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Agricultural cooperatives (ACs) are major players in European farming, where they account for 40–60% of agricultural trade, and are key actors in articulating rural realities. This paper offers a solidary critique of ACs beyond the dominant institutional economics lens, and aims to resume the debate on their de/repoliticisation. Evidence presented points towards a continuous process of co-optation of ACs by the dominant food regime as well as decreased adherence to cooperative principles, revealing theoretical parallelisms with the organic and fair trade movements. While acknowledging the important role ACs play in supporting farmers, many of who interviewed for this research reported they could not survive without them, this paper warns of the loss of their historical political roots, and introduces a new theoretical framework for a more integrated study of ACs in the context of wider food system forces. The framework is composed of three conceptual components: first, the coooperative triangle illustrates interwoven cooperative identitary dimensions; second, the cooperative hourglass depicts ongoing tensions between the cooperative economic and governance model, and the market economy they exist in; and third, the concept of cooperative sustainability brings together the previous two components to analyse ACs' ability and capacity to maintain the dimensions indicated in the cooperative triangle while also fostering environmental sustainability through their practices. • An integrated framework for the study of agricultural cooperatives is proposed. • Certain dimensions of agricultural cooperatives have become disjointed and co-opted. • The pressure farmers' cooperatives used to exert outwards has turned to members. • The cooperative triangle and cooperative double hourglass are presented. • Farming cooperatives must overcome epistemological biases and quantophrenic trends. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper seeks to answer the following question: does it still make sense today to speak of political emancipation, in particular in the sense bequeathed to us by Marx, as emancipation from capitalism? I consider three serious objections to this possibility: the objection that reference to 'capitalism' is unduly essentialist in view of the multiplicity of historical situations; the anti-utopian objection according to which the programme of emancipation from capitalism lacks any precise, practical content; and the normative objection that emancipation in and of itself does not specify the norms of the putative post-capitalist society. In the final section of the paper, I attempt to respond to these three objections, and seek to outline the different levels at which something like an emancipatory project, understood as a surpassing of capitalism, can still make sense today. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

James'sFairness in Tradeseeks to offer an account of fair trade that is “internal” to an existing practice he describes as “mutual market reliance.” This paper distinguishes several senses of the distinction between “internal” and “external” that occur in the book and asks how, in its various senses, the distinction shapes and influences judgments about the fairness of the practice. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

May 1968 was defeated in a sense, with the people going back and living conventional lives, but at the same time it was a milestone of change of mind. It inspired new cultural and political imaginations and the creation of alternative cultures, anti-capitalist, anti-war, anti-colonial, and against conventional logic. And it was surrounded by student uprisings in the USA and by Prague 1968 and broader openings in many world areas, which boosted the effect of May 1968. ‘I would object to comparisons with Greece 43 years later, and we still do not know whether the Greek May of 2011 (celebrated in the picture) or 2012 (the pivotal election) is successful yet. But the banner really makes the point that the May of 2011 and all that followed, also inspires alternative cultures and imaginations against the hegemony of neoliberal neocolonialism, so it is anticapitalist too, against the new more exploitative face of capitalism and the democratic deficit that it creates. Though it is surrounded by insulting and racist remarks from abroad, it draws solidarity only from single intellectuals who see its pioneering intervention that might snowball and lead to a change of mind throughout Europe, against conventional logic which has the banks in power rather than parliamentary democracy. (Leontidou)1 Professor Lila Leontidou was discussing her photograph of a year ago which shows a banner posted by the Theatre du Soleil in Syntagma to, as she puts it, ‘celebrate solidarity between Athens and Paris.’ ‘Solidarity in Greek’, she continues, ‘is “allilegyi”, which means literally “close (egys) to each other (allilous)”. Indeed, the Left Party of Syriza on the rise in the 2012 May elections and now, has made allilegyi the basic discourse of their political campaign. To those who attack them (everybody does these days, media and politicians attack them harshly with the scare of the Greek drachma), these people say that they do have a chance if they draw “allilegyi” from abroad.’2 ‘Athens’, she concludes, ‘is as massive as Paris, and as young and inventive as that.’ Professor Leontidou was speaking before the June 17 election. Syriza has since significantly increased its vote but failed to win the election.3 But the movement against ‘conventional logic’ to which she refers, ‘against the hegemony of neoliberal neocolonialism, i.e. anti-capitalist too, against the new more exploitative face of capitalism and the democratic deficit that it creates’, seems set to continue.4 The ‘conventional logic which has the banks in power rather than parliamentary democracy’ has come to seem more fragile and unacceptable, even if the prospect of parliamentary democracy itself has also come to seem more fragile and questionable. This issue of CITY seeks to chart and analyse the struggle between this conventional and enshrined logic and an alternative logic emerging from the potentially transformative solidarities, within and across movements, nations, moments of time, across the face of, and towards a new future for, the planet. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

In this paper we interrogate the demand and practice of autonomy in social movements. We begin by identifying three main conceptions of autonomy: (1) autonomous practices vis-a-vis capital; (2) self-determination and independence from the state; and (3) alternatives to hegemonic discourses of development. We then point to limits associated with autonomy and discuss how demands for autonomy are tied up with contemporary re-organizations of: (1) the capitalist workplace, characterized by discourses of autonomy, creativity and self-management; (2) the state, which increasingly outsources public services to independent, autonomous providers, which often have a more radical, social movement history; and (3) regimes of development, which today often emphasize local practices, participation and self-determination. This capturing of autonomy reminds us that autonomy can never be fixed. Instead, social movements' demands for autonomy are embedded in specific social, economic, political and cultural contexts, giving rise to possibilities as well as impossibilities of autonomous practices. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The aim of this paper is to present the characteristics of the organizational culture at URSUS Breweries SA, Romania. Cultural transition from the centralized planning economy to the market economy has started along with technological improvements. The capacity of anticipating the transformations within the external environment as well as the appropriation of specific analyzing techniques and methods of external and internal environments are nowadays vital. But the transition process towards values and behaviors adjusted to the free market is extremely complex and long, and requires the involvement of all the employees of the organization. The results indicate clearly that when it comes to changing the firm's culture, from managers it is expected the most (75%), followed by the stockholders (53.8%) and then by technology (51.8%). The perception of the sales department as being very important by 61, 29% of responders and their consideration that the quality is very important (77, 4%) is the proof that changes occurred in the organizational culture towards understanding the market economy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper identifies three defining features of globalisation that have been habitually misrepresented by the anti-globalisation movement. First, that globalisation entails a universal shift towards economic liberalisatlon, rather than a selective liberalisation with particular disadvantage to the Third World. The movement also bewails the erosion of traditional economic functions in Northern governments, thus diminishing their agency in globalisation and largely absolving them of responsibility for it. Instead, the focus of protest should shift from international financial institutions (IFIS) to the state-IFI interface. Finally, the movement fails to engage with the ever-changing nature of capitalism's structural search for expanding profits. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines the return to an anticapitalist approach within lesbian/gay and queer antihomophobic activist struggles. Arguing that notions of queer identity are governed by a triumvirate of approaches which take into account economic structuration variously, I make a case for a stronger link between marxian and queer theory approaches by discussing the ways in which queer performative identities are constituted within a matrix of coherence that is implicated in late capitalist culture. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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Centred around Antonio Gramsci’s concept of hegemony, this paper employs a critical globalization theory framework to argue that the 1990s notion of ‘changing the world from below’, understood as resistance to capitalist globalization through a ‘transnational civil society’, requires re-theorization in the light of the contemporary developments in Our America. I make a methodological case for a neo-Gramscian approach to argue that ‘counter-hegemony’, together with an adequate theorization of the state and power, should be the preferred concept over the inherently apolitical and under-theorized ‘alter globalization’. Whilst the alterglobalization movement’s ideational and normative challenges to hegemony (captured in ex- British prime minister Thatcher’s There-Is-No-Alternative-Doctrine, TINA) are undisputed, the transformation of the global geographies of power through local actors alone has remained illusory. Rather, the experience of the Bolivarian Alliance for the Peoples of Our America- Peoples’ Trade Agreement (ALBA-PTA) strongly suggests that counter-hegemonic globalization theory will have to consider the roles of both the ‘state-in-revolution’ and the ‘transnational organized society’. This will be shown through the analysis and theorization of the ALBA-PTA as a multi dimensional inter and transnational counter-hegemonic regionalization and globalization project that operates across a range of sectors and scales [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Despite the global justice movement's diffuse and multifarious character, experimentation with 'new' and recovered democratic forms is an important common feature. Given the atrophied version of democracy offered by neoliberal states hemmed in by the prerogatives of global capital, attempts to reinvent radically egalitarian, decentralized and participatory democratic practices are unsurprising. However, pervasive anarchist and post-modern assumptions have led to an 'anti-statism': a rejection of the possibility that state power can be used by progressive forces to create alternatives to capitalism. In this paper I engage with the theoretical roots of anti-statism and argue it is rooted in an impoverished and monolithic understanding of the state, is accompanied by a romanticized view of civil society as a realm of freedom and autonomy, and results in the adoption of easily marginalized forms of resistance. To illustrate, I examine some of the most influential contemporary sources of such ideas, namely the Social Forum movement and the post-200l autonomist movements of Argentina. Finally, using insights from Gramscian and neo-Marxist theory, I argue that an abandonment of the state as a terrain of struggle permits its continued and unhindered use by capital reinforces the neoliberal mantra that the state should not be used to subject the market to social values, and abandons the possibility of creating a unified, sustained and effective counter-hegemonic political project. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Commission for Africa has been presented as a moral crusade, and linked by its proponents to the ‘anti-globalisation’ activism of such campaigns as ‘Make Poverty History’. But detailed analysis of the genesis and content of its report reveals direct continuity with EBRD and World Bank programmes from the 1990s onwards. It continues and extends a series of supranational initiatives aimed at endowing transitional and developing states with the capacity to pursue and legitimise capitalist development. Its principal focus is shown to be on the need to enhance the capacity of the state to impose and maintain the social relations of capitalist production. The emphasis on restoring rather than replacing state agency is identified as a constant feature of such projects, related to the promotion of competitiveness in the global capitalist economy. Finally, this is shown to be a feature shared with New Labour's programme for the ‘modernisation’ of Britain, and the broader theoretical implications are briefly explored. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article offers an alternative account of the European far-right from those prevailing in comparative politics and the history of ideas literatures. The article focuses on: (i) the historical evolution of the European far-right from its late 19th-century origins to its contemporary form as a current of anti-globalization; and (ii) the way in which international capitalist development explains the generalized emergence and ‘success’ of the far-right. I argue that uneven capitalist development has been integral to the evolution of the far-right. It has been the geopolitical expressions of capitalist development that best account for enabling domestic political contexts that have facilitated far-right mobilizations. Consequently, whilst the far-right has re-emerged, because of the post-1945 decoupling of uneven capitalist development from geopolitical rivalry, the international and domestic social, political and ideological resources that the contemporary far-right can draw upon are considerably weaker than the historical far-right. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In seeking to understand the nature of the struggle represented by the UK riots of 2011 (in which half of all crimes during the disorder were against commercial premises), this article critically considers Bauman's (2011) contention that these were the riots of defective and disqualified consumers. It reflects on how far youth resistance is, and arguably always has been, constituted around the ability – or otherwise – to consume. The concern here is with the degree to which consumption can genuinely contribute to the integrative and communicative rationality of society (Canclini 2001) and how young people's relationship to that rationality may inform an understanding of the social relevance of resistance. The article challenges the assumption that the riots demonstrate a consensus of contestation amongst young people, arguing that these events counter-intuitively constitute a ‘culture of acceptance’ in which young people struggle to imagine themselves beyond the parameters that orthodox consumerism provides. The article is concerned not with the role of resistance as anti-capitalist militancy, but as a pragmatic means by which young people seek to frame themselves ‘outside’ (or indeed inside) the parameters of consumerism. It calls for a more sophisticated examination of the relationship between resistance and consumption, suggesting that in resisting consumer capitalism, young people are in danger of tying themselves more closely to the very ideology against which they rebel. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

This article discusses climate change from a critical social science perspective. Firstly, it is argued that climate change is not, in a fundamental sense, possible to understand from a natural science perspective, but demands an analysis of political power relations and our existing global political economy, capitalism. Therefore, climate change involves questions of global justice. Secondly, it is argued that the contemporary world economy, not only forcefully restructures climate, but also our societies, creating turbulent social strains, and therefore also an emerging global political reaction, one that is potentially giving hope for a solution, transnational justice and climate movements. However, thirdly, it is argued that these movements are not enough since they are still too ineffective to really challenge the basic injustices of global capitalism or its climate change effects. Social change is urgent, while solutions, strategies and mobilizations still seem too weak. Therefore, fourthly and lastly, we need a new kind of climate change panel, one that combines the theoretical-analytical skills of critical social scientists and the practical knowledge and organizational skills of movement intellectuals. A "Social Science Panel on Climate Change" is suggested in order to develop effective and realistic options and strategies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Free-market reforms in the last quarter of the twentieth century weakened the point of production-labor unions-as the source of effective nonparty political countermovement to liberal capitalism. Has another significant source of societal resistance arisen in association with the resurgence of market economics? Building on the work of Karl Polanyi, this article argues that circuits of exchange-the commodification of labor, land, and money-can be powerful sources of movement against contemporary forms of free-market capitalism. It draws on the cases of Argentina, Bolivia, and Ecuador to explore how Polanyi's exchange-based approach helps to elucidate three phenomena: the great variety of identities behind the myriad movements against free-market capitalism, the emergence of community as a powerful locus for organizing, and the proliferation of new forms of transgressive and highly disruptive direct action to reinforce the debilitated effectiveness of the strike. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This work draws on Deleuze and Guattari's image of the ‘rhizome’ to develop a framework for mapping and understanding the global social forum process and its implications for the broader global left. The image of the rhizome is insightful for analytically accentuating the nature and workings, as well as the challenges and contemporary shortcomings, of the social forum process and more generally the broader global movement(s). Thriving on multiplicity and thus lacking a dominant core or main axis, the social forum-as-rhizome emphasizes the multi-connectivity and heterogeneity of this process, which has no central actor, issue, strategy, or ideology, beyond the strong opposition to neoliberalism. While what I call the ‘Global Social Forum Rhizome’ allows for unprecedented connections as well as tempering and managing inherent antinomies of the alter-globalization movement(s), its logic simultaneously limits the degree of congealed and resilient movement building. In the final analysis, these intrinsic rhizomatic characteristics foster a rather thin articulation of commonalities and convergences, which result in a politics often unable to move beyond mere symbolic acts and resistances and towards organizing, campaigning, and concrete movement building. Este trabajo se inspira en la imagen del ‘rizoma’ de Deleuze y Guattari, para desarrollar un marco para representar y entender el proceso del Fórum Social Global y sus implicaciones para la más amplia izquierda global. La imagen del rizoma es reveladora, tanto para acentuar analíticamente la naturaleza y el funcionamiento, como los retos y las carencias contemporáneas del proceso del Fórum Social y en mayores rasgos, el(los) movimiento(s) global(es) más amplio(s). Creciendo en multiplicidad y por lo tanto carente de un núcleo dominante o de un eje principal, el Fórum Social como rizoma enfatiza la conectividad múltiple y la heterogeneidad de este proceso, que carece de un actor central, cuestión, estrategia o ideología, más allá de la fuerte oposición al neoliberalismo. Mientras lo que yo llamo el ‘Fórum Social Global del Rizoma’ tiene en cuenta a las conexiones sin precedente, como también atenuando y controlando las antinomias inherentes del(los) movimiento(s) de alterglobalización, su lógica limita simultáneamente el grado de congelación y tenacidad del desarrollo del movimiento. En el análisis final, estas características intrínsecas del rizoma fomentan una articulación bastante escasa de similitudes y convergencias, que resultan en una política frecuentemente incapaz de moverse más allá de actos meramente simbólicos y de resistencias y hacia la organización, las campañas y el desarrollo concreto del movimiento. 本文借鉴了德勒兹与瓜塔里的“块茎说”，发展出一种测绘和理解世界社会论坛进程及其对更广义全球左派的意义的框架。“块茎说”是解析社会论坛进程和更普遍、更广泛的全球运动的性质、运作、挑战和当前不足的真知灼见。作为块茎的社会论坛因多样性的繁荣导致其缺少主导的核心或主茎，强调多元连通和进程的异质性，除了强烈反对新自由主义外，社会论坛缺少核心行为体、议题、战略或意识形态。虽然我所谓的“全球社会论坛块茎”虑及前所未有的连通和对另立全球化运动的内在矛盾的调节和管理，其逻辑同时限制了静态和有弹性的组织建设。总而言之，这种内在的块茎特点致其共同点和交汇点甚少，导致了一种往往无法超越仅为象征的行动和反抗，无法开展组织、竞选和具体的运动建构的政治。 이 글은 지구적 사회포럼 과정과 그것이 전 세계 좌파에게 주는 함의를 찾아내고 또 이해하기 위한 틀을 발전시키기 위하여 드뢰즈와 카타리의 ‘리좀(rhizome)’ 이미지를 다룬다. 리좀의 이미지는 사회포럼 과정과 보다 일반적으로 더 광범위한 지구적 운동들의 성격과 작동뿐만 아니라 도전과 현재의 부족한 점을 분석적으로 강조하는데 있어서 통찰력을 제공한다. 다양성이 증진되면서 지배적인 중심이나 주축이 없는 리좀으로서의 사회포럼은 과정의 다연계성(multi-connectivity)과 이질성(heterogeneity)을 강조한다. 이 과정은 신자유주의에 대한 강력한 반대 이상으로 중심적인 행위자, 이슈, 전략 혹은 이데올로기가 없다. 내가 ‘지구적 사회포럼 리좀’이라고 부른 것은 대안 세계화 운동들의 내적인 자기모순을 완화시키고 관리할 뿐만 아니라 전대미문의 연계를 허용하지만, 그것의 논리는 동시에 응집되고 끈질긴 운동의 건설을 제약한다. 최종 분석에서 이러한 내적인 리좀의 특성들이 공통점과 수렴의 약한 절합을 촉진시키며, 때로 단순히 상징적인 행동과 저항을 넘어서 구체적인 운동을 조직하고 선전하는 쪽으로 나아가지 못하는 정치로 끝난다. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

The article discusses the idea of Crawford Brough Macpherson on possessive individualism. The author talks about the critique of Macpherson on capitalism, wherein he does not agree. He also tackles his argument that the central ethical commitment of the theory of possessive individualism was anti-capitalist in nature.

Slavoj Žižek's leading question is how we are to reformulate a leftist anti-capitalist project in an era of global capitalism. In attempting to answer this question, Žižek often uses Kierkegaard's insights to add weight to his analysis of the problems associated with our social and political reality. Yet when one reads Žižek's work on Kierkegaard one is struck by the sheer number of inconsistencies that are generated. Žižek considers Kierkegaard from the point of view of the political in such a way that he avoids the religious, but Kierkegaard is clear that if a proper politics is to exist, it must be grounded in religious selfhood. The single individual, as Kierkegaard makes clear in Two Ages, is 'an essentially human person in the religious sense.' Kierkegaard's views are directed by a religious notion of selfhood. Politics without this source is a form of despair. By failing to see ourselves as religious beings, we are in despair. This despair cannot be the basis from which to transform the coordinates of our current position. Kierkegaard's philosophy provides us with a radical opening from which to re-think political theology from the position of the single individual to come. The program that Žižek upholds is not adequate for the transformation of society or self because it does not have a religious understanding of the individual. As such, Žižek's position is grounded in despair, not love. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article explores the relation between globalisation and images of Jews. Globalisation along neoliberal lines has often had serious impacts on the livelihoods of the poor, particularly in the global South: economic distress must be taken seriously when discussing how 'old' images of the 'economic Jew' emerge within social movements. Resistance to negative economic effects of globalisation takes a number of forms, some advocating a return to more enclosed societies; others, building international links while opposing neoliberalism. However, images of Jews as representing finance capital are recurrent; this is in part because these are rooted in European Jewish history. Although such imagery is not pervasive within anti-globalisation movements, there has been some crossover between Left and Right. There exists a temptation to split off 'bad'/unwanted parts of capitalism; this can only be confronted through the difficult work of analysing globalised capitalist systems. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The “movement of movements” has reached an impasse, from which innovation and expansion appear out of reach. Given these circumstances a re-examination of concepts such as antagonism and class hatred might be timely. Antagonism has never disappeared. It is present in climate-change politics as much as in those of the Black Bloc—both examples we discuss here. Indeed antagonism permeates capitalism and drives capitalist development. But a politics founded purely on antagonism quickly comes up against its own limits. The transformative power of love—whilst simultaneously coupled in productive tension with antagonism—offers the possibility of exodus. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Critical management studies (CMS) has emerged as an influential paradigm for organization and management researchers in the last three decades. While various strands of CMS have been adopted to conceptualize or empirically investigate a myriad of organizational phenomena, researchers in the field have yet to substantively apply this paradigm to the study of business ethics. This is unfortunate inasmuch as CMS potentially offers important analytical tools from which to address a range of germane issues pertaining to business ethics. As such, the aim of this article is to broadly introduce CMS to the business ethics scholarly community, underscoring particularly its central ontological and epistemological commitments. This article further identifies several important CMS-inflected research trajectories that scholars may pursue to explore pressing questions related to business ethics. In sum, the authors underscore the utility of CMS to the study business ethics and call for increased inquiry in this intersectional domain. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Globalisation's advent is based on the dominant role of liberalism in the development and organisation of the world system. In both economic and political realms, liberal values and theories guide the process of globalisation. Today's neoliberal form of globalisation, however, is under attack nowadays. While attention is usually directed to anti-globalisation movements, this article examines Russia's re-emergence in the global system and her impact on globalisation. It argues that, politically and economically, Russia acts principally as an 'anti-globalising' force. She rejects western style capitalism, and retains a strong role for the state in economic activities. She fights against US supremacy and works for the establishment of a multi-polar global system. In this attempt, Russia aims to establish a Russian-led regional zone in her near abroad, thus fortifying regional tendencies and countering globalising trends. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The current concern with corporate social responsibility must be seen in the context of major shifts in the functioning of the market, the state and civil society, and of the boundaries between them, and in the ways that we envision them. Capitalism has been reconfigured as an ethical order in which transnational corporations can, indeed must, be accountable for the global well-being of citizens be they rich or poor, capitalists or workers. This ethical commitment to global justice is to be promoted by the mobilization of civil society, governing with integrity both large corporations and a somewhat marginalized regulatory state. In short, regulation is being privatized. Contributors to the debate which follows vary in the extent to which they accept this vision of how capital is to be governed. There are three principal grounds for scepticism. First, in a world so marked by sharp inequalities of both income and conditions of life, how can corporate initiatives be both profitable and consistent with the interests of the poor? Second, how can global civil society, which is itself structured by relation of power and class, be counted on to regulate corporations in the interest of the poor? Third, do limited corporate reforms undercut alternative transformative projects? Those with greater sympathy for civil society involvement in governing corporate capital point out that transformative projects grow out of everyday experiences of progressive change, not out of defeatist visions of an untransformable hegemonic capital. Readers — please decide. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The 'varieties of capitalism' school argues that firm-specific skills are more common in coordinated than in liberal economies and that appropriate training is facilitated by employment protection legislation. We compare the level of firm-specific skills across 21 countries with different capacities for labour market coordination. The data provide very limited support for the thesis, showing large variation among the coordinated countries. The results indicate 'varieties of coordination', which have different implications for the incidence and consequences of firm-specific skill. Improved operationalization of the skill concept seems urgent. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study explores the framing practices employed by mainstream mass-media outlets in the United States in their coverage of the Global Justice Movement during two major episodes of contention: the World Trade Organization protests in Seattle in 1999 and the World Bank/IMF protests in Washington, DC in 2000. A content analysis of prominent and influential newspapers—the New York Times, the Washington Post, the Los Angeles Times, the Wall Street Journal, USA Today, and the Boston Globe—and television networks—ABC, CBS, NBC, CNN, and FOX—rendered five predominant frames: the Violence Frame, the Disruption Frame, the Freak Frame, the Ignorance Frame, and the Amalgam of Grievances Frame. These frames emerge from the interactive relationship between social movements and the mass media, which is bracketed by journalistic norms and values, and results in a dialectic of escalation whereby dissidents feel pressed to radicalize their tactics and rhetoric if they want to gain mass-media attention. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]