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This document is an editorial that pays tribute to the late Samir Amin, a prominent African scholar and activist. Amin was known for his Marxist perspective and his critique of capitalism and Eurocentrism. He advocated for delinking from capitalism and imperialism as a means of achieving inclusive development. The editorial highlights Amin's contributions to various fields, including development economics, political economy, and decolonization in Africa. It also introduces a special issue dedicated to Amin's legacy, which includes papers on topics such as Africa's socio-economic development, alternative development theories, and decolonization. The editorial emphasizes the continued relevance of Amin's ideas for Africa's development and the importance of implementing his recommendations. [Extracted from the article]

This paper addresses the contribution of neoliberal globalisation to the growing popularity and prevalence of nationalist movements in the past decade. The world has seen rising levels of populism and nationalism in recent years and Europe is no exception. Several European member states have seen parties of the far- right move from the outskirts of the political spectrum to the mainstream and into positions of leadership. To highlight the nationalist response to neoliberal conditions three emergent movements in founding EU member states will be analysed in detail: France's Rassemblement National (RN), Italy's Lega Nord (LN) and Movimento 5 Stelle (5SM) and Germany's Alternative für Deutschland (AfD). This paper will argue that the conditions of neoliberal globalisation have contributed to the rise and prominence of nationalist movements in Europe. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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After its intense phase of insularity, Ireland has reached a considerable diplomatic role. The past vulnerability of Ireland due to its subjection to colonialism made its domestic sphere and foreign agenda in the early 1920s insular. However, Ireland started to transcend its isolation as it showed more openness to the world in the mid-twentieth century. More specifically, Dublin, in the post-World War II context, began to exhibit its interest in having a more dynamic role in the international scene. In fact, Ireland displayed its engagement with matters that exceeded its domestic sphere through its membership in the United Nations. Its performance in such an Intergovernmental Organization unveiled the Irish devotion to principles like peace-keeping and collective security. This article aims to assess Ireland's dynamic role, which started to appear in the mid-twentieth century. Besides, the late-twentieth century was also a significant phase for Dublin and its international presence. This epoch was characterized by Ireland's integration into the European region. Most importantly, the phenomenon of globalization reached its peak at that time, and Ireland witnessed an unprecedented experience of economic opulence known as the Celtic Tiger. Focus should also be laid on Dublin's interesting development in such a globalized climate. Its remarkable evolution, especially in the 1990s, tends to be considered a "model" for other small European and non-European states. Therefore, this paper attempts to scrutinize the extent to which other small states can learn from the example of Ireland. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Purpose The purpose of this paper is to examine the historical position of the ethical consumer as a driver of change within the Fair Trade movement. Fair Trade was originally envisaged as a model of South-North trade; however, with Fair Trade labels now available to consumers in India, Brazil, South Africa and Kenya, the geographies of production and consumption appear increasingly fluid and dynamic.Design/methodology/approach Using a historical comparative case study approach this paper draws on the records and archives from eight leading Fair Trade organisations based in the UK.Findings The paper develops an exploratory framework based on an assessment of Fair Trade’s theory(ies) of change and the role of the ethical consumer as an agent of change. Four consumer narratives are identified: simpler living and moral action; co-operation and solidarity; consumer demand and choice; and citizen-consumers. The paper concludes by considering the implications for globalising the concept of the “citizen-consumer” and the (re)politicisation of Fair Trade consumption.Research limitations/implications Primary data collection was mainly based on UK organisations. Additional comparative studies could develop an understanding of the context and geographies of Fair Trade practices.Practical implications New and emerging Fair Trade markets may offer valuable areas of further study.Social implications Increased understanding of the drivers of social change may lead to improved decision-making by Fair Trade organisations and policy-makers.Originality/value The paper contributes to the development and understanding of Fair Trade’s theory of change model by offering an historical dimension that is absent from the majority of existing studies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The COVID-19 pandemic is as much a process of globalization as it is its outcome. In the wake of the death, socio-economic devastation, and radical uncertainties it has unleashed, this paper re-examines globalization anew. This paper's focus is on the role that neoliberalism has played in precipitating the COVID-19 disaster, especially in the wealthiest nations of the West. Re-visiting history, the paper takes issue with the rhetoric of globalization that had been sold as a project ushering in an interconnected global village exalting culture and community. Against such exuberance, the paper recalls that globalization was a post-Cold War project celebrating liberal-capitalism's 'triumph' over state-socialism. It reveals globalization to be foremost about economic accumulation, not community edification. Moreover, in the realm of ideology and policymaking, the past four decades have seen liberalism devolving into neoliberalism, and many national states becoming financialized corporate states. Especially in the West, the liberal state has been captured and financialized. Austerity--not redistributive growth--has reigned, engendering historically unprecedented social polarization which COVID-19 has exposed and exacerbated. Globalization, I argue, has served as rhetorical cover for the social destructiveness of 'neoliberalism'. The approaches and outcomes of pandemic management in much of the West are a further indictment of neoliberalism. Whereas 'herd immunity' had been the early de facto pandemic strategy of many neoliberal Western governments, most of East Asia a state-led commitment to 'zero transmission' and minimum casualties, leading to vastly different health outcomes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Wortfolge. Szyk Słów is the property of Wydawnictwo Uniwersytetu Slaskiego and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This paper presents the constitution of the "political" in two cases of political squatting in Hungary after 1989: the Centrum squatter group's occupations in 2004-2006, and the homeless advocacy group The City is for All's occupations in 2013-2014. In the case of the Centrum group, the political significance of squatting was defined by a position allocated to squatters within a larger global justice movement coalition. As soon as that allocated position changed, the political perception of the Centrum group vanished. In the case of The City is for All, the constitution of the politics of the occupations was kept under control by a conscious long-term strategy, which defined squatting as a tactical element. Drawing attention to the shifting political ontology, the paper argues for a contextsensitive definition of political squatting. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper seeks an articulation between Marxist and anarchist approaches to representation in social movements. A generalised dismissal of representational politics leaves power with too many places to hide and sets unnecessary limits to political imagination. Prefigurative politics should not exclude political representation, as the exclusion can imply a class bias. The paper explores two different paths beyond strict assumptions of horizontality. Using mostly Latin American examples, a distinction is made between more classical state-centric paths and less theorised alternatives of non-state representation. Finally, the article approaches global democratisation from a non-state-centric perspective, tentatively called transnational libertarian socialism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The United States' strategic narrative on the rise of the People's Republic of China (PRC) has evolved throughout a half-century of changing world orders and mutual perceptions of strategic intent. From the early 1970s and during the last two decades of the Cold War, the US saw a bipolar world in which it sought to assist China's own rise as a partner in Soviet containment and economic globalisation. During its "unipolar moment" in the post-Cold War era, Washington maintained strong economic engagement but increasingly perceived Beijing as an uneasy partner and rising competitor. With the acknowledgement of the transition towards multipolarity, a bipartisan consensus emerged in Washington about the necessity to contain China's rise as a global political and military power and to blunt its challenge to the "rules-based order" (RBO). The evolution from globalisation "friend" to global "foe" points to three directions of the current US strategic narrative on China's rise: defending the RBO, de-coupling to secure Western-normed globalisation, and shaping the Indo-Pacific security environment. The paper concludes that while the US has succeeded in aligning the three forms of strategic narrative (system, identity, and policy), it faces considerable challenges, including from China's counter-narratives. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Organisational scholarship tends to focus its attention mainly on conventional work organisations and so neglects the organisational practices and principles of other sites of organising. The paper considers the implications of this limited focus even within more critical scholarship through a close reading of a recent paper calling for a greater engagement with social movements. Specifically, I consider problems of understanding a phenomenon in terms of what it is not and evaluating alternative sites of organisation using conventional categories of analysis. I then go on to outline the potential contribution of anarchist theory and its enactment by recent anti-capitalist movements. These radically different approaches to organisation are evaluated and I argue that they present a profound challenge to mainstream assumptions. The paper concludes that critical organisational theory has much to learn from an engagement with such alternative sites of organisation but only if a determined attempt is made to move beyond the usual theoretical frameworks and that anarchist theory may help us do this. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The paper examines how relationships of international solidarity cope with sectoral and national affinities in the case of the Global Justice Movement (GJM). Drawing on interviews with activists in Italy, Germany, and Poland the paper shows that national, sectoral, and international solidarities are entwined in several ways - and in some respects depend on each other. While activists identify a variety of national and sectoral differences within the GJM, these differences are not seen to impede international solidarity building. However, national and sectoral affinities are considered to play somewhat different roles in building international solidarity. On the one hand, activists prioritise solidarity building across different sectors - identifying it both as the largest challenge and success of the GJM. On the other hand, solidarity building across countries is perceived as less problematic and believed to be a precondition for cross-sectoral solidarity building. The paper contributes to our understanding of transnational activism and considers ways in which to deal with national and sectoral affinities in transnational activism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper offers a response to the common claim that a world government is undesirable because one would not be able to leave its territory. This claim nearly always appears as an adjunct to the possibility that a world government would be irredeemably bad. I separate out two implications of the impossibility of exit: first, that a world government is unable to respect human rights; and second, that regardless of its status as rights-respecting, it is, all things considered, better to be able to leave a territory if one wishes to do so. As a response, I develop a concept of exit rights. This shows that respect for exit rights is not necessarily undermined by the presence of a world government, and that a world government is able to provide for the substance of the right or the interests that it secures. Next, I argue that the normative force of the claim that one ought to be able to exit the territory of a bad government lies in a false asymmetry between territorial states in the states system and a world government. For individuals who live under an illegitimate government, it makes practically no difference whether there exists some other legitimate government if they are unable to move to or live in its territory – the situation of the vast majority of individuals already living under ‘very bad’ regimes. I conclude that an illegitimate world government is not worse than an illegitimate territorial state with regards to the ability to exit. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Global justice is one of the most indiscriminately used notions in international debate, usually taken to reflect a moral imperative of securing fairness between differently positioned States. As such, global justice might accurately be described as a meta-principle, used here to refer to its universal scope and the overarching conceptual reach of its subject-matter, as well as possessing a high degree of conceptual indeterminacy. It is suggested that there are three levels of uncertainty: indeterminacy of scope (to what is it relevant?), of content (what does it require?) and of application (is justice something that can even be understood at the global level?). In recognizing this uncertainty, the paper nevertheless concludes that while the recourse to principle in political and legal debate can never anticipate the attainment of justice, this should not marginalize the significance—the relevance—of striving for fairness at the global level, particularly between economically divergent States. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

There is an absence of literature that places social work practice in Ireland within a global context. This circumstance is obstructive to students and practitioners of social work in Ireland, who must increasingly demonstrate understanding of social work as an international endeavour. Ireland is also steadily more globalised and multi-cultural. In social work, related changes underway include increased transience of persons across national lines, and complex transnational social problems. In this context, social workers may broaden their understanding of Irish practice through drawing upon learning from elsewhere. To facilitate this, a theoretically informed critical commentary on the literature is presented in this article. The specific focus is on globalisation in the Republic of Ireland. The core argument of the paper is that variance in international socioeconomic wellbeing must be better understood by social work students and practitioners in Ireland, as a response to intensifying globalisation. In developing this argument, two lines of inquiry are pursued. Firstly, focused commentary on the literature on socioeconomic wellbeing and globalisation is presented. This operates around four emergent themes, which are respectively: poverty and economic inequality; life expectancy and health; quality of life and personal safety, and conflict and political strife. Secondly, a composite conceptual framework on the social construction of social work is presented, and applied, to inform discussion and analysis. In conclusion, global cognisance for social workers in Ireland would seem increasingly pertinent and compelled by processes of globalisation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The concept of Southern Theory is a response to Northern sociological theory, which is considered to be incomplete because it does not consider global dynamics, which would include the life-experiences of people of the South and the impact of socio-cultural changes brought about by colonialism and globalization. Raewyn Connell introduced the term Southern Theory to emphasize the intellectual power and political relevance of social thought emanating from formerly colonized countries. The term Southern Theory can be confusing, overarching theories that incorporate new ideas that would represent the experiences of unequal development are imperative in a globalized world. The ideas of non-violence and moral togetherness that Gandhi represented are discussed in this paper along with his education experiments and theories. Being radical, his educational ideas were not accepted in India after independence because the country needed to "catch-up" with the development of industrialized countries after centuries of colonial subjugation. But his profoundly different ideas of achieving social/political change through non-violence, and his ideas on education for working towards a social order free from exploitation and violence, represented local needs and a new way of looking at society and education. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines Ursula K. Le Guin's The Telling (2000), her last novel in the Hainish Cycle, which addresses intercultural communications among her imagined worlds. These relationships, which resemble those of our globalizing world, are analyzed in the light of Homi Bhabha's theories of mimicry, hybridity and the Third Space. It is suggested that in this novel, Le Guin criticizes cultural imperialism and rejects both conservative and assimilative attitudes toward the other; instead, she praises hybridity as the culture of our globalizing world. Besides warning against the hegemony of the West in international relationships, through analogy, The Telling highlights the ways the developing countries could be responsible for their own colonialism and the annihilation of their own culture. In this context, this paper proposes that the Dovzans, lured by Hain's advanced technology, as an act of self-colonization, impoverish their lives and deny their entire culture by criminalizing the Telling. The article further argues that indigenous peoples and groups of minorities, through hybridity and focus on their difference, not only can survive and conserve their local heritage and identity in the face of intense globalization pressures but also affect the dominant power. Accordingly, Sutty and the people of Okzat-Ozkat are introduced as courageous hybrid characters who finally succeed in asserting their voice in the third space. The article concludes that through bargaining with the Ekumen and remaining faithful to their own culture, the people of Okzat-Ozkat can save the Telling from extermination. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Introduces a selection of papers on global justice published in the spring 2005 issue of "The Journal of Ethics". Papers on global justice derived from a mini-conference held in conjunction with the Pacific Division Meeting of the American Philosophical Association in Pasadena, California in 2004; Moral cosmopolitanism; Global political justice; Principle of global equality of opportunity; Extent and degree of suffering; Integration between states; United Nation and preventive military actions; Role of the World Trade Organization in international trade.

This paper explores the relationship between micro-economic business models, economic structure, and locally sustainable prosperity. In this respect, the paper takes as a premise the contention that sustainable mobility requires a sustainable industry to create the vehicles and business models to deliver that mobility. The interactions between locality and scale are explored within the context of the anti-globalisation discourse. Thereafter, the paper provides a brief outline of some business models from the automotive industry where alternatives to the monolithic and centralised structure of the mainstream industry have been proposed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Purpose - The paper aims to be a critical engagement with the ideas of Martha Nussbaum, as expressed in her recent book Creating Capabilities. Design/methodology/approach - The author's discussion focuses on the relationship which exists between Nussbaum's capabilities approach and cosmopolitan political thought. It follows Nussbaum in making a distinction between "strong" and "weak" cosmopolitanism. Findings - The paper maintains that, despite Nussbaum's claim that she is not a cosmopolitan thinker, it is arguable that she can be associated with a weak form of cosmopolitanism. Originality/value - This is an original piece of work which sheds new light on the relationship which exists between the ideas of Martha Nussbaum and the cosmopolitan tradition. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Purpose – The aim of this paper is to focus on the engagements and interactions – both conflictive and collaborative – that exist between corporations and NGOs. It documents the variegated ways that NGOs target small, medium, and large firms through anti-corporate campaigns, boycotts, demonstrations, protests, and other advocacy initiatives. It aims to explore the emerging pattern of crosscutting alliances and partnerships between corporations and NGOs.Design/methodology/approach – The paper is a literature review that covers a number of commentaries, essays, reports, scholarly articles, media sources, and textbooks, through which a number of keywords such as activists, corporate, corporations, crisis, diplomacy, NGO, strategic, strategies, and tactics were typed into specialized search engines to identify and select the most pertinent and robust writings on the subject.Findings – The findings suggest that NGOs have come to realize that anti-corporate demonstrations, organized boycotts, and protests can be far more effective and powerful than anti-government campaigns, particularly when targeting established, reputable global brands. In response, corporations have attempted to identify and select the available areas and opportunities to cooperate with NGOs in order to cement fruitful and self-reinforcing relationships.Research limitations/implications – Evidently, to build their images and reputations, corporations are deeply interested in establishing dialogues and relationships with activists, NGOs, and their competitors, and also trying to gain support from agencies and individuals who can speak out favorably: particularly to consumers, politicians, regulators, and the media.Originality/value – This paper can help activists, business executives, leaders, managers, NGOs, scholars, and students to better understand the evolution, nature, and scope of these complex interactions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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This paper asks whether David Miller's minimalist theory of human rights is coherent with his claim that obligations of global justice involve obligations to provide people with a minimally decent life. I argue that there is a justice gap in Miller's theory: the structure of his distinction between basic and societal needs is such that people will be left below the level of minimal decency even when obligations of justice are met. Miller can either bite this bullet or look for alternative sources of obligations of justice. I take up the second option by arguing that there can be obligations of global justice to build institutions that enable societies to generate income and wealth. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines two issues related to research of certified fair trade goods. The first is the question of how agendas for fair trade research should be developed. The second issue is the existence of major gaps in the fair trade literature, including the study of the particular features of fair trade practice in individual northern countries. In taking up the first of these issues, the paper proposes that normative analysis should provide the basis for developing research agendas. Such an approach is important to ensure that the necessary types of questions to make normative judgments and policy decisions are posed and that biases that tend to favor mainstreaming practices in the generation of knowledge are minimized. The paper addresses the second research issue by examining the development of research agendas at the level of individual countries, using Canada as a case. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Although Fair Trade has been in existence for more than 40 years, discussion in the business and business ethics literature of this unique trading and campaigning movement between Southern producers and Northern buyers and consumers has been limited. This paper seeks to redress this deficit by providing a description of the characteristics of Fair Trade, including definitional issues, market size and segmentation and the key organizations. It discusses Fair Trade from Southern producer and Northern trader and consumer perspectives and highlights the key issues that currently face the Fair Trade movement. It then identifies an initial research agenda to be followed up in subsequent papers. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Annals for Istrian & Mediterranean Studies / Annales: Series Historia et Sociologia is the property of Historical Society of Southern Primorska of Koper and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The advent of globalisation has, somewhat paradoxically, spawned regionalism and parochialism in many parts of the world. This tendency towards regionalisation and provincialism has been particularly pronounced in the context of culture and ethnological-cum-intellectual movements and traditions. But, more specifically, in terms of the theme of this paper, it can be seen that this intellectually driven anti-globalisation thrust has been principally directed towards attempts to forge native systems of thought and ideas. Globalisation is seen as a hegemonic attempt to suppress other percepts and precepts and subsume all other perspectives into one vast, boundless mass: that is, a homogenisation and effacement of difference that would ultimately culminate in the intellectual and cultural annihilation of 'the other'. Accordingly, the nativist intellectuals have been motivated to reclaim their cultural and intellectual traditions from the ravages of the imperialism wrought in by globalisation. But, who and what constitute the native? To give a concrete setting to the discussion, the question is examined in the context of the attempts by Caribbean thinkers to construct nativist narratives of culture and intellect. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In 2018, Samir Amin called for a 'new wave of revival and progress' which would replace the system of neoliberal globalisation which is to blame for leaving multiple, interlinked global crises. Five years after his death, this article aims to evaluate if his call has been heeded and how far the world is from a new wave of revival and progress. The article investigates the movement of 'progressive internationalism' - as a movement that opposes the perpetuation of the legacy of global imperlialism that has manifested in global power assymetry, producin structural inequality and poverty - as a possible response to Amin's request.. The core research question is: 'how far are we from realising Amin's vision'. To do this, the article will also explore initiatives of the progressive internationalist movement with reference to south-south cooperation thorough the BRICS bloc, structural reform of the international system and the United Nations Security Council, and Active Non-Alignment, among other nascent initiatives. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Estudios Sociológicos is the property of El Colegio de Mexico AC and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

In this paper I compare and critically evaluate Sreenivasan's and Pogge's conceptions of global justice. While Sreenivasan holds that all the currently existing theories of global justice agree that wealthy countries should transfer at least a portion of their wealth to the poor, Pogge claims that all the currently existing theories of global justice agree that wealthy countries should stop harming poor ones in the first place. In this paper I shall try to show (i) that Sreenivasan's proposal, as presented in his articles, is broad enough to be acceptable by some international distributive justice theories, but not all of them, (ii) that Pogge's proposal is broader than Sreenivasan, in the sense that it aims to gain support from all the different conceptions of international distributive justice, but it depends on the claim that developed countries are currently harming the global poor--a claim that I will try to defend--, and (iii) that Pogge's and Sreenivasan's view are compatible. In fact, if Sreenivasan added Pogge's central claim of his argument to his own proposal, the scope of theories that he could gain support from would be much broader. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Revista Facultad Nacional de Salud Pública is the property of Universidad de Antioquia, Facultad Nacional de Salud Publica and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Revista Facultad Nacional de Salud Pública is the property of Universidad de Antioquia, Facultad Nacional de Salud Publica and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

While climate change has been framed as an environmental issue from the very beginning of United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change (UNFCCC) negotiations, over the years the concept has expanded to further emphasize it as a fundamental issue of human rights and global justice. This paper examines the evolution of the conception of climate change since 2009, arguing that the issue framing utilized by UNFCCC member states has increasingly trended toward some aspects of the climate justice frame, including disparities in vulnerability to climate change (loss and damage), human rights impacts, and social inequalities. This shift also extends to the framing adopted by civil society organizations in the form of the Climate Action Network (CAN International), in which a larger focus on issues of climate justice can be seen in recent years. These trends are then reviewed alongside the objectives, mechanisms, and language of the ratified text of the Paris Agreement in order to evaluate the status of the growing international norm of climate justice. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

By the early 1990s there were clear signs of the emergence of a new gender discourse that came to be labelled 'Islamic feminism'. In this paper, I first set this new discourse against the backdrop of the global and local politics of Islam and gender in the latter part of the 20th century. Then I introduce the work of feminist scholar-activists who argue for equality and justice from inside the Muslim tradition, outline how they seek to change the terms of traditional Islamic discourses on gender, and consider their prospects of success. I shall focus on Musawah (www.musawah.org), a global movement for equality and justice in the Muslim family. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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One way to make philosophy of science more socially relevant is to attend to specific scientific practises that affect society to a great extent. One such practise is biomedical research. This paper looks at contemporary U.S. biomedical research in particular and argues that it suffers from important epistemic, moral and socio-economic failings. It then discusses and criticises existing approaches to improve on the status quo, most prominently by Thomas Pogge (a political philosopher), Joseph Stiglitz (a Nobel-prize winning economist) and James Robert Brown (a philosopher of science). Finally, it sketches an alternative proposal and argues for its superiority. The proposal has four components: changing the intellectual property regime; instituting independent clinical research; aligning innovators' and patients' interests; and enacting additional regulation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The following paper presents two different models of a just world order that take the French Revolution as their starting point: Condorcet's optimistic account of the bright but unilateral future course of history and the social model of Auguste Comte intended to unite the world's varying value systems. These two opposed approaches will be considered from the point of view of the actual debate on whether Western values should be predominant in the age of globalization. This debate is therefore linked to the questions whether different value systems should be treated equally or whether a particular one can be seen as superior to others, and thus no longer to be termed as a value system, but as a universal norm. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Coming out of the apartheid nightmare in 1994, South Africa became an immediate sovereign beacon for global justice with its path-breaking Constitution of 1996 that is the most rights-protective in the world. South Africa's Constitutional Court has garnered global acclaim for the quality of its legal reasoning and the strength of its rights-protective commitment. Decisions such as that prohibiting the death penalty under the Constitution, in a national context of growing crime rates, have inspired rights-protective legal and judicial approaches throughout the global community. This is similarly true for the Court's decisions - especially in the Grootboom and Treatment Action Campaign cases - more recently. This paper explores the Court's contributions to global justice notions through its legal reasoning in Grootboom and subsequent related cases. Particularly, the paper examines the Court's use of "reasonableness" as an essential element of its justiciability analysis, and asks how reasonableness here advances notions of justice regarding the particular importance to poor people in South Africa, and elsewhere, of effectively enforcing economic, social, and cultural rights as legal rights. The Court's use of reasonableness is compared with approaches on the same major issues in the reports of the United Nations Committee on Economic, Social, and Cultural Rights, which provides standards of global justice for these issues. The question here is how strongly in a justiciability analysis this Court should push its judicial authority towards having actual decisional influence on national resource priorities and allocations, including where resources are scarce. Issues and arguments are also explored as to whether the Court has done all it could do in its legal approach to these rights. Whether or not this Court 'has gone far enough' in protecting these rights, however, it has provided a model for the competence of courts anywhere to protect these rights as legal rights - notwithstanding a western legal history of strong expectations and market demands to limit them to 'aspirations.' Through principled legal analysis it has held that where great needs exist for poor people, not least those of color, judicially-enforced legal rights can provide access to critical resource transfers for their basic welfare. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper identifies three defining features of globalisation that have been habitually misrepresented by the anti-globalisation movement. First, that globalisation entails a universal shift towards economic liberalisatlon, rather than a selective liberalisation with particular disadvantage to the Third World. The movement also bewails the erosion of traditional economic functions in Northern governments, thus diminishing their agency in globalisation and largely absolving them of responsibility for it. Instead, the focus of protest should shift from international financial institutions (IFIS) to the state-IFI interface. Finally, the movement fails to engage with the ever-changing nature of capitalism's structural search for expanding profits. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper considers three different conceptualizations – three politico-ideological perspectives within civil society – on global-scale economics and geopolitics. The standpoints can be termed “Global justice movements,” “Third World nationalism,” and the “Post-Washington Consensus.” These three perspectives stand in contrast to the fusion of neoliberal economics and neoconservative politics that dominates the contemporary world. The three approaches sometimes converge, but more often than not they are in conflict; as are the civil society institutions that cohere to the three different political ideologies. From the three different analyses flow different strategies, concrete campaigning tactics, and varying choices of allies. The World Social Forum provides hints of a potentially unifying approach within the global justice movements based upon the practical themes of “decommodification” and “deglobalization” (of capital). It is, however, only by facing up to the ideological divergences that the global justice movement can enhance its presence. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Philosophical attention to problems about global justice is flourishing in a way it has not in any time in memory. This paper considers some reasons for the rise of interest in the subject and reflects on some dilemmas about the meaning of the idea of the cosmopolitan in reasoning about social institutions, concentrating on the two principal dimensions of global justice, the economic and the political. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Structural globalization has been both a cycle and an upward trend as periods of greater global integration have been followed by periods of deglobalization on a long-term stair-step toward the greater connectedness of humanity. Since 2008, the world-system may once again be entering another phase of structural deglobalization as the contradictions of capitalist neoliberalism, environmental degradation and uneven development have provoked different kinds of anti-globalization populism, rivalry among contending powers, trade wars and policies and social movements intended to mitigate the effects of anthropogenic climate change. This plateauing and possible downturn in economic connectedness is occurring in the context of U.S. hegemonic decline and the emergence of a more multipolar configuration of economic and political power among states. The combination of greater communications connectivity and greater awareness of North/South inequalities, as well as destabilizing conflicts and climate change, have provoked waves of refugee migrations and political reactions against immigrants. The result has been a period of chaos that is similar in some ways (but different in others) from what occurred during the last half of the 19th century and the first half of the 20th century. This study investigates the question of whether the world-system is indeed once again entering another period of economic deglobalization and compares the current period with what happened in the 19th and 20th centuries to specify the similarities and the differences. We conclude that, based on changes in the level of economic connectedness since 2008, it is still too soon to tell for sure if the world-system is entering another period of deglobalization, but the important similarities between the recent period and earlier periods of deglobalization make it likely that the system is now in another deglobalization or plateau phase. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

An introduction is presented in which the editor discusses articles in the issue on topics including the profound impact and legacy of Paul Farmer, a visionary leader in global health equity and founder of Partners In Health, highlighting his groundbreaking work in delivering modern medicine.

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From its appearance in Seattle in 1999 up to the recent Arabic Springs, the Black Bloc has been present in the major manifestations for the Global Justice Movement, where it often played an important role in directing the protests. Nevertheless, in spite of the media echo, social dentist barely deserved their attention to the phenomenon. Likewise, the use of the violence has benn seen as incompatible with a democratic policy. In this paper I want to analyze the phenomenon of the political violence in the Black Bloc. In the first part I will try to identify the type of violence from the categories of political violence as they have been formulated by the social movements theorists. Later I will offer a different interpretación of Bloc's identity and action which will let to contextualize the phenomenon inside the web and democratic form of protest which have developed in the last decade. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Despite the fact that right-wing populist parties (RPPs) have gained increased prominence in the last 15 years in Europe and the amount of research regarding these parties has been on the rise, RPPs' attitude toward the People's Republic of China remains an understudied issue. The aim of this article is to examine questions that have not yet been thoroughly researched: how are the positions of right-wing populist parties (RPPs) on China shaped and how are they evolving, what causes such differing positions, and have there been any changes in the RPP's approach to China since the beginning of the COVID-19 pandemic? This article aims to answer these questions by analyzing the policies toward China of selected political parties (primarily, Hungary's Fidesz, Italy's Lega Nord, France's Rassemblement National but also parties such as the Polish Law and Justice, and Germany's Alternative für Deutschland). This article underlines that RPPs' policies on China are formulated based on what they perceive the development of international politics can do "for the people." Their attitudes depend mainly on their stance toward free-market globalization, their need for alternatives in relations with the US and the EU, and their axiological perception of China. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]