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This paper addresses the contribution of neoliberal globalisation to the growing popularity and prevalence of nationalist movements in the past decade. The world has seen rising levels of populism and nationalism in recent years and Europe is no exception. Several European member states have seen parties of the far- right move from the outskirts of the political spectrum to the mainstream and into positions of leadership. To highlight the nationalist response to neoliberal conditions three emergent movements in founding EU member states will be analysed in detail: France's Rassemblement National (RN), Italy's Lega Nord (LN) and Movimento 5 Stelle (5SM) and Germany's Alternative für Deutschland (AfD). This paper will argue that the conditions of neoliberal globalisation have contributed to the rise and prominence of nationalist movements in Europe. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Is globalization a product or a process? This paper is given a foundation by a worry and a fillip by a desire. The worry is the obvious unphilosophical grasp of the phenomenon of globalization that led to it being engaged in political and moral terms. The desire is to release globalization from its conception as a product, packaged and exported by some people or some cultures in order to continue an agenda of domination. The paper argues that globalization is a process brought about by inevitable interaction and that blaming or praising any person for being part of it, is sheer misunderstanding. That the process of globalization generates certain states within our world does not justify the conclusion by some analysts that these are created into finished, exportable products. It further posits that we need to literally and literarily depersonalize globalization if we will not continue to dissipate energy in an attempt to pull the rug that we not only laid and are standing on, but one we cannot but stand on. The paper equally debunks the link of slavery, colonialism and imperialism with globalization especially within the African context; and concludes by arguing that the reason for the politicization and ideologization of the concept of globalization is because of weakness (in participation) and fear (by African rulers) that their maladministration will continually be exposed to the global community. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

As the origin story of the present world political order the globalization of international society serves as a unifying frame for the discipline of international relations. This paper considers the consequences of the shift from the 'expansion' to the 'globalization' of international society in relation to two main texts: Hedley Bull's The Anarchical Society and Tim Dunne and Christian Reus-Smit's The Globalization of International Society. The analysis shows that Bull's conception of world order depends on a key distinction between aggregate and system which marks the difference between an aggregate of local political orders and a systematically unified world political order (a global international system). Because recent histories of the globalization of international society remain guided by Bull's distinction, they are unable to explain this transition in historical terms without transforming the global international order from the explanandum of the globalization of international society to its explanans. As a result, global histories of the globalization of international society grant a global international system a structural permanence the original expansion story was meant to contest. In doing so they change profoundly the kind of questions that can be asked regarding the origins, character, and future of political order on earth. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

After its intense phase of insularity, Ireland has reached a considerable diplomatic role. The past vulnerability of Ireland due to its subjection to colonialism made its domestic sphere and foreign agenda in the early 1920s insular. However, Ireland started to transcend its isolation as it showed more openness to the world in the mid-twentieth century. More specifically, Dublin, in the post-World War II context, began to exhibit its interest in having a more dynamic role in the international scene. In fact, Ireland displayed its engagement with matters that exceeded its domestic sphere through its membership in the United Nations. Its performance in such an Intergovernmental Organization unveiled the Irish devotion to principles like peace-keeping and collective security. This article aims to assess Ireland's dynamic role, which started to appear in the mid-twentieth century. Besides, the late-twentieth century was also a significant phase for Dublin and its international presence. This epoch was characterized by Ireland's integration into the European region. Most importantly, the phenomenon of globalization reached its peak at that time, and Ireland witnessed an unprecedented experience of economic opulence known as the Celtic Tiger. Focus should also be laid on Dublin's interesting development in such a globalized climate. Its remarkable evolution, especially in the 1990s, tends to be considered a "model" for other small European and non-European states. Therefore, this paper attempts to scrutinize the extent to which other small states can learn from the example of Ireland. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Purpose The apparent onset of an era of anti-globalization creates significant challenges for international business (IB) practice, research and education. This paper aims to discuss the implication of these challenges for IB scholarship.Design/methodology/approach This essay assesses the needs for research in IB in view of the challenges posed by the anti-globalization movement.Findings The author identifies and analyzes two sets of concerns of the anti-globalization movement: the unequal distribution of the benefits of globalization and emergent constraints on national sovereignty. On that basis, he offers suggestions on how international business scholars may contribute to addressing these challenges through research, teaching and public engagement.Practical implications Businesses need to understand the economic and institutional arguments motivating the anti-globalization movement and to address them within their scope of activity.Social implications Globalization benefits societies, in general, but some groups do not benefit unless specific remedial action is taken. If these groups are not supported, they can cause political disruption to IB and, hence, economic prosperity.Originality/value This paper offers a pathway for IB scholars to contribute to discourses on globalization and anti-globalization. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The COVID-19 pandemic is as much a process of globalization as it is its outcome. In the wake of the death, socio-economic devastation, and radical uncertainties it has unleashed, this paper re-examines globalization anew. This paper's focus is on the role that neoliberalism has played in precipitating the COVID-19 disaster, especially in the wealthiest nations of the West. Re-visiting history, the paper takes issue with the rhetoric of globalization that had been sold as a project ushering in an interconnected global village exalting culture and community. Against such exuberance, the paper recalls that globalization was a post-Cold War project celebrating liberal-capitalism's 'triumph' over state-socialism. It reveals globalization to be foremost about economic accumulation, not community edification. Moreover, in the realm of ideology and policymaking, the past four decades have seen liberalism devolving into neoliberalism, and many national states becoming financialized corporate states. Especially in the West, the liberal state has been captured and financialized. Austerity--not redistributive growth--has reigned, engendering historically unprecedented social polarization which COVID-19 has exposed and exacerbated. Globalization, I argue, has served as rhetorical cover for the social destructiveness of 'neoliberalism'. The approaches and outcomes of pandemic management in much of the West are a further indictment of neoliberalism. Whereas 'herd immunity' had been the early de facto pandemic strategy of many neoliberal Western governments, most of East Asia a state-led commitment to 'zero transmission' and minimum casualties, leading to vastly different health outcomes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The United States' strategic narrative on the rise of the People's Republic of China (PRC) has evolved throughout a half-century of changing world orders and mutual perceptions of strategic intent. From the early 1970s and during the last two decades of the Cold War, the US saw a bipolar world in which it sought to assist China's own rise as a partner in Soviet containment and economic globalisation. During its "unipolar moment" in the post-Cold War era, Washington maintained strong economic engagement but increasingly perceived Beijing as an uneasy partner and rising competitor. With the acknowledgement of the transition towards multipolarity, a bipartisan consensus emerged in Washington about the necessity to contain China's rise as a global political and military power and to blunt its challenge to the "rules-based order" (RBO). The evolution from globalisation "friend" to global "foe" points to three directions of the current US strategic narrative on China's rise: defending the RBO, de-coupling to secure Western-normed globalisation, and shaping the Indo-Pacific security environment. The paper concludes that while the US has succeeded in aligning the three forms of strategic narrative (system, identity, and policy), it faces considerable challenges, including from China's counter-narratives. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper is about the innovative future of service industries, with a focus on knowledge-intensive business services (KIBS). The authors discuss the unique characteristics of service industries, the effects of internet technology and standardization in the realm of globalization and the future global knowledge based society. The paper analyses the link between the assessment of KIBS - by both stakeholders and clients - and commensuration, which is defined as comparing different entities to a common metric and measurement. This conceptual paper argues that the temptation to 'quantify' the value of KIBS as if they were commodities in global free markets is mistaken and especially problematic in a knowledge based society and that the necessary conceptual framework will include commensuration and possibly concepts from the sociological study of exchange and gift-giving. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this paper, we explore the Canadian fitness advocate and coaching legend Lloyd Percival's fabled The Hockey Handbook, and its influence on player development and team strategy in Canada, Sweden and the former Soviet Union. Utilizing the notion of global 'scapes', as developed by Arjun Appaduari, to more fully understand the complexity of the global development of ice hockey, we argue that globalization of the game must be perceived as a multi-faceted interaction at both the global and local levels, i.e. as a critical binary relationship. According to the conventional, evangelistic narrative, Percival's instructional manual was responsible for the rise of ice hockey in Europe and the USSR. Our contrary argument is that the global cultural flow of The Hockey Handbook was a complex combination of factors related to the movement of capital, technologies, people, ideological considerations and mediated images. As such, it brings into question, the presumed status of The Hockey Handbook, as a dominant influence of the global hockey world. Rather, our argument suggests, it is a manufactured 'scape', serving to privilege a Canadian ice hockey system while relegating other 'narratives' and ice hockey systems to that of mere receivers. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines Ursula K. Le Guin's The Telling (2000), her last novel in the Hainish Cycle, which addresses intercultural communications among her imagined worlds. These relationships, which resemble those of our globalizing world, are analyzed in the light of Homi Bhabha's theories of mimicry, hybridity and the Third Space. It is suggested that in this novel, Le Guin criticizes cultural imperialism and rejects both conservative and assimilative attitudes toward the other; instead, she praises hybridity as the culture of our globalizing world. Besides warning against the hegemony of the West in international relationships, through analogy, The Telling highlights the ways the developing countries could be responsible for their own colonialism and the annihilation of their own culture. In this context, this paper proposes that the Dovzans, lured by Hain's advanced technology, as an act of self-colonization, impoverish their lives and deny their entire culture by criminalizing the Telling. The article further argues that indigenous peoples and groups of minorities, through hybridity and focus on their difference, not only can survive and conserve their local heritage and identity in the face of intense globalization pressures but also affect the dominant power. Accordingly, Sutty and the people of Okzat-Ozkat are introduced as courageous hybrid characters who finally succeed in asserting their voice in the third space. The article concludes that through bargaining with the Ekumen and remaining faithful to their own culture, the people of Okzat-Ozkat can save the Telling from extermination. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper argues that the pressures for fair trade to substantially increase market access for marginalized producers in the global South and subsequently move fair trade out of niche into mainstream markets is reshaping the boundaries of the movement. We suggest that going mainstream carries with it the danger of appropriation of the more convenient elements of fair trade by the commercial sector and loss of the more radical edges. This paper examines the changing discourse surrounding fair trade, critically reflecting on the movement's history to understand how its evolution to date might influence its possible futures. The paper concludes by exploring how various elements within the fair trade movement are trying to retain a radical edge in order to continue to provide a critique of the dominant paradigm of business and trade. Copyright © 2005 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd and ERP Environment. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Since World War II, the United States and its allies have overseen a global order built on trade liberalization and the development of a Western model of global integration. That order now appears to be winding down. Beyond the era of "Western hegemony", Asia is returning to the patterns of commerce and cultural exchange that thrived long before European colonialism and American predominance (Khanna, 2019). Underwriting Asia's resurgence is the return of China. This paper charts China's rise and Chinese globalization focusing on China as a global technology leader, detailing AI and Chinese human capital development, before turning to China's global higher education to provide an interpretation of Chinese Globalization. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Revista Paraguaya de Educación is the property of Ministerio de Educacion - Organizacion de Estados Santillana and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The study analyzes Hari Kunzru's (b. 1969) novel Transmission (2004) as a post 9/11 text. Although there are no direct references to the events of 9/11, the novel is analogous to the counter-discourses against post 9/11 popular discourses on terror. The theoretical framework of the study is based on Baudrillard's critique of 9/11 as presented in his 2001 essay "The Spirit of Terrorism" which contends that 9/11 attacks were symbolic of a reaction against globalization and its negative impact on the third world. The terrorists retaliated against global neo-imperialism and ironically used the same means of globalization in the form of modern technology to wage a war against the selfproclaimed superpower, the USA. Since both Arjun Mehta and Leela Zahir, the protagonists of the novel, are labelled as terrorists, the post 9/11 discourse on terror as presented by the West and its counter-discourse as presented by the Western 'other' will be examined at length through a close reading of the text. Arjun Mehta, a budding computer programmer, struggles to eradicate his poverty for a secure future but is marked as a terrorist that makes him end up as a fugitive. Similarly, Leela Zahir, a promising actress with the prospects of touching the pinnacles of fame, is devastated because of being associated with computer generated virus. The novel is counter-discursive to the creation of the tag 'terrorist' through exposing the role of unequal distribution of wealth, opportunities and security in a globalized world in the making of terrorists (real or simulated), hence corresponding to 9/11 discourses. The paper concludes that the novel is a critique of globalization as a source of terror in the new millennium through the use of media and technology. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

A conflict between the local and the global is built into the contradiction of being a linguistic animal, at once bound by one's bodiliness to the local and able to conceptualize (and therefore to act) far beyond it. The paper considers some of the effects of this conflict, before proceeding briefly to examine four interrelated but distinct terms: universal, international, cosmopolitan and global. This paper was originally delivered as a lecture given at the Norwegian University of Science and Technology's conference ‘Navigating Globalization: Stability, Fluidity and Friction’, sponsored by the NTNU Globalization Programme held in Trondheim, Norway, August, 2005. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this paper I respond to the symposium on my book Global Economy, Global Justice: Normative Objections and Policy Alternatives to Neoliberalism, with contributions by William Milberg, Julie Graham, Maliha Safri, and Eray Düzenli. This paper explores a topic just briefly mentioned in Global Economy, Global Justice--namely, the politics associated with the pursuit of the form of justice that I advance in the book. I argue that the book's principal arguments are informed by the theoretical perspectives in evidence in the papers of Milberg, Graham, and Safri and Düzenli, though I had chosen not to explore these perspectives in detail. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines the notion that globalization and free trade have been harmful for the economies of low-development countries. Globalization has been hailed as a deliverer and condemned as a destroyer of developing countries. It was said that gains from free trade and free markets are relevant from the point of view of public policy. They offer a guide on which sort of policies should be pursued. Considering the philosophical and human level, freedom to trade and freedom to interact with other human beings in the marketplace do not need to be defended in terms of their effects. The diversity of concepts and meanings of globalization are the interesting features of the anti-globalization groups. Globalization is also considered as a process of removing barriers between nations.

To further accelerate globalization, Western states and companies that regulate financial, investment and trade flows and the system of economic relations in the world that they support, unexpectedly led to the increase of power centers and appearance of multipolar system. In the XXI century apart from the USA, Russia and China some more power centers together with EU played an important role in the building of the global system. Due to fierce competition between them, these states being global and nuclear empires can take part in war conflicts simultaneously, but this is unlikely as it can cause a great catastrophe in the world. In the international system, due to the importance of international strategic balance and security, in the nearest future, at the point of measurement, because of fear of losing their positions, to protect themselves or around a certain request, between the coordinates of the United States-Russia-China-EU and other power centers, in bilateral or triple forms, strategic alliances can be formed. According to this study, these alliances are highly likely to become superficial and improvised. This study aims at shedding light on the strength of possible alliances in the nearest future, studying the past and present of the collaboration between the USA-Russia-China-EU with other global power centers from different perspectives. This paper will discuss the behavior of global power centers which need to learn their old or new roles on the international stage. Thus, we will try to reveal Russia's contribution in the building of multipolar international system. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the aftermath of the Global Financial Crisis and, more recently, the COVID-19 pandemic, scepticism on the merits of trade and globalization has increased across several key developed countries. This poses major challenges for multinational enterprises (MNEs) and other trade dependent firms (TDFs). This paper develops a framework to explore corporate nonmarket strategies (NMS) to address this backlash, covering both corporate political activity (CPA) and corporate social responsibility (CSR). We firstly provide an overview of the existing research within international economics, business strategy, and international political economy on the antiglobalization backlash and MNEs/TDFs strategy in the face of protectionism. Building on this scholarship, we formulate propositions for CPA and CSR actions, which are likely to be deployed by TDFs in developed economies to counter protectionism and address the criticisms of the antiglobalization movement. On this basis we propose an interdisciplinary analytical framework that can be used to study corporate strategy in times of growing antitrade sentiments. Finally, we provide initial proposals for testing these propositions and highlight the challenges researchers may face when carrying out such research. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The advent of globalisation has, somewhat paradoxically, spawned regionalism and parochialism in many parts of the world. This tendency towards regionalisation and provincialism has been particularly pronounced in the context of culture and ethnological-cum-intellectual movements and traditions. But, more specifically, in terms of the theme of this paper, it can be seen that this intellectually driven anti-globalisation thrust has been principally directed towards attempts to forge native systems of thought and ideas. Globalisation is seen as a hegemonic attempt to suppress other percepts and precepts and subsume all other perspectives into one vast, boundless mass: that is, a homogenisation and effacement of difference that would ultimately culminate in the intellectual and cultural annihilation of 'the other'. Accordingly, the nativist intellectuals have been motivated to reclaim their cultural and intellectual traditions from the ravages of the imperialism wrought in by globalisation. But, who and what constitute the native? To give a concrete setting to the discussion, the question is examined in the context of the attempts by Caribbean thinkers to construct nativist narratives of culture and intellect. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In 2018, Samir Amin called for a 'new wave of revival and progress' which would replace the system of neoliberal globalisation which is to blame for leaving multiple, interlinked global crises. Five years after his death, this article aims to evaluate if his call has been heeded and how far the world is from a new wave of revival and progress. The article investigates the movement of 'progressive internationalism' - as a movement that opposes the perpetuation of the legacy of global imperlialism that has manifested in global power assymetry, producin structural inequality and poverty - as a possible response to Amin's request.. The core research question is: 'how far are we from realising Amin's vision'. To do this, the article will also explore initiatives of the progressive internationalist movement with reference to south-south cooperation thorough the BRICS bloc, structural reform of the international system and the United Nations Security Council, and Active Non-Alignment, among other nascent initiatives. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Does income inequality increase political backlash against European and global integration? This paper reports research suggesting that it can. The article analyses party opposition to and support for trade openness, European Union integration and general internationalism of political party platforms in advanced industrial democracies between 1960 and 2008. It finds that inequality tends to increase anti-globalization positions of parties, net of pro-globalization positions, an effect that does not significantly differ across party families or levels of actual globalization. This effect, however, does depend on, and is diminished by, generous redistributive policies. These findings clarify socio-economic conditions underlying the backlash against political and economic globalization. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Copyright of Revista del Centro de Investigación. Universidad La Salle is the property of Universidad La Salle and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Abstract: This paper examines the role of knowledge in the internationalization of the firm. The earlier internationalization process models are reviewed and challenges relating to their assumptions about knowledge are highlighted. This is discussed in relation to a relatively new phenomenon, the “Born Global” phenomenon. A synthesis of the research to date on this phenomenon is presented. In the context of a new world economy, a different perspective on the role of knowledge emerges. This view of knowledge is one in which knowledge intensity and internationalization knowledge accumulation influence the pace and pattern of firm internationalization. The paper calls for further research in this area. [Copyright &y& Elsevier]

In this paper I look at globalization in terms of the metaphysical event of being, arguing that in order to discuss the issue of globalization the ontological conditions of possibility for its historical appearance need to be prioritized. Using the philosophy of Martin Heidegger allows us to see how globalization belongs to the modern calculable understanding of space, and therefore to the particular metaphysical event of technological existence. Through an acknowledgment of the metaphysics of gigantic growth and totalitarian magnitude, globalization is seen as a planetary consummation of the kind of technological disclosure of being. This is a period in which the entire globe stands at the service of complete and manipulative calculability. In this paper I argue that in globalization the world is ontologically understood as a picture in which everything becomes gathered together as a reserve to be ordered and challenged by anthropocentric will and value-creation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Because of the negative impacts of capitalist globalisation, some commentators are anticipating an alternative form of globalisation. This paper examines the potential of alternative tourisms to be catalysts for more just and sustainable forms of globalisation. While it is argued that various forms of alternative tourism, including ecotourism, sustainability, peace through tourism, and pro-poor tourism have been co-opted by a defensive tourism industry in the face of widespread criticism and an active anticapitalist globalisation movement, it is suggested that the niche of justice tourism provides a singular model of difference. Justice tourism is a relatively new and under-analysed phenomenon that seeks not only to reform the inequities and damages of contemporary tourism, but also to chart a path to a more just global order. An examination of justice tourism indicates that its 'products and services', its structures and its agendas are radically different from the other segments of the alternative tourism phenomenon. In particular, the formation of the Tourism Interventions Group, with its collaboration with the social justice movement meeting under the auspices of the World Social Forum, shows that justice tourism aims for a fundamental transformation of the contemporary global order. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The recent emergence of global justice networks (GJNs) to counter neoliberal globalization has been an important political and geographical phenomenon. Much has been written about the emergence of a new global civil society, centred upon a new 'network' ontology. In engaging with these debates in this paper, our purpose is to develop a more critical spatial perspective. We argue that issues of space and place are critical in understanding the operation of GJNs and their potential to contribute to an alternative global politics. Spatially, the global linkages of GJNs can be seen as creating cultural and spatial configurations that connect places with each other in opposition to neoliberalism. However, the individual movements that comprise networks, while not necessarily place-restricted, remain heavily territorialized in their struggles. Additionally, networks evolve unevenly over space. Some groups and actors within them are able to develop extensive translocal connections and associations whereas others remain relatively more localized. Potential conflicts arise from such complex geographies, which only become evident through analysing the operation and evolution of different networks. This leads us to focus not solely on the transnational character of networks but also upon how the global is enacted through the localized practices of movements within them, in considering the potential for GJNs to form more sustainable political alternatives to neoliberalism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The following paper presents two different models of a just world order that take the French Revolution as their starting point: Condorcet's optimistic account of the bright but unilateral future course of history and the social model of Auguste Comte intended to unite the world's varying value systems. These two opposed approaches will be considered from the point of view of the actual debate on whether Western values should be predominant in the age of globalization. This debate is therefore linked to the questions whether different value systems should be treated equally or whether a particular one can be seen as superior to others, and thus no longer to be termed as a value system, but as a universal norm. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The paper is concerned with the phenomenon whereby certain high profile meetings and conferences attract large numbers of protestors and the problems that result for destination authorities preparing for and managing such events. Tourism is shown to be influenced by, as well as an influence upon, politics in such circumstances. Issues are discussed within the context of Singapore which held a major event involving world financial institutions in 2006. The analysis reveals the appeal of this distinctive form of business tourism, but also highlights potential limitations including the dilemma of how to deal with the question of demonstrations that are affected by prevailing political cultures. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper identifies three defining features of globalisation that have been habitually misrepresented by the anti-globalisation movement. First, that globalisation entails a universal shift towards economic liberalisatlon, rather than a selective liberalisation with particular disadvantage to the Third World. The movement also bewails the erosion of traditional economic functions in Northern governments, thus diminishing their agency in globalisation and largely absolving them of responsibility for it. Instead, the focus of protest should shift from international financial institutions (IFIS) to the state-IFI interface. Finally, the movement fails to engage with the ever-changing nature of capitalism's structural search for expanding profits. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper considers three different conceptualizations – three politico-ideological perspectives within civil society – on global-scale economics and geopolitics. The standpoints can be termed “Global justice movements,” “Third World nationalism,” and the “Post-Washington Consensus.” These three perspectives stand in contrast to the fusion of neoliberal economics and neoconservative politics that dominates the contemporary world. The three approaches sometimes converge, but more often than not they are in conflict; as are the civil society institutions that cohere to the three different political ideologies. From the three different analyses flow different strategies, concrete campaigning tactics, and varying choices of allies. The World Social Forum provides hints of a potentially unifying approach within the global justice movements based upon the practical themes of “decommodification” and “deglobalization” (of capital). It is, however, only by facing up to the ideological divergences that the global justice movement can enhance its presence. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper uses Freirean theory and field studies of counter-globalist campaigns to add greater lucidity and normative deliberateness to our understanding of resistance to neo-liberal globalism. A difficult tension exists between complete submersion in movement struggles, versus a mythical position of objective analytic detachment. We sketch out the basis for a productive dialogue between these two competing pulls of political engagement and analytic objectivity. To do this, we draw from the writings of Paulo Freire, a Brazilian thinker famous for his theories of popular education. Freire's writings have not seriously entered academic studies of globalization, even though activists in the ‘globalization-from-below’ camp frequently draw on his words for inspiration. We seek to remedy this omission, and construct a dialogue between Freire and social movement struggles on four dualisms centred on epistemology, normativity, methodology and strategy. In each dualism, we outline how Freirean concepts can help redefine these binaries as productive tensions to be developed, rather than conflicts to be suppressed. These insights are not intended as a theoretical injunctive delivered from upon high, but are used in dialogue with examples from global justice campaigns in order to clarify what is already taking place on the ground. Identifying Freirean priorities can also encourage openings for more emancipatory approaches to critical globalization scholarship. While academics cannot engineer resistance to neo-liberal globalism from the top down, they can contribute their research energy and resources, becoming more actively engaged in the process of envisaging alternatives. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Given the incredible diversity of the anti-globalization movement, developing inclusive and participatory spaces is an enormous challenge. Inequities in power, resources, and experience between Northern and Southern activists are of particular concern to a movement that values democratic participation. Dialogue is seen as a critical new way of addressing conflicts within the movement. For three decades, women's organizations dealt with similar issues at the UN World Conferences on Women. It was not until the 1990s that a global women's movement emerged. This paper, which is based on a qualitative study of women's peace organizations gathered at the Fourth UN World Conference on Women in 1995, addresses the development of positive coalition dynamics. The focus on individual activist stories fills in gaps left by studying organizations as units of analysis or on transnational movements as a whole. My research shows that if transnational activists use constructive approaches, conflict can assist in building coalition dynamics necessary for effective and equitable cooperation. I conclude that a commitment to respond to conflict in a constructive manner is as important for coalition building as formal processes or mechanisms that foster dialogue. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Since the early 1980s, Australian governments have embraced neoliberal policies as a means of improving the nation's global economic competitiveness. The impacts of such policies in regional areas have been quite profound, leading to socio-economic polarisation, population loss, and the growth of anti-globalisation sentiments. In this paper, we examine the process of regional restructuring that arises from this trajectory in Australia, and examine current policy responses to change under the neoliberal regime. We argue that while many such responses are individualistic, and based upon policies of personal responsibility, self-advancement and entrepreneurship, others are imbued with the language of community, social capital and collective action. The existence of individualism and community within the same policy agenda may appear contradictory, yet it is suggested that neoliberalism brings together these two opposing discourses through a process of what Nikolas Rose calls ‘governing through community’. We explore how neoliberalism underpins community approaches to regional development in Australia, arguing that such strategies do little to counter the negative forces of globalisation in non-metropolitan parts of the country. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]