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The paper articulates a model of urban governance, developed through emergent analysis of the rulers, methods, rules and logics evident in the practices of security governance in Hout Bay, Cape Town. Informed by the concept of hybrid governance, this grounded theorising draws on extensive fieldwork on security governance practices in a complex urban neighbourhood to present a model of multiple and sometimes contending forms of governance that include, but are not limited to, bureaucratic, market, developmental, network and informal governance. Our model emerges from a critique of top-down approaches to understanding governance that starts with the state, institutions and law, or approaches that primarily focus on formal partnerships between the state and business or other social partners. The view from above can miss important aspects of how residents are governed 'from below' and informally. Hence it is impossible to understand from the formal, and in advance of grounded research, exactly how many places in urban Africa are governed. Exposing the particular and local forms of governance in urban Africa can support improved forms of service delivery and citizen's experiences of living in their city. In addition, while our model may be relevant in other places, more important is the methodology of identifying the rulers and methods, but especially the rules and logics of practice, to surface the specific, and complex, forms of governance in an urban place. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines the emergence of modern forms of football in southern Africa during the late nineteenth century. It focuses on Cape Town - 'the birthplace of South African sport as we know it today' 1 - and draws on comparative material from elsewhere in the region and overseas. It also locates events within wider social and political developments at a time when Britain sought to establish its supremacy through a federation of the South African colonies and republics. Central to the investigation is the need to discover more about the existence of a Cape football code and to ascertain the means by which William Milton championed rugby in the course of promoting a broader imperial sporting culture. In exploring the changes which occur, the article will pay attention to the stance of the press and take into account soccer's struggle for recognition; the establishment of parallel black football organisations, and the escalation in Afrikaner support for rugby. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The uptake of mobile phones has been especially remarkable in the developing world. For the first time in history, people at the bottom of the income pyramid can also take part in the telecommunication society. Mobile phones can play a unique role in reaching those who are outside the scope of formal or institutionalised schooling and open doors to out-of-school learning practices. Based on ethnographic fieldwork in Wesbank, an impoverished community in Cape Town, we look at the (informal) learning practices ‘illiterate’ and ‘low literate’ women engage in, in an attempt to gain ‘voice’ in new communicative realities by learning how to be(come) cell phone literate and at the different levels of competence this informal learning generates. The mobile phone has become a learning tool, nourishing learning practices in emerging ‘communities of practice’ in which learning is a social activity in which anyone with any knowledge on mobile phones and mobile phone literacies becomes a potential teacher. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Purpose: To describe the patterns of uveitis in South Africa.Methods: Prospective cross-sectional study.Results: One hundred and six patients were enrolled and 37.7% had human immune-deficiency virus (HIV) infection. Anterior and panuveitis occurred most frequently. Infectious, non-infectious and idiopathic uveitis were diagnosed in 66.0%, 17.0% and 17.0% of all cases, respectively. Eighty percent of HIV+ cases had infectious uveitis. Overall, intraocular tuberculosis (IOTB), herpetic and syphilitic uveitis were the commonest infectious causes. Sarcoidosis and HLA-B27-associated uveitis were the commonest non-infectious causes. In anterior uveitis, HIV+ cases most frequently had probable IOTB, syphilitic or idiopathic uveitis while HIV- cases had possible IOTB, idiopathic or HLA-B27-associated uveitis. In panuveitis, HIV+ cases mostly had syphilis, probable IOTB, toxoplasma and varicella-zoster virus whereas HIV- cases mostly had possible IOTB, sarcoidosis and idiopathic uveitis.Conclusion: Infectious uveitis is common in South Africa, especially amongst HIV+ patients. Causes of anterior and panuveitis differ between HIV+ and HIV- patients. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the 1770s the Cape became an important destination for slaves from East Africa. This trade ended in 1808 with the implementation of the Act of Abolition but was quickly replaced by the importation of freed slaves seized from ships going to South America, who were subjected to 14-year apprenticeships. International treaties aimed at suppressing the slave trade brought an end to this forced immigration in 1818 but did little to curb the trans-Atlantic trade that soon turned Mozambique into a major supplier of slaves. With the rapid growth in the demand for slaves in Brazil and the Mascarenes Islands, southern Mozambique came to rival the northern ports in this trade. As the trade mushroomed, the Portuguese administration and its personnel quickly came to depend on the profits of this commerce. The emancipation of slaves at the Cape was followed by the entry of a new wave of freed slaves as the Royal Navy started to stop and search Portuguese ships in the southern hemisphere. By the 1860s pressure on the Portuguese shifted from halting the slave trade to demanding an end to slavery as an institution. In the following decade the Portuguese found a new market for the sale of Mozambique's labour in the British colonies of South Africa. The terms of service of these contracted, migrant labourers retained many aspects of the earlier systems that had brought forced immigrants and slaves to the Cape. This experience would exercise an important influence on the development of labour relations in South Africa for the next hundred years. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In 1843 William Sammons founded the peculiarly named Sam Sly's African Journal (1843-1851) in Cape Town. Claiming to be a 'register of facts, fiction, news, literature, commerce and amusement', the African Journal was a hybrid newspaper and literary and satirical periodical aimed at an Anglophone immigrant readership. Studies of the press have emphasised its role as a discursive agent in forming imagined communities of identity, but this has tended to focus on isolating nations or localities rather than noting the global context. However, recent scholarship on the British Empire has moved beyond nationally focused histories towards examining metropole and colony within the same mutually constitutive frame. This article draws on the conception of the circulation of newspapers as a significant means for negotiating geographies of identity in the empire, but seeks to broaden the focus beyond networks of competing official, humanitarian and settler discourses. This involves examining the materiality of the colonial press - its local and global circulation and readership, and the nature of its diverse content ranging from imaginative literature, to letters and editorials - to shed light on how the African Journal's readers negotiated their identity, cultural attachment and respectability as colonists of British descent poised on the empire's periphery. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]