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This document is an editorial that pays tribute to the late Samir Amin, a prominent African scholar and activist. Amin was known for his Marxist perspective and his critique of capitalism and Eurocentrism. He advocated for delinking from capitalism and imperialism as a means of achieving inclusive development. The editorial highlights Amin's contributions to various fields, including development economics, political economy, and decolonization in Africa. It also introduces a special issue dedicated to Amin's legacy, which includes papers on topics such as Africa's socio-economic development, alternative development theories, and decolonization. The editorial emphasizes the continued relevance of Amin's ideas for Africa's development and the importance of implementing his recommendations. [Extracted from the article]

In this paper, I unpack how youth organizers became politicized activists through their engagement in the prefigurative practices of the fair trade movement. Prefiguration refers to the practices of a movement that are embedded in and reproduce their shared political visions; prefigurative politics allows social movement groups to embody their politics through their interactional practices, their tactical repertoires, and their outwardly oriented campaigns. As novices within United Students for Fair Trade (USFT), through their immersion in the organization's community of practice and their increasing participation in the prefigurative practices of the community, participants came to identify as and be identified as activists, shift their worldviews, and adopt new political philosophies. This paper examines the activist practices that supported legitimate peripheral participation, including group agreements, keeping stack, and antioppression interventions. The article concludes with a discussion of the ways that prefigurative politics enabled particular activist identities and philosophies and encourages further investigation into political identity development as a learning phenomenon. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper addresses the contribution of neoliberal globalisation to the growing popularity and prevalence of nationalist movements in the past decade. The world has seen rising levels of populism and nationalism in recent years and Europe is no exception. Several European member states have seen parties of the far- right move from the outskirts of the political spectrum to the mainstream and into positions of leadership. To highlight the nationalist response to neoliberal conditions three emergent movements in founding EU member states will be analysed in detail: France's Rassemblement National (RN), Italy's Lega Nord (LN) and Movimento 5 Stelle (5SM) and Germany's Alternative für Deutschland (AfD). This paper will argue that the conditions of neoliberal globalisation have contributed to the rise and prominence of nationalist movements in Europe. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The COVID-19 pandemic is as much a process of globalization as it is its outcome. In the wake of the death, socio-economic devastation, and radical uncertainties it has unleashed, this paper re-examines globalization anew. This paper's focus is on the role that neoliberalism has played in precipitating the COVID-19 disaster, especially in the wealthiest nations of the West. Re-visiting history, the paper takes issue with the rhetoric of globalization that had been sold as a project ushering in an interconnected global village exalting culture and community. Against such exuberance, the paper recalls that globalization was a post-Cold War project celebrating liberal-capitalism's 'triumph' over state-socialism. It reveals globalization to be foremost about economic accumulation, not community edification. Moreover, in the realm of ideology and policymaking, the past four decades have seen liberalism devolving into neoliberalism, and many national states becoming financialized corporate states. Especially in the West, the liberal state has been captured and financialized. Austerity--not redistributive growth--has reigned, engendering historically unprecedented social polarization which COVID-19 has exposed and exacerbated. Globalization, I argue, has served as rhetorical cover for the social destructiveness of 'neoliberalism'. The approaches and outcomes of pandemic management in much of the West are a further indictment of neoliberalism. Whereas 'herd immunity' had been the early de facto pandemic strategy of many neoliberal Western governments, most of East Asia a state-led commitment to 'zero transmission' and minimum casualties, leading to vastly different health outcomes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Nations are faced today with a new set of social and economic challenges: economic globalisation has intensified bringing with it a more intense phase of cultural interconnectedness and political interdependence. Nation‐states see their sovereign powers eroded and are transformed to post‐national states as the political space they govern is no longer congruent with the socio‐economic space which transcends the national borders. Nonetheless, the nation continues to be a powerful source of identity and legitimacy. We are actually witnessing in Europe and worldwide a comeback of nationalism oftentimes in an aggressive, nativist and populist guise. This paper seeks to offer a new analytical lens through which to make sense of this new tide of nationalism. It therefore reviews critically the ethnic vs civic and perennialist, primordialist, modernist and ethnosymbolist approaches to suggest that they are no longer fit for purpose in explaining where nations and nationalism come from and where they are headed to. The paper proposes a new analytical framework which distinguishes between plural and neo‐tribal nationalism, focusing on how nations interact with diversity and permeability in the 21st century context. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In industrialised democracies, welfare state provisions have offsetting implications for anti-globalisation nationalism, central to the position taking of populist radical-right parties. On the one hand, social protection has an 'embedded liberalism' effect, mitigating economic insecurities associated with globalisation and thereby dampening anti-globalisation nationalism. On the other hand, social protection has an 'embedded nationalism' effect, awakening worries that globalisation may undermine hard-won provisions, thereby deepening anti-globalisation. This paper argues and finds evidence that which of these dynamics predominates depends on the particular kind of anti-globalisation debated and on the particular party family doing the debating. Welfare effort does generally dampen anti-globalisation nationalism, but it can deepen more than dampen anti-globalisation with respect to immigration and EU-integration that more directly impact existing national welfare provisions. Welfare effort can also deepen more than dampen anti-globalisation among radical-right and radical-left parties taking issue-ownership of anti-globalisation and of protecting national welfare-state competencies from global pressure. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Starting in the 1990s, international organizations (IOs) have created various opportunities of access for civil society to voice criticism. While international relations (IR) scholarship has increasingly addressed the resulting interaction between IOs and civil society with a focus on NGOs, we know little about the particular reactions to IOs' opening up by social movements. This paper analyzes reactions to opening up by a transnational social movement centrally addressing IOs: the Global Justice Movement (GJM). Examining reactions by different groups of the GJM in Europe and Southeast Asia to IOs' opening up, we demonstrate that reactions differ considerably depending on activists' assessments of the nature of opening up. In particular, we identify four pathways of reactions on a continuum from (1) strong cooperation with IOs as a reaction to opening up, (2) temporally limited cooperation with different IOs, (3) a hybrid reaction that combines cooperation with specific IOs with a strong opposition to other IOs in reaction to their opening up, to (4) a continuous rejection of all cooperation with IOs. We show how these different reactions are shaped by activists' perceptions of the quality of the international opening up in conjunction with national and local context factors. Furthermore, our analysis demonstrates that such perceptions can significantly change over time depending on experiences of interactions. Reactions to opening up are therefore not predictable on the basis of a movement's shape and resources only, but rather depend on a variety of factors such as the movement's perception of the IO's sincerity in a strategic and consequential interaction, as well as the movement's ideological framework and its history of interaction with institutions at other levels, especially in the domestic realm. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The ICJ's advisory opinion on the legal consequences of the separation of the Chagos Archipelago from Mauritius in 1965, prior to Mauritian independence, is a significant development in a long-running transnational legal process. The UK's detachment of the Chagos Archipelago from Mauritius has resulted in multiple lawsuits brought by Mauritius or by the displaced Chagossians through domestic and international courts and tribunals. The ICJ has now clarified the dispute's international legal context, by concluding that the Chagos Archipelago's detachment was unlawful—meaning the decolonisation of Mauritius remains incomplete. This paper situates the advisory opinion within the context of the transnational legal process of the Chagos dispute. The paper analyses the significance of the ICJ's focus on General Assembly resolutions in reaching its conclusions, the potential of increasing multipolarity in international relations to strengthen decolonisation norms, and the relationship between the UK's decolonisation obligations, Brexit and notions of 'Global Britain'. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

To further accelerate globalization, Western states and companies that regulate financial, investment and trade flows and the system of economic relations in the world that they support, unexpectedly led to the increase of power centers and appearance of multipolar system. In the XXI century apart from the USA, Russia and China some more power centers together with EU played an important role in the building of the global system. Due to fierce competition between them, these states being global and nuclear empires can take part in war conflicts simultaneously, but this is unlikely as it can cause a great catastrophe in the world. In the international system, due to the importance of international strategic balance and security, in the nearest future, at the point of measurement, because of fear of losing their positions, to protect themselves or around a certain request, between the coordinates of the United States-Russia-China-EU and other power centers, in bilateral or triple forms, strategic alliances can be formed. According to this study, these alliances are highly likely to become superficial and improvised. This study aims at shedding light on the strength of possible alliances in the nearest future, studying the past and present of the collaboration between the USA-Russia-China-EU with other global power centers from different perspectives. This paper will discuss the behavior of global power centers which need to learn their old or new roles on the international stage. Thus, we will try to reveal Russia's contribution in the building of multipolar international system. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper explores the role that Fairtrade towns and cities can play in achieving the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs). As the largest consumers of resources, cities have a crucial role to play in the transition towards sustainable development, both within and outside their geographical boundaries. In the UK, towns and cities have driven the expansion of the Fair Trade movement through the 'Fairtrade Town' campaign, but an exploration of the relationship with sustainable development is currently missing. By applying power analysis we investigate campaign material produced by the Fairtrade Foundation and the experience of local campaigners. Our findings suggest that Fairtrade Towns operate as campaign spaces for sustainable development, challenging multiple forms of power and mobilizing resources on interrelated levels. Providing a framework to foster social equity on a glocal level, Fairtrade Towns hold the potential to contribute to multiple SDGs, representing a systemic approach to sustainable communities and cities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

There has been a rise in recent decades of consumer campaigns to promote more ethically responsible food and consumer goods production. These campaigns have spanned movements such as fair trade, food miles and organics. They have evoked significant if uneven response from producers and some government agencies. These responses, seen in changes to production methods, ownership structures, distribution systems and marketing have involved new ways of thinking and operating and can be regarded as interesting forms of Responsible Research and Innovation (RRI). Adopting combined sectoral and locality case study perspectives, this paper examines the example of the wine industry in a number of production locations (South Africa, Australia and New Zealand) and analyses how ethically responsible values of justice (fair trade), sustainability (organic production) and provenance (Geographical Indications) have been translated into forms of industrial innovation embodied and perpetuated through and in 'ethical value networks'. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Nowadays, there is an open discussion regarding the consequences of globalization in education. Some experts consider the existence of transnational influences that drive to a progressive harmonization of educational policies in a worldwide level. Other experts consider that the States continue being a key factor in the configuration of education systems. The objective of this paper is contributing to such discussion, analysing the current models of school system evaluation in two countries with characteristics very well differentiated, as are Mexico and Spain. In order to achieve this goal, it has been set up a research based on comparative method that allows to note the similarities and the differences between both models. The results indicate a convergence between Mexico and Spain that, despite their different contexts and educational problems, have adopted models of evaluation practically homogeneous. Even though these results are limited to these two countries and cannot be generalized, the analogies found seem to strengthen the existence of a process of educational standardization in a global perspective. Therefore, the streams of thought that emphasize the primacy of international influence over national levels in educational policies are reinforced. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper reports on an English language teaching and learning experience with the use of Kahoot in a perspective that combines the pedagogy of multiliteracies (COPE; KALANTZIS, 2000, 2009; KRESS, 2010; LEMKE, 2010; PAESANI; ALLEN; DUPUY, 2016; ROJO, 2012) with collaborative learning (DONATO; MCCORMICK, 1994; FIGUEIREDO, 2005, 2006, 2015, 2019; LANTOLF; APPEL, 1994). This research is justified on the grounds that it is of paramount importance to learn how to deal with ongoing contemporary changes connected to the multicultural practices brought about by globalization as well as with the multimodal languages provided by technological advances. This case study was conducted in a higher education context, in Brazil, with seven students who took English as a major in the first semester of 2018. The data generated come from the description of the activity done, the students' responses to a questionnaire, and the students' learning narratives. Among the findings, we highlight principally the promotion of multimodal text reading practices and the development of collaborative dialogues. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper contributes to the discussion of the ethics of brain drain against the background of the bookDebating Brain Drainco-authored by Gillian Brock and Michael Blake. Whereas Gillian Brock argued in this book that a plausible response of global justice would, under certain conditions, permit that developing countries impose taxes or demand compulsory service from their professionals who emigrate, Michael Blake rejects such claims in his defence of the right to emigrate. Extending this debate to the context of reverse immigration, I attempt in this paper to establish if the arguments provided by both scholars are capable of accounting for the cogency or otherwise of preference in reverse immigration. My proposal is that the arguments provided by both Brock and Blake require further contextualisation to make them capable of deciding the question of preference in reverse immigration. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

The recent wave of occupations highlighted how closely space and social movements are related. While this revived scholarly interest in the role of space during protests, little attention so far has been paid to the role of space in protests' long-term internal effects. Bringing together the literatures on transformative effects and space in social movements, the paper examines the role of protests' spatiality in their transformative effects, drawing on a narrow approach to space. The analysis focuses in particular on effects on collective identity building in social movements. Based on interviews and focus groups with activists in 2011, the paper examines the long-term effects of an incisive protest event of the Global Justice Movement (GJM) in Europe, the protests against the G8 summit in Genoa in 2001. The paper shows that this event's spatiality plays a crucial role in building movement identity several years later: it provides activists with interpretational devices to delineate the GJM's internal and external boundaries. The paper thus underlines that research on transformative effects can considerably profit from considering spatiality. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Recent studies point to the relevance of situational factors in the emergence of violence. This paper applies these insights to a systematic analysis of how and why peaceful protest marches transform into violent clashes. It focuses on the micro-situational patterns and emotional dynamics during protests. The exploratory study compares 20 peaceful and violent protests of the Global Justice Movement in the United States and Germany. It employs a triangulation of visual data with document data. The study relies on in-depth qualitative analysis, based on the principles of process tracing. Findings suggest that in those protests where violence emerges, a prior micro-situational pattern is systematically visible. The discussion of exemplary cases shows that two emotional phases precede the outbreak of violence. These phases emerge in a specific temporal danger zone of 1–3 h after the start of a protest. Further, specific triggering moments seem to prompt the outbreak of violence, like the breaking-up of police–protester lines, actors being outnumbered, or falling down. The emotional dynamic between protesters and officers during a protest likewise influences the intensity of violence and how violent situations end. Consequently, the paper suggests that actors need to go through a confrontational micro-situation in a demonstration in order to be able to use violence. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

By the early 1990s there were clear signs of the emergence of a new gender discourse that came to be labelled 'Islamic feminism'. In this paper, I first set this new discourse against the backdrop of the global and local politics of Islam and gender in the latter part of the 20th century. Then I introduce the work of feminist scholar-activists who argue for equality and justice from inside the Muslim tradition, outline how they seek to change the terms of traditional Islamic discourses on gender, and consider their prospects of success. I shall focus on Musawah (www.musawah.org), a global movement for equality and justice in the Muslim family. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Conventional global justice theory expresses a concern for the suffering of individuals around the world, yet very often the experience of those individuals plays little role in the work of theorising global justice. In this paper I argue that global justice has tended to take an architectonic approach in which the theorist orders the world by offering idealised principles of justice that serve as guides to necessary global reforms. This approach draws on a flawed geography of injustice, in which the world is divided into just and orderly regions that must save unjust and disordered regions, while also misunderstanding the causes of injustice. In place of this architectonic approach, I offer a consummatory approach that conceives of justice as a quality of social relationships and which draws on the experience of individuals suffering injustice, using the Grenfell Tower fire as an example. This consummatory approach is then further developed by outlining a situationist global justice theory drawing on the philosophy of John Dewey. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper presents the constitution of the "political" in two cases of political squatting in Hungary after 1989: the Centrum squatter group's occupations in 2004-2006, and the homeless advocacy group The City is for All's occupations in 2013-2014. In the case of the Centrum group, the political significance of squatting was defined by a position allocated to squatters within a larger global justice movement coalition. As soon as that allocated position changed, the political perception of the Centrum group vanished. In the case of The City is for All, the constitution of the politics of the occupations was kept under control by a conscious long-term strategy, which defined squatting as a tactical element. Drawing attention to the shifting political ontology, the paper argues for a contextsensitive definition of political squatting. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper seeks an articulation between Marxist and anarchist approaches to representation in social movements. A generalised dismissal of representational politics leaves power with too many places to hide and sets unnecessary limits to political imagination. Prefigurative politics should not exclude political representation, as the exclusion can imply a class bias. The paper explores two different paths beyond strict assumptions of horizontality. Using mostly Latin American examples, a distinction is made between more classical state-centric paths and less theorised alternatives of non-state representation. Finally, the article approaches global democratisation from a non-state-centric perspective, tentatively called transnational libertarian socialism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Organisational scholarship tends to focus its attention mainly on conventional work organisations and so neglects the organisational practices and principles of other sites of organising. The paper considers the implications of this limited focus even within more critical scholarship through a close reading of a recent paper calling for a greater engagement with social movements. Specifically, I consider problems of understanding a phenomenon in terms of what it is not and evaluating alternative sites of organisation using conventional categories of analysis. I then go on to outline the potential contribution of anarchist theory and its enactment by recent anti-capitalist movements. These radically different approaches to organisation are evaluated and I argue that they present a profound challenge to mainstream assumptions. The paper concludes that critical organisational theory has much to learn from an engagement with such alternative sites of organisation but only if a determined attempt is made to move beyond the usual theoretical frameworks and that anarchist theory may help us do this. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Squatters and migrants use the city space in a peculiar and anomalous manner. Their contributions to the social and political production of urban space are not usually considered crucial. Furthermore, their mutual relationship is under-researched. In this paper I investigate the participation of migrants in the squatting of abandoned buildings. This may entail autonomous forms of occupation but also various kinds of interactions with native squatters. By looking historically at the city of Madrid I distinguish four major forms of interactions. I collect evidence in order to show that deprivation-based squatting is not necessarily the prevailing type. The forms of 'empowerment' and 'engagement' were increasingly developed while 'autonomy' and 'solidarity' were continuously present. These variations occurred because of specific drivers within the cycles of movements' protests and other social and political contexts which facilitated the cooperation between squatters and migrants, although language barriers, discrimination in the housing market and police harassment constrained them too. Therefore, I argue first that two key social organisations triggered the interactions in different protest cycles. Second, I show how, in spite of the over-representation of Latin American migrants, the political squatting movement in Madrid has consistently incorporated groups of migrants and their struggles in accordance with anti-fascist, anti-racist and anti-xenophobic claims and practices. The analysis also provides a nuanced understanding about the 'political' implications of squatting when migrants are involved. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper seeks to answer the following question: does it still make sense today to speak of political emancipation, in particular in the sense bequeathed to us by Marx, as emancipation from capitalism? I consider three serious objections to this possibility: the objection that reference to 'capitalism' is unduly essentialist in view of the multiplicity of historical situations; the anti-utopian objection according to which the programme of emancipation from capitalism lacks any precise, practical content; and the normative objection that emancipation in and of itself does not specify the norms of the putative post-capitalist society. In the final section of the paper, I attempt to respond to these three objections, and seek to outline the different levels at which something like an emancipatory project, understood as a surpassing of capitalism, can still make sense today. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this paper I compare and critically evaluate Sreenivasan's and Pogge's conceptions of global justice. While Sreenivasan holds that all the currently existing theories of global justice agree that wealthy countries should transfer at least a portion of their wealth to the poor, Pogge claims that all the currently existing theories of global justice agree that wealthy countries should stop harming poor ones in the first place. In this paper I shall try to show (i) that Sreenivasan's proposal, as presented in his articles, is broad enough to be acceptable by some international distributive justice theories, but not all of them, (ii) that Pogge's proposal is broader than Sreenivasan, in the sense that it aims to gain support from all the different conceptions of international distributive justice, but it depends on the claim that developed countries are currently harming the global poor--a claim that I will try to defend--, and (iii) that Pogge's and Sreenivasan's view are compatible. In fact, if Sreenivasan added Pogge's central claim of his argument to his own proposal, the scope of theories that he could gain support from would be much broader. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper considers the place of academics in social movements, not as (predominantly) researchers or individuals but as activists acting collectively (Autonomous Geographies Collective, 2010). The notions of militant particularism and convergence space (Routledge, 2003; Cumbers et al. 2008) are deployed in relation to global justice networks, to analyze the discussions between academics planning direct action collectively and potentially with the network Climate Justice Action during the UN COP15 climate change summit in Copenhagen in December 2009. A notable tension in these debates centered on 'radical' versus 'reformist' action and how either might contribute to transformative social change. The discussions ultimately led to the action of an academic seminar blockade, analyzed as a form of constructive resistance based on mutable particularisms flowing between shifting scales of convergence space. The paper concludes with the proposal that scholar activists should make a long-term commitment to act collectively, develop our own militant particularisms, and bring these to the convergence spaces of global justice networks. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The life of a Third World international lawyer is devoted to resistance to the norms of international law designed by agents with power to promote the interests of the powerful sections of the international community. Increasingly the instrumental norms of international law are fashioned through the use of private power, making the positivist claim that public international law is a law between states illusory. The task of this paper is to identify a framework of common concerns so that a collectivity of Third World lawyers can work together, examine how mechanisms of power can be countered, and devise a confrontational strategy. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Coming along with Polanyi's ideas of fictitious commodity, this paper seeks to reveal the logical inconsistencies and silents in the economic science arguments on the labor force as a commodity. Once Marx's influence on the anti-capitalist movements is outstanding, we need to show his contribution, through his economic thought, to the scientific economism. As is well known, when proposed that the commodity sell by the worker was the 'labor force' instead the labor, as the classical economists used to say, Marx was able to built his theory on the capitalist economy theory, which relies on the concept of surplus value.. That is the reason why the paper is specially concern with the failures or weaknesses present in one of the huge Marx contribution to the economics thought: the concept of labor force. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the IPE literature, neoliberalism and nationalism have generally been portrayed as anti-thetical to one another. More recently, scholars have sought to challenge this binary view by examining how nationalists have employed neoliberal policies for nationalist reasons. However, while showing how neoliberal policies can be compatible with nationalist values, these approaches have not examined whether the reverse might also be true, whether certain nationalist policies (and discourses) might be genuinely compatible with neoliberal values. To address this gap in the literature, this paper makes two arguments. The first is that certain nationalist policies are not only compatible with neoliberal values, but that these values may actually be dependent on certain nationalist policies. The second argument made is that neoliberal nationalism may be on the rise due to a shift among social democratic forces from a broad strategy of economic nationalism to one of social democratic multilateralism. To demonstrate these points, the paper challenges the equation of neoliberalism with internationalism as well as showing why neoliberal nationalism is distinct from the nationalism of both populist and neoconservatives. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Anti-globalization movements first emerged in Western countries during the 1990s and gradually diffused to other countries. This paper attempts to trace the way these movements emerged and developed in Turkey and their repertoires of action, drawing on data from newspaper articles and in-depth interviews. Anti-globalization movements emerged in Turkey following the diffusion of ideas from abroad through the translation of papers into Turkish and the participation of Turkish activists, unionists, and researchers in meetings and events organized abroad. As a result of this diffusion process, the action repertoires of anti-globalization movements in Turkey and other Western countries are similar. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper takes issue with global justice theory, seeing it as a 'global-local' in which the perspectives and demands of post-Kantian Western liberalism silence ways of being in the world that move beyond a narrowly circumscribed definition of 'reasonableness'. Taking its cue from critics of dominant liberal conceptions of the self, such as Spivak, Deleuze and Freire, the paper examines the impact of epistemological diversity and the radical 'otherness' of indigenous, peasant and marginal epistemologies on how Western intellectuals might think about global justice. We look at a number of examples of indigenous and marginal resistance to injustice in the global system, including the West Papuan and Zapatista movements, and conclude that the goals of such movements cannot be encapsulated in distributive or juridical terms. An alternative theorisation of global justice might, contra global justice theory, insist on a dialogical, contingent basis for discussing justice, whether local or global. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]