair trade literature, including the study of the particular features of fair trade practice in individual northern countries. In taking up the first of these issues, the paper proposes that normative analysis should provide the basis for developing research agendas. Such an approach is important to ensure that the necessary types of questions to make normative judgments and policy decisions are posed and that biases that tend to favor mainstreaming practices in the generation of knowledge are minimized. The paper addresses the second research issue by examining the development of research agendas at the level of individual countries, using Canada as a case. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper takes issue with global justice theory, seeing it as a 'global-local' in which the perspectives and demands of post-Kantian Western liberalism silence ways of being in the world that move beyond a narrowly circumscribed definition of 'reasonableness'. Taking its cue from critics of dominant liberal conceptions of the self, such as Spivak, Deleuze and Freire, the paper examines the impact of epistemological diversity and the radical 'otherness' of indigenous, peasant and marginal epistemologies on how Western intellectuals might think about global justice. We look at a number of examples of indigenous and marginal resistance to injustice in the global system, including the West Papuan and Zapatista movements, and conclude that the goals of such movements cannot be encapsulated in distributive or juridical terms. An alternative theorisation of global justice might, contra global justice theory, insist on a dialogical, contingent basis for discussing justice, whether local or global. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

One of the new forces likely to influence the future of global change and re-shape development agendas is the growing theory and practice of global justice. The latter is founded upon the moral and political claim that, in today's globalising world, our duties and obligations to other persons extend beyond state borders. Two frontiers of the current theory and practice of global justice are poverty reduction and environmental sustainability. This paper draws on the discussion of the emerging theory and practice of global justice at the Development Studies Association conference 2008 on ‘Development's Invisible Hands’. However, the idea of global justice is a source of intentional action and the basis of social and political struggles, not an ‘invisible hand’ of development. The focus of the paper is on particular cases of campaigns in the field of poverty reduction and environmental sustainability such as the Jubilee 2000 Debt Cancellation campaign, Make Poverty History and the campaign for farmers' rights. The argument of the paper is that global justice is both a normative claim and an instrument of social and political action. This is clearly reflected in campaigns for and debates on extending the idea of fairness beyond state borders. Copyright © 2009 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper focuses on the environmental and ethical attributes of food products and their production processes. These two aspects have been recently recognized and are becoming increasingly important in terms of signaling and of consumer perception. There are two relevant thematic domains: environmental and social. Within each domain there are two movements. Hence the paper first presents the four movements that have brought to the fore new aspects of food product quality, to wit: (1) aspects of environmental ethics (organic agriculture and integrated agriculture), and (2) social ethics (fair trade and ethical trade). Next, it describes how the actors in the movements (producers, retailers, NGOs, and governments) are organized and how consumers perceive each of the movements. From the perspective of the actors in the movements themselves, the movements are grouped into two “actors’ philosophies.” The first is a “radical” philosophy (the organic production and fair trade movements that arose in radical opposition to conventional agriculture or unfair trade relations), and the second is a “reformist” philosophy (the integrated agriculture and ethical trade movements that arose as efforts to modify but not radically change conventional agriculture). From the point of view of consumers, the classification of the movements is based on perceptions of the “domain” of the movements. That is, consumers tend to perceive the organic production movement and the integrated agricultural movement as a single group because they both deal with the environment. By contrast, consumers tend to group the fair trade movement and the ethical trade movement together because they both deal essentially with social ethics. Recently, key players such as large retailers and agribusinesses have adopted as part of their overall quality assurance programs both environmental and ethical attributes. Their involvement in and adoption of the goals of the movements have, however, generated tensions and conflicts. This is particularly true within the radical movements, because of concerns of cooptation. Finally, the paper identifies challenges faced by those promoting food products with environmental and social/ethical attributes as they attempt to communicate coherent signals to consumers at this crucial moment in the emergence of a mass market for these products. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

A conflict between the local and the global is built into the contradiction of being a linguistic animal, at once bound by one's bodiliness to the local and able to conceptualize (and therefore to act) far beyond it. The paper considers some of the effects of this conflict, before proceeding briefly to examine four interrelated but distinct terms: universal, international, cosmopolitan and global. This paper was originally delivered as a lecture given at the Norwegian University of Science and Technology's conference ‘Navigating Globalization: Stability, Fluidity and Friction’, sponsored by the NTNU Globalization Programme held in Trondheim, Norway, August, 2005. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this paper I respond to the symposium on my book Global Economy, Global Justice: Normative Objections and Policy Alternatives to Neoliberalism, with contributions by William Milberg, Julie Graham, Maliha Safri, and Eray Düzenli. This paper explores a topic just briefly mentioned in Global Economy, Global Justice--namely, the politics associated with the pursuit of the form of justice that I advance in the book. I argue that the book's principal arguments are informed by the theoretical perspectives in evidence in the papers of Milberg, Graham, and Safri and Düzenli, though I had chosen not to explore these perspectives in detail. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Although Fair Trade has been in existence for more than 40 years, discussion in the business and business ethics literature of this unique trading and campaigning movement between Southern producers and Northern buyers and consumers has been limited. This paper seeks to redress this deficit by providing a description of the characteristics of Fair Trade, including definitional issues, market size and segmentation and the key organizations. It discusses Fair Trade from Southern producer and Northern trader and consumer perspectives and highlights the key issues that currently face the Fair Trade movement. It then identifies an initial research agenda to be followed up in subsequent papers. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines the notion that globalization and free trade have been harmful for the economies of low-development countries. Globalization has been hailed as a deliverer and condemned as a destroyer of developing countries. It was said that gains from free trade and free markets are relevant from the point of view of public policy. They offer a guide on which sort of policies should be pursued. Considering the philosophical and human level, freedom to trade and freedom to interact with other human beings in the marketplace do not need to be defended in terms of their effects. The diversity of concepts and meanings of globalization are the interesting features of the anti-globalization groups. Globalization is also considered as a process of removing barriers between nations.

Squatters and migrants use the city space in a peculiar and anomalous manner. Their contributions to the social and political production of urban space are not usually considered crucial. Furthermore, their mutual relationship is under-researched. In this paper I investigate the participation of migrants in the squatting of abandoned buildings. This may entail autonomous forms of occupation but also various kinds of interactions with native squatters. By looking historically at the city of Madrid I distinguish four major forms of interactions. I collect evidence in order to show that deprivation-based squatting is not necessarily the prevailing type. The forms of 'empowerment' and 'engagement' were increasingly developed while 'autonomy' and 'solidarity' were continuously present. These variations occurred because of specific drivers within the cycles of movements' protests and other social and political contexts which facilitated the cooperation between squatters and migrants, although language barriers, discrimination in the housing market and police harassment constrained them too. Therefore, I argue first that two key social organisations triggered the interactions in different protest cycles. Second, I show how, in spite of the over-representation of Latin American migrants, the political squatting movement in Madrid has consistently incorporated groups of migrants and their struggles in accordance with anti-fascist, anti-racist and anti-xenophobic claims and practices. The analysis also provides a nuanced understanding about the 'political' implications of squatting when migrants are involved. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The recent wave of occupations highlighted how closely space and social movements are related. While this revived scholarly interest in the role of space during protests, little attention so far has been paid to the role of space in protests' long-term internal effects. Bringing together the literatures on transformative effects and space in social movements, the paper examines the role of protests' spatiality in their transformative effects, drawing on a narrow approach to space. The analysis focuses in particular on effects on collective identity building in social movements. Based on interviews and focus groups with activists in 2011, the paper examines the long-term effects of an incisive protest event of the Global Justice Movement (GJM) in Europe, the protests against the G8 summit in Genoa in 2001. The paper shows that this event's spatiality plays a crucial role in building movement identity several years later: it provides activists with interpretational devices to delineate the GJM's internal and external boundaries. The paper thus underlines that research on transformative effects can considerably profit from considering spatiality. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The life of a Third World international lawyer is devoted to resistance to the norms of international law designed by agents with power to promote the interests of the powerful sections of the international community. Increasingly the instrumental norms of international law are fashioned through the use of private power, making the positivist claim that public international law is a law between states illusory. The task of this paper is to identify a framework of common concerns so that a collectivity of Third World lawyers can work together, examine how mechanisms of power can be countered, and devise a confrontational strategy. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

A retired manager and university teacher reflects on global ethics, on the purpose of life, and on the challenges facing global ethics in a contemporary world where there is no certainty about shared belief or shared values. The future lies, he concludes, with process and with a deeper understanding of one another. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Requirements for a decent life are to be found in the dimensions both of humantimeand ecologicalspace. While the latter has attracted attention from some global justice theorists, the former is a comparably neglected matter. This paper aims to integrate temporal and ecological perspectives in order to provide an enriched conceptual framework for grasping what global justice means today. We begin by showing that while contemporary political philosophy tends to assume a somewhat undifferentiated conception of time, treating temporal justice as a future-oriented concern distinct from issues of intra-generational justice, there are richer understandings to be found in some influential schools of critical social theory. Drawing then, particularly, on Alf Hornborg’s theory of ‘unequal exchange of time and space’, and supplementing this with insights from David Harvey, we analyse three ways in which disadvantage can be perpetrated in the dimension of time. We then show how those categories of temporal disadvantage broadly correspond with the three basic rights identified by Henry Shue. On this basis, we claim there is a strong argument for regarding temporality as an integral aspect of global justice here and now, for the generation already – although too often precariously – living. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

To further accelerate globalization, Western states and companies that regulate financial, investment and trade flows and the system of economic relations in the world that they support, unexpectedly led to the increase of power centers and appearance of multipolar system. In the XXI century apart from the USA, Russia and China some more power centers together with EU played an important role in the building of the global system. Due to fierce competition between them, these states being global and nuclear empires can take part in war conflicts simultaneously, but this is unlikely as it can cause a great catastrophe in the world. In the international system, due to the importance of international strategic balance and security, in the nearest future, at the point of measurement, because of fear of losing their positions, to protect themselves or around a certain request, between the coordinates of the United States-Russia-China-EU and other power centers, in bilateral or triple forms, strategic alliances can be formed. According to this study, these alliances are highly likely to become superficial and improvised. This study aims at shedding light on the strength of possible alliances in the nearest future, studying the past and present of the collaboration between the USA-Russia-China-EU with other global power centers from different perspectives. This paper will discuss the behavior of global power centers which need to learn their old or new roles on the international stage. Thus, we will try to reveal Russia's contribution in the building of multipolar international system. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the aftermath of the Global Financial Crisis and, more recently, the COVID-19 pandemic, scepticism on the merits of trade and globalization has increased across several key developed countries. This poses major challenges for multinational enterprises (MNEs) and other trade dependent firms (TDFs). This paper develops a framework to explore corporate nonmarket strategies (NMS) to address this backlash, covering both corporate political activity (CPA) and corporate social responsibility (CSR). We firstly provide an overview of the existing research within international economics, business strategy, and international political economy on the antiglobalization backlash and MNEs/TDFs strategy in the face of protectionism. Building on this scholarship, we formulate propositions for CPA and CSR actions, which are likely to be deployed by TDFs in developed economies to counter protectionism and address the criticisms of the antiglobalization movement. On this basis we propose an interdisciplinary analytical framework that can be used to study corporate strategy in times of growing antitrade sentiments. Finally, we provide initial proposals for testing these propositions and highlight the challenges researchers may face when carrying out such research. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Annals for Istrian & Mediterranean Studies / Annales: Series Historia et Sociologia is the property of Historical Society of Southern Primorska of Koper and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The advent of globalisation has, somewhat paradoxically, spawned regionalism and parochialism in many parts of the world. This tendency towards regionalisation and provincialism has been particularly pronounced in the context of culture and ethnological-cum-intellectual movements and traditions. But, more specifically, in terms of the theme of this paper, it can be seen that this intellectually driven anti-globalisation thrust has been principally directed towards attempts to forge native systems of thought and ideas. Globalisation is seen as a hegemonic attempt to suppress other percepts and precepts and subsume all other perspectives into one vast, boundless mass: that is, a homogenisation and effacement of difference that would ultimately culminate in the intellectual and cultural annihilation of 'the other'. Accordingly, the nativist intellectuals have been motivated to reclaim their cultural and intellectual traditions from the ravages of the imperialism wrought in by globalisation. But, who and what constitute the native? To give a concrete setting to the discussion, the question is examined in the context of the attempts by Caribbean thinkers to construct nativist narratives of culture and intellect. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In 2018, Samir Amin called for a 'new wave of revival and progress' which would replace the system of neoliberal globalisation which is to blame for leaving multiple, interlinked global crises. Five years after his death, this article aims to evaluate if his call has been heeded and how far the world is from a new wave of revival and progress. The article investigates the movement of 'progressive internationalism' - as a movement that opposes the perpetuation of the legacy of global imperlialism that has manifested in global power assymetry, producin structural inequality and poverty - as a possible response to Amin's request.. The core research question is: 'how far are we from realising Amin's vision'. To do this, the article will also explore initiatives of the progressive internationalist movement with reference to south-south cooperation thorough the BRICS bloc, structural reform of the international system and the United Nations Security Council, and Active Non-Alignment, among other nascent initiatives. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Estudios Sociológicos is the property of El Colegio de Mexico AC and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

How can we explain variation in the volume and character of transnational collective action on climate change? This paper presents original qualitative and quantitative data to document how transnational activism on climate change has changed over time. The author draws attention to the role of transnational social movement spillover--a process by which ideas, activists, and tactics are diffused from one movement to another--in explaining this evolution. The article examines the spillover of the global justice movement to the climate justice movement from 2007 to 2009, linking this spillover to changes in the nature of activism. In contrast to previous approaches, this work shows that transnational social movement spillover can result in the expansion of contention without radicalizing those actors already involved. This case demonstrates the theoretical importance of the spillover process and offers lessons for future climate activism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

James'sFairness in Tradeseeks to offer an account of fair trade that is “internal” to an existing practice he describes as “mutual market reliance.” This paper distinguishes several senses of the distinction between “internal” and “external” that occur in the book and asks how, in its various senses, the distinction shapes and influences judgments about the fairness of the practice. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

In this paper I compare and critically evaluate Sreenivasan's and Pogge's conceptions of global justice. While Sreenivasan holds that all the currently existing theories of global justice agree that wealthy countries should transfer at least a portion of their wealth to the poor, Pogge claims that all the currently existing theories of global justice agree that wealthy countries should stop harming poor ones in the first place. In this paper I shall try to show (i) that Sreenivasan's proposal, as presented in his articles, is broad enough to be acceptable by some international distributive justice theories, but not all of them, (ii) that Pogge's proposal is broader than Sreenivasan, in the sense that it aims to gain support from all the different conceptions of international distributive justice, but it depends on the claim that developed countries are currently harming the global poor--a claim that I will try to defend--, and (iii) that Pogge's and Sreenivasan's view are compatible. In fact, if Sreenivasan added Pogge's central claim of his argument to his own proposal, the scope of theories that he could gain support from would be much broader. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Activists across the globe have increasingly incorporated digital communication technologies into their repertoire of direct action tactics to challenge state and corporate power. Examining the anti-corporate globalization protests at the September 2009 Group of Twenty (G-20) meetings in Pittsburgh, this paper explores how activists used sousveillance and counter-surveillance as direct action tactics to make excessive force by police more visible to the public. Collaborative endeavors such as the G-20 Resistance Project, the Tin Can Comms Collective and independent media centers provided activists with the necessary tactical and strategic communication networks to coordinate direct actions during the G-20 protests. Through the use of surveillance technologies widely available to the public such as video cameras, cell phones and the internet, activists created an environment of permanent visibility in which the behaviors of police were subjected to public scrutiny. The images captured by anti-globalization activists raises a salient question: Is this what a police state looks like? [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Does income inequality increase political backlash against European and global integration? This paper reports research suggesting that it can. The article analyses party opposition to and support for trade openness, European Union integration and general internationalism of political party platforms in advanced industrial democracies between 1960 and 2008. It finds that inequality tends to increase anti-globalization positions of parties, net of pro-globalization positions, an effect that does not significantly differ across party families or levels of actual globalization. This effect, however, does depend on, and is diminished by, generous redistributive policies. These findings clarify socio-economic conditions underlying the backlash against political and economic globalization. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]