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This paper uses two case studies drawn from in-depth ethnographic research in South Africa's Eastern Cape to interrogate and problematise the often simplistic or reductive ways in which the concept of social capital is used in debates about development and poverty alleviation. It argues that if the concept is to be useful at all, it needs to be used in ways that are sensitive to the fact that social capital inheres in social relations; that these social relations cannot be understood separately from the meaning-giving practices and discourses with which they are entangled; that the analysis of social capital requires an agent-centred approach that is alive to the way in which it is used, transformed, created, made and remade; and that such an analysis furthermore needs to be alive to the nature of power relations both on the micro-level and the macro-level of political economy. The analysis of social capital therefore should be linked to a careful account of the practices, networks, systems and processes that empower some and enable them to climb out of poverty, but which also marginalise and trap others in poverty that is deep-seated and chronic. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Recent theoretical work hypothesises that a polarised society like South Africa will suffer a legacy of ineffective social capital and blocked pathways of upward mobility that leaves large numbers of people trapped in poverty. To explore these ideas, this paper employs a mix of quantitative and qualitative methods. Novel econometric analysis of asset dynamics over the 1993–98 period identifies a dynamic asset poverty threshold that signals that large numbers of South Africans are indeed trapped without a pathway out of poverty. Qualitative analysis of this period and the period 1998–2001 more deeply examines patterns of mobility, and confirms the continuation of this pattern of limited upward mobility and a low-level poverty trap. In addition, the qualitative data permit a closer look at the specific role played by social relationships. While finding ample evidence of active social capital and networks, these are more helpful for non-poor households. For the poor, social capital at best helps stabilise livelihoods at low levels and does little to promote upward mobility. While there is thus some economic sense to sociability in South Africa, elimination of the polarised economic legacy of apartheid will ultimately require more proactive efforts to assure that households have access to a minimum bundle of assets and to the markets needed to effectively build on those assets over time. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Debates about the relationship between poverty and disability continue and are important in that they contribute to policies regarding how best to address the needs of disabled people living in conditions of poverty. Increasingly, researchers have begun to use Sen's capabilities approach in understanding disability. However, the approach has not been adequately applied to understand the nature of the poverty and disability nexus, particularly in developing contexts. This article seeks to address this gap by reporting on evidence from a study conducted in eight of the poorest wards in Johannesburg. Using the capabilities lens we demonstrate the ways in which both poverty and disability compound one another to limit the capabilities of people. The findings point to the need for broad-scale as well as targeted social development policies and programmes to address the consequences of poverty and disability. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

The opinion that the extended family can fulfil its supportive role in assisting child-headed households continues to exist. How these households encounter support, what this support entails, and how they experience this support is an under-researched subject. Most research literature on this topic emphasises child-headed households’ material and financial support. However, although financial support is vital, emotional support to cope with the loss of loved ones, or with loneliness and insecurity, is also much needed, as well as adult assistance in obtaining formal support, such as social welfare grants. Thus, to what extent are child-headed households capable of capitalising on existing (extended) family and community members’ care and support? This article addresses this question by exploring the ‘use-value’ of social relationships among child-headed households in Port Elizabeth, South Africa. The coping strategies of the child-headed households are discussed and analysed, indicating the children's interpretations and valuation of social relationships and support, whether this increased their potential access to other resources, and whether this support could be considered sufficient. Despite some exceptions, we argue that support from relatives or neighbours is often ambiguous and of little use-value from the viewpoint of a child-headed household. Insights from these findings might be of interest to those involved in support programmes for these households, including the assignment of an adult mentor — which is based on the assumption that existing networks of extended family and community members will help orphaned and vulnerable children to cope. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

A majority of current HIV/AIDS interventions are designed primarily after individual-based public health models and pay little attention to the socioeconomic environment in which HIV transmission occurs. This article focuses on outlining how migration acts as a conduit for disease transmission in South Africa and then proposes a macro-level prevention model based on social capital theory, thus then supplementing current prevention literature. It is based on the argument that social disruption and stresses from migration lead to sexual interactions during the migration periods that amplify the risk of HIV transmission among migrants. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Using data from a cohort of schoolgoing children, their households and caregivers (the Amajuba Child Health and Wellbeing Project, ACHWRP) in KwaZulu-Natal, South Africa, we compared demographic characteristics, care burden, health, physical function and social capital of caregivers of orphans (n = 300) with those of non-orphans (n = 298). This analysis presents cross-sectional findings from questions for caregivers that were added for the study's second round, conducted between September 2005 and June 2006. Caregivers of all children were overwhelmingly women (87%). Compared to non-orphan caregivers, caregivers of orphans were on average older (49.5 vs. 45.2 years, p = 0.0002), had fewer years of education (6.7 vs. 7.8 years, p = 0.0042) and were less likely to be married or cohabiting (29% vs. 46%; p < 0.0001). Caregivers of orphans reported caring for more children than those of non-orphans (4.8 vs. 3.8 children, p < 0.0001). A larger proportion of orphan caregivers reported having cared for an ill adult in the previous year (28% vs. 19%), and for that adult to have been a biological child (p = 0.0531). There was a high prevalence (55%) of self-reported poor health among all caregivers; caregivers of orphans were more likely to report poor general health and chronic illness. Although there was a high prevalence of functional impairment (self-reported inability to perform primary activity) among all caregivers (59%), there was no difference between groups. In terms of social capital, although similar proportions of orphan and non-orphan caregivers reported having friends outside the household, orphan caregivers were less likely to have a source of a small emergency loan [51% vs. 63%; adjusted odds ratio: 0.60 (0.41-0.88)]. Our results suggest that orphan caregivers are indeed more vulnerable, and that their particular limitations and needs must be considered when developing strategies for assisting vulnerable households to ensure better support for both caregivers and the children in their care. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]