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On 1 January 1930 the Communist Party of Great Britain's (CPGB) new daily newspaper, theDaily Worker, was published for the first time. It was heralded by the CPGB as a maturing of the British Communist movement, and an opportunity for the Party to spread its message to a much wider audience than previous weekly newspapers would allow. With leading Party members in control of the paper, theDaily Workerwas very much a Party newspaper; however, the CPGB wanted it to be much more than an internal bulletin. This paper examines the attempts by the CPGB to create a newspaper that spoke both for and with the voice of the working-classes, whilst also spreading the Party's message. It will ultimately conclude that the CPGB's depiction of it as a paper ‘by the working-classes, for the working-classes’ reflected the Party's efforts at locating its own place within the working-class movement. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

In the first half of the twentieth century there was a great deal of debate about increasing female participation in sporting activities, and changes to the female sporting body and the way in which it was displayed. Magazines for girls played a key role in the construction of the female body, and in mediating for their readers a range of diverse views on the meaning, purpose and benefits or dangers of female physical culture. This article explores the way in which one periodical, the Girl's Own Paper (GOP), disseminated those discourses and allowed its readers to explore different viewpoints. It argues that the way in which GOP presented sport for girls and women was contingent upon the age of the intended readership, and that the coverage of sport within the paper reached a peak in the 1930s when the target readership was aged 12 to 16. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The British press, public and parliament are not generally thought to have played a significant role in the process of Britain’s decolonisation in Africa. Neither do most studies of the broad British metropolitan experience foreground the importance of African nationalism. This article begins to challenge both of these views by providing an assessment of the significance of the British press’s rather sensational treatment of an incident of late-colonial violence in the context of an African demonstration in Blantyre, Nyasaland, in 1960. African activists exploited the British press presence in Blantyre as a means of advancing the nationalist cause and fighting the Federation of Rhodesia and Nyasaland. British correspondents responded positively for a variety of ideological, political, personal, situational and institutional reasons. In addition, by 1960, the British press recognised the strength of African nationalism in the context of African violence and agitation across that continent in preceding months and years. Its critical articles, which interlocked with British parliamentary proceedings and specific sets of historical concerns, had important effects among two core readerships: sections of the white settler communities of the Federation, and the British Government. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

This article examines the content of Women's Cricket magazine, which was published between 1930 and 1967 by the Women's Cricket Association. It is suggested that sportswomen have always actively resisted and attempted to combat the negative discourses surrounding their participation in physical activities; the magazine is used as a case study of this. It is argued that the editors attempted to challenge the stereotypes of women's cricket available in the mainstream press by publishing a newspaper of their own which provided accurate, serious coverage of their sport, and by distributing this to the mainstream press. The question of how far they were successful in altering negative discourses about female participation in the sport is also assessed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper explores the existence of distinctively Black names in the antebellum era. Building on recent research that documents the existence of a national naming pattern for African American males in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries (Cook, Logan, and Parman, Explorations in Economic History 53:64–82, 2014), we analyze three distinct and novel antebellum data sources and uncover three stylized facts. First, the Black names identified by Cook, Logan and Parman using post-Civil War data are common names among Blacks before Emancipation. Second, these same Black names are racially distinctive in the antebellum period. Third, the racial distinctiveness of the names increases from the early 1800s to the time of the Civil War. Taken together, these facts provide support for the claim that Black naming patterns existed in the antebellum era and that racial distinctiveness in naming patterns was an established practice well before Emancipation. These findings further challenge the view that Black names are a product of twentieth century phenomena such as the Civil Rights Movement. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines the early history of the Friuli Mosaic School (FMS), an Italian arts and crafts school specialising in mosaic and terrazzo. The history of the FMS opens up a rare window into an often-overlooked field in the history of education: arts and crafts schools in Fascist Italy (1922–1943). Then, the FMS excelled in mosaic education and production and gained the trust of the regime, which notably commissioned the school to produce large mosaic works for the Foro Italico sports complex in Rome. Yet, as this paper contends, the FMS–Fascist Italy relationship was primarily functional rather than political. Similarly, the FMS adopted a pragmatic approach in times of economic hardship by becoming an active agent for its students and alumni who were compelled to emigrate. The migrant trajectory of alumnus Ettore Lorenzini to the United States was paradigmatic of this. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Carl Adolf Hoffmann is counted among the most prolific 19th- and 20th-century authors employed by the Berlin Missionary Society in the former Transvaal, South Africa, home to the Berlin Mission Church's northern-Sotho/Sepedi-speaking synods. Hoffmann attempted to record African history and cultural practices with a view to preserving them for posterity by rendering orally performed knowledge into written and printed text. His efforts coincided with the German Romantic project to capture folklore and folktales. In this article, I look into ink and paper as media in the communication network of the Berlin Mission, and address the extent to which image and text were employed to replicate for a German audience the missionary-ethnographer's experience of African oral performance 'in the field'. Taking into consideration the scenography accomplished through book design, typography, page layout and illustrations, I ask to what extent it might be useful to approach the ink-on-paper recordings of African narratives as performative spaces in their own right. The scholarly articles and illustrated books that resulted from missionary Carl Hoffmann's 'long conversation' with a number of interlocutors - especially from the Woodbush/Mamabolo region - are now dated media, printed in dated type, arrested in a lapsed socio-political paradigm. Although openly accessible in the digitised Hoffmann Collection of Cultural Knowledge, significant 'decoding' is required to render them meaningful for 21st-century audiences. In this investigation, I attempt to configure what it was that missionary Hoffmann attempted to capture, how it was represented within a German print-cultural network, and what this may imply for South African selfunderstandings today. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper focuses on the “Junkyard” (chatzar grutaot) - a unique educational environment and practice developed in kindergartens on the Israeli kibbutz in the 1940s and 1950s, and still in wide use today in kibbutz kindergartens. The Junkyard, consisting of artefacts of the adult world that are no longer in use, is an ever-changing set-up in which children’s free play is encouraged, with minimal rules for use of time, space, objects, and social relations. Anchored in the writings of its two founding educators, as well as in writings of and interviews with its advocates and instructors over the years, this paper shows how the Junkyard drew on widespread ideas about early childhood development and education, at the same time as it responded to local conditions and concerns. The paper argues that a unique conjunction of factors - material and structural, educational and pedagogical, ideological and cultural - facilitated the process by which the Junkyard was inserted relatively smoothly into the kibbutz educational landscape, in lasting ways. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper effectively provides the view from New Delhi of the crisis in Lebanon in 1958, UN intervention in the conflict, and subsequent peacekeeping in the region. The account uses archival material from the National Archives of India, the Nehru Memorial Museum and Library, New Delhi, the UNARMS, the National Archives, UK, and published primary material. Most significantly, the paper revisits the memoirs of Ambassador Rajeshwar Dayal (the UN Secretary General's Special Representative) who was seconded from the Indian Foreign Service for the special purpose of UN arbitration in the Lebanon Crisis. Dayal played a pivotal role in defining India's position in the crisis, and through Indian contributions to mediation and peacekeeping, in the UN. Furthermore, given India's relationships with many other non-aligned nations in the region, the paper takes a broader view of the narratives surrounding the crisis and eventual US intervention and victory from mainly Indian sources, thus contributing to the study of the short-lived crisis. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

After the French defeat in May-June 1940, Japan invaded Indochina, a French colony. Then, many women and men decided to create some circuits to resist this occupation. Their mission dealt with the Japanese soldiers in the peninsula, with whom Admiral Decoux's General Government wanted to maintain a modus vivendi in the name of Vichy. The time constraints were different for these groups than for their metropolitan counterparts: they kept on fighting until their destruction on 9 March 1945 and the Japanese overthrow of the peninsula. Although Vichy's implication in Indochina is well known, the anti-Japanese resistance groups from this region and their participation in the Allied victory in and out of mainland France have not been studied recently. This paper intends to focus on the dynamics of these circuits' interventions during their fight in Indochina. How did they maintain contact with Free French Forces despite their geographical isolation? What was their implication in the final victory against the Japanese forces? As with the war itself, Resistance was an international phenomenon which was not limited to European borders but spread throughout the world through contacts with the Allied secret services. This paper will study the construction and materiality of these contacts. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines the way in which narratives, including stories and poetry, have been used in school texts relating to moral instruction. The paper will draw on texts used in Queensland classrooms in the early part of the twentieth century to demonstrate the ways in which description of sights and the experiences of the senses, and of exaggerated consequences, are used in narratives and poems with the intention of imparting moral lessons. The texts analysed include both those used in ‘Civics and Morals’ lessons and the Queensland School Readers, a long-running series of classroom readers designed to suit the unique needs of the state’s children. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Shena Simon (1883–1972), a leading English socialist and educationist, actively called for the reform of secondary education in the 1930s and 1940s in order to bring the ideal of ‘equality of opportunity’ into the English educational system. This paper explores the continuity and changes in Simon’s proposed reforms in relation to her ideals of social democracy from the appearance of the Spens Report (1938) to the publication of her book,Three Schools or One?(1948). In addition, Simon’s transnational visits to the Soviet Union, the USA and Scotland, as well as the impact of her international and comparative perspectives on different educational systems on her policy agenda, are also examined. It concludes that as many policy issues shown in the current paper continue to be debated, Simon’s democratic ideals and discourses are still relevant in the present and suggest implications for the future of secondary education in England. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Drawing on extensive archival research, this paper examines the controversies over the place and the role of cinema in early twentieth-century Brazil. It situates these debates in the context of Brazil’s struggle to come to terms with the powerful forces of modernity, in particular with issues of race, immigration, class formation and conflict, and changing gender roles. Tracing the discourses of Brazil’s cultural elites and also the practical responses of film entrepreneurs and exhibitors, the paper discusses how these interactions overlapped with changes taking place in Brazil’s cinematic landscape and illustrates how they had profound effects on film content, its function, and exhibition practices. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines prime minister Robert Menzies decision to support science education in Australian schools in 1963. This was a landmark shift in policy for the federal government, but in many ways mirrors the decision of Eisenhower who brought down the National Defense Education Act (NDEA) in 1958. The paper uses a transnational approach to offer a new way of looking at the 1963 decision by focusing on the need for science education and the environment which supported science advocacy rather than the traditional interpretation of political expediency to court the Catholic vote. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

The Russo-Japanese War of 1904-1905 captured the imagination of reading publics around the world and in Britain spawned a breadth of products aimed at a domestic audience, including cigarette cards, illustrated magazines and newspaper cartoons. This essay investigates the commentary on and interpretation of the war offered by cartoons appearing in the British Sunday paper the News of the World and the Welsh daily paper the Western Mail. Editorial cartoonist J. M. Staniforth drew over 70 cartoons documenting the war for both papers, and the degree to which these visual images complemented or diverged from the editorial line expressed in leader columns is considered. The importance of distinguishing between cartoons and editorials and of taking into account the identity and career of the cartoonist is stressed. The visual codes for communicating conflict are also investigated, revealing in the process something of the intellectual horizons of both cartoonist and audience. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article revisits the cultural history of Guinea in the three decades following independence through focusing on the musical activity of Miriam Makeba, the exiled South African singer who resided in the country between the years 1968 and 1986. Recent scholarship has illuminated the vast investment of the Guinean state in developing modern national culture as part of the process of decolonisation as well as the limited freedom of expression, imposed by the state, that subjugated local cultural production. While these studies have concentrated primarily on Guinean cultural agents, this paper explores transnational dimensions within the cultural politics of Guinea. It highlights Makeba's emplacement in Guinea in the context of nation building, Pan-Africanism, cold war politics and black transnational cultural exchanges. By focusing on the disparity between textual sources and musically embedded meanings extracted from Makeba's music recorded in Guinea, this paper recasts Makeba as a conduit of African-American musical influences in the Guinean scene. By doing so, it uncovers cultural spaces that were not subordinated to official state ideology mediated through print culture, and thus have hitherto been unrecognised in mainstream historiography. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper seeks to explore the development, impact and contribution made by the New Ideals in Education conferences, which were held between 1914 and 1937. In particular, it will examine how the group emerged from the English Montessori Society and forged an identity of its own based on the thoughts and ideas of its two major protagonists: Edmond Holmes and the Earl of Lytton. This was especially manifest in its commitment to a form of non-partisanship that sought to be inclusive as possible towards those agitating for liberty within the classroom. The paper will also examine the profound impact played by the First World War, whose events were a catalyst not merely for impelling the group to discuss and showcase practice but also how this could be applied in the reconstruction process. In so doing it will chart the evolution of the New Ideals movement, which fizzled out just prior to the Second World War. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

In the early twentieth century, American newspapers enjoyed high circulations while presenting readers with diverse and plentiful content. After 1920, radio broadcasting made even more information available for public consumption, giving audience members an abundant range of media choices. During a time of plenty for readers and listeners, companies in the business of media struggled with the opposite problem: scarcity. As the amount of media content proliferated, the practical ability to disseminate it was determined by the access to scarce resources, and this was true for both radio broadcasting and newspaper publishing. In many respects, the history of the American mass media in the early twentieth century might best be told as a tale of two scarcities, one—the electromagnetic spectrum—defined by absolute limits and the other—the newsprint—defined by access to markets for a particular material, the supply of which often fluctuated in availability and price. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

The 'unification' of the United States Army and Navy under the 1947 National Security Act, combined with efforts to cut expenditures after the Second World War, spawned vicious inter-service competition that undermined civilian control of the military. The nastiest feuds were between the Air Force and Navy, and then the Navy and civilian leaders of the fledgling Department of Defence. What appears as an esoteric dispute over the utility of bombers versus aircraft carriers was merely the tip of a larger struggle over the future of American military strategy. Civilian efforts to end this destructive inter-service rivalry and force the military to live within its budgetary constraints provoked open defiance during the so-called 'Revolt of the Admirals' in 1949. National Security Council Paper 68 offered a way out of this predicament by outlining a quasi-Keynesian fiscal policy based on rearmament that would stimulate the economy enough to offset the additional defence spending. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The main theoretical and empirical focus of this paper is the critical examination of alternative forms of resistance that emerged in South Africa after the suppression of mass mobilisation and following the banning of anti-apartheid organisations in the 1960s. It will argue that while the period c. 1966–1979 is regarded as an era in which apartheid was at its height in South Africa, other forms of resistance emerged against it. The emergence and alteration in resistance measures was largely propelled by ‘subjects’ desire to free themselves from the rituals of oppression and from the practice of state repression. This alteration could be seen in the use of a variety of tools including the criminal justice system (legal instruments), ‘one-man’ protests and covert ‘political education’ to unsettle apartheid. By focusing on these three components and through the narrative of an individual and the local study approach, this paper also seeks to recover some of the ‘lost, prophetic voices’ that played a meaningful role during this period and therefore aims to explore some historical events of this era and their resonances for South Africa beyond 1979. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper discusses the massive colonization plan and settlement scheme implemented in the early 1970s by the Brazilian government as part of the development of the Amazonian territory, and accounts for some of the reasons for its failure. Building on the notion that the Amazonian settlement scheme had taken a mid-twentieth-century private-colonization enterprise in northern-Paraná state as a planning model, this paper reveals that they were both grounded in garden-city repertoire; particularly the ideas of decentralization, satellite towns, and the marriage of town and country. However, unlike its model, the Amazonian settlement scheme failed badly. The adaptations made to the model and the innovations of the new scheme will also be identified. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

We present a new English translation of L.E.J. Brouwer's paper ‘De onbetrouwbaarheid der logische principes’ (The unreliability of the logical principles) of 1908, together with a philosophical and historical introduction. In this paper Brouwer for the first time objected to the idea that the Principle of the Excluded Middle is valid. We discuss the circumstances under which the manuscript was submitted and accepted, Brouwer's ideas on the principle of the excluded middle, its consistency and partial validity, and his argument against the possibility of absolutely undecidable propositions. We note that principled objections to the general excluded middle similar to Brouwer's had been advanced in print by Jules Molk two years before. Finally, we discuss the influence on George Griss' negationless mathematics. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

The myth that the women's movement in Britain went into decline in the decade following the Second World War has now been debunked. Yet despite this more accurate re-telling of the fate of female activism in the 1950s, the view that the majority of women at this time aspired only to marriage and motherhood persists. The iconic image of the ‘ideal 1950s housewife’ has proved hard to excise from the historical record and the public imagination. The aim of this paper is to discover what women really wanted in the 1950s. This will be done through a study of popular housewives' associations who represented the interests of over a million British women throughout the decade. The paper will evaluate how successful these groups were in supporting their members and campaigning to improve the lives of women. In exploring these themes it is argued that a new understanding of domesticity emerged in the 1950s better reflecting what women really wanted in the decades following the Second World War. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

From July 1927, Bremersdorp, now Manzini, became the first medical mission and a centre of western healing and health in colonial Swaziland, which at that time, was replete with traditional healers and healing methods. Varying interests gave birth to this medical mission, one of which was the need to replace traditional methods of healing with western biomedicine. Its establishment initiated the colonial state's financial involvement, at a very early stage, in the development of the healthcare of the Swazis. This paper examines the evolution of nursing education in colonial Swaziland by providing a brief historiographical terrain and showing how Swaziland fits into it. The paper also provides an overview of the birth of colonialism in Swaziland and demonstrates its role in the origin of nursing education in the 1920s. By so doing, this paper not only contributes to the growth of medical history in Southern Africa but also unravels the history of nursing education in a manner that shows both the contribution of the state and that of transformative events in the development of nursing education, revealing in the process, conjunctive interests of the state and the Church of the Nazarene (CON) and the intersection of these interests. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

This paper considers the negotiations for the repatriation of the Japanese residents of New Caledonia who were transferred to Australia for internment after the outbreak of the Asia-Pacific theatre of World War II. It shows that whilst the Japanese residents’ place of origin was New Caledonia, it was deemed instead to be Japan, and they were repatriated to Japan either as part of the Anglo–Japanese civilian exchange of September 1942 or after the cessation of hostilities. The paper also shows that the Australian government had security concerns regarding the Japanese before and during the war but was willing to repatriate the Japanese to New Caledonia after the war should the New Caledonian authorities have been willing to accept them back. The New Caledonian authorities’ decision not to accept the Japanese back in New Caledonia resulted in their repatriation to Japan even though some expressed the wish to return to New Caledonia. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

This paper discusses the development of economic higher education in Czechoslovakia from 1945 to 1953, ie before the emergence of new economic universities with the same name: University of Economics (Vysoká škola ekonomická) in Prague and Bratislava. Its aim is to determine possible similarities and differences in economic education between the Czech lands and Slovakia. Although the paper embraces the issue comprehensively, the main focus is on the comparison of two of the most important colleges, the Commercial College in Prague and Slovak College of Commerce in Bratislava. It concludes and claims that despite the Czechoslovak uniform policy in tertiary education, there were undoubtedly some national differences. Essentially, they stemmed from different networks and the number of economic schools in the Czech lands and Slovakia and from different prior traditions. Overall, Slovaks endeavoured to continue with the preceding development more than Czechs. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

This paper traces the transmission of Western science through the agricultural education sector during the British colonial administration of Malaya. This education system included three levels: elementary, intermediate and the school of agriculture. To understand the process by which Western science was transmitted in Malaya, Basalla's model was adopted to clarify the vectors of Western science and the types of knowledge disseminated by these vectors, and to identify the mechanisms sustaining scientific research activities outside Europe. This paper shows that the transmission and the diffusion of Western science through education were highly centralised under the British colonial umbrella and closely associated with the agricultural economy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The book, The History of the Ouinkai, was published in 1940 as a commemorative project for the 60th anniversary of the Tokyo Higher Normal School for Women (THNSW). The purpose of this article is to illustrate the type of data collected in the surveys and their findings, to explore some of the activities of the association, and to discuss how the Ouinkai alumni association, in collaboration with THNSW, worked with female teachers nationwide. The paper traces some of the multi-norms and multi-roles for female teachers that THNSW promoted and their relation to norms thought to characterise 'ideal' Japanese women. The publication of The History of the Ouinkai was a milestone in Japanese women's education because it demonstrated the Ouinkai's successes in respect of Japanese educational policy for women as well as the leadership that the Ouinkai provided to female graduate teachers, whom it organised with skill. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the first decade of the twenty-first century the University of Botswana (UB) branded itself among other things by changing its original and historical logo in response to severe competition for students. The logo had been made in 1983 by members of public and reflected sacrifices the population had made through contributions of cows for construction of the university in 1976. The new logo, which UB introduced in 2008, had features of the old one but in abstract form. However, this elicited strong disapproval in some quarters as people demanded restoration of the original logo which the university did in mid-2014. This paper argues that engaging members of public as opposed to foreign professional consultants in the conceptualisation of a symbol for a public institution seems to have significantly contributed to national pride and a sense of public ownership of the symbol. Change to the symbol for corporate survival was perceived as desecration of national historical heritage and was resisted. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Throughout the Cold War, Italy was one of the most steadfast NATO allies in hosting American nuclear weapons on its territory. Such a policy could easily be construed as an example of almost automatic confidence in the US nuclear umbrella, yet only on the surface did extended deterrence appease Italian anxieties about the uncertainties of the American nuclear guarantee. The Italian rationale for accepting a large array of US nuclear weapons did as a matter of fact involve a complex mix of reasons, ranging from trying to ensure that the Italian government would be consulted in the event of a major crisis, to willingness to enhance the country’s profile inside any Western multilateral fora. The paper will investigate this policy by looking at how the Italian government behaved at the height of the NATO nuclear sharing debate, between 1957 and 1962, arguably one of the historical moments in the Cold War when the concept of extended deterrence was most intensely discussed. Drawing up on hitherto classified archival sources as well as on some less-known public ones, the paper will show how Italian diplomats, military leaders and policymakers understood the dangers and political implications of US nuclear policies. It will, hopefully, demonstrate that Italy’s persistent search for a multilateral solution to the nuclearisation of NATO strategy shows that Italy never saw extended deterrence as a solution per se, but only as a temporary means to an end. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

This paper considers two aspects of historiography about the 1967 Arab–Israeli war – American and Soviet foreign policy in the region – to better appreciate the Soviet role in the outbreak of hostilities, as well as how the war concretized the USA–Israel ‘special relationship’ and weakened American–Arab relations. Relying especially on research from the Lyndon Johnson Presidential Library and Foreign Relations of the United States (FRUS), this paper argues that Soviet officials had little interest in pursuing measures to prevent war during the prewar crisis because the situation promised to undermine American interests in the region. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Just over twenty years into its new era of democracy, South African foreign policy appears to be undergoing important changes in orientation and global positioning. Indeed, post-apartheid South African foreign policy has been steadily shifting away from a preoccupation with more traditional partnerships to developing alliances and coalitions with emerging economies and actors seeking to reform the global governance order. The paper seeks to understand the implications of this shift for South Africa's relationship with its most pivotal and enduring traditional ‘partner' – the United Kingdom. Thus, the paper proposes that this relationship can be best understood by considering it on different and at least partially contradictory levels, reflecting South Africa's own ambiguous identity as an emerging middle power. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

This paper focuses on the impact of the First World War (WWI) and its aftermath on the political activism of the Mzabi community in the Algerian desert. Following the French annexation of the Mzab Valley in 1882 and the military draft imposed on Mzabis in 1912 and again in 1918, Mzabis, who are Amazighen (sing. Amazigh, also known as Berbers) and Ibadis (members of minority sect in Islam), felt more and more threatened by French policies towards the Mzab and its inhabitants. This paper shows how the events of WWI and the hope in a French defeat and an Ottoman victory provided Mzabis with the opportunity to link to trans-border anti-colonial movements, especially in Tripolitania and Tunisia, and to promote their case for Mzab’s independence from French Algeria. Those movements, tied to Istanbul, had emerged earlier during the Italian invasion of Libya in 1911 and were reinvigorated during WWI and the Ottoman efforts of mass mobilization. Mzabis were linked to resistance groups in Tripolitania and thus were able to easily integrate themselves during WWI into cross-border anti-colonial movements. They perceived themselves as part of a pro-Ottoman North African movement opposed to European colonial projects and not part of an Algeria they considered to be ‘French.’ In particular, given their strong connections to Tripolitanian activists who were also Ibadis and connected to Istanbul, they believed that they were better positioned to negotiate their independence from France than the Maliki (followers of the Maliki religious school of jurisprudence) majority of Algeria. Their activism during and shortly after WWI and struggle for their own independence as ‘Mzabis,’ distinguishing themselves from the rest of Maliki Algerians, highlight three important themes. The first is the need to create one uninterrupted narrative linking the Italian invasion of Tripolitania in 1911 to WWI in terms of shaping cross-border alliances and political strategies in the Maghrib towards the Allies. The second is the significance and continuous relevance of the Ottoman context for North African and Saharan communities in the definition of their political allegiances during WWI. Third are the alternative political imaginations Mzabi activism during WWI presents us. Rather than the usual perception of WWI as being the catalyst for nationalist stirrings in the region, the case of the Mzabis provides a counter-narrative to nationalist historiographies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper considers two aspects of historiography about the 1967 Arab–Israeli War – American and Soviet foreign policy in the region – to better appreciate the Soviet role in the outbreak of hostilities, as well as how the war concretized the US–Israeli ‘special relationship’ and weakened American–Arab relations. Relying especially on research from the Lyndon Johnson Presidential Library and Foreign Relations of the United States, this paper argues that Soviet officials had little interest in pursuing measures to prevent war during the pre-war crisis because the situation promised to undermine American interests in the region. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Drawing on life-history interview data collected as part of a research project funded by the Froebel Trust, this paper explores the family backgrounds and educational experiences reported by nine women who attended Froebel College located in London in the United Kingdom (UK), in the 1950s and 1960s. Informed by Bourdieu’s theories of habitus and field and theories of identity, this paper explores any shared habitus and dispositions within the early childhood and family milieu reported by the participants. The paper also considers the women’s educational experiences and their stories of getting into Froebel College, reflecting on the commonality of family values and the secondary education pathways they reported. The findings show some striking resonances between Froebel’s educational ideals, in particular his belief in the mystical and transformative power of learning through play and engaging with nature, and the participants’ stories of their early childhood experiences. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

This article aims to analyze the role of American trade unionism during the Brazilian dictatorship examining the activities of American Institute for Free Labor Development (AIFLD). It will pay particular attention to the political repression and anti-labor policy conducted by the dictator Emílio Garrastazu Médici (1969–74). The examination of the U.S. labor policy in Brazil during the heydays of the cold war in Latin America is an interesting case study of the contradictions and paradoxes of the AFL-CIO and American international relations during that period, as well as a stimulating example of transnational trade union and international solidarity relations during this period. The paper investigates how AIFLD reacted to human rights violations perpetrated by the Médici regime, highlighting the fine line between American international labor solidarity and foreign intervention during the cold war period. As a final point, the paper analyzes the workers’ resistance to the dictatorial regime, as well as the U.S. interpretation of the Brazilian labor movement in this context of repression and human rights violations. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

This paper investigates the role government policies and non-state actors have played in determining irregular migration in both Western Europe and North America. While immigration restriction is admitted to have generated illegality throughout the twentieth century, receiving-oriented regulatory policies have also produced flows of irregular migrants. Though differences in migration regimes should not be minimized, our primary intent is to highlight similarities in the way irregular migration was legally and politically produced in the post-World War II years. By focusing on the management of labor migration at that time, it is possible to understand how both the US and the main European receiving countries secured legal migrants rights at the same time as they created unintended irregularity by entering into international agreements. With a view to analyzing the determinants of labor migrant illegality in a comparative perspective, our paper examines the guestworker programs implemented throughout the Eastern and Western hemispheres in the labor shortage post-war years. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines Canadian federal and cross-provincial higher education policy from 1960 to 1990, a critical time when provisions for vocational and adult training came under the auspices of governmental concern, justified under both an economic rationale and as a way to address persistent forms of inequality. The problematisation of skill during this period had particular gendered implications, as addressing inequality through education subsidies intersected with the perceived training needs of employers and the market. Employing Nancy Fraser's theory of a ‘triple movement’, the following paper ‘takes stock’ of how the three political forces of social movements, marketisation, and social protection have shaped gendered discourses of education and training, the implications for which are of continued relevance to those trying to understand the education and training within the contemporary neo-liberal state. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Although engineering education has played important roles in China’s growing power and influence on the world stage, engineering education policy since the Reform and Opening-up in the late 1970s has not been well documented in current English-language scholarship. Informed by historical and sociological studies of education, engineering and engineering education, this paper attempts to address this scholarly gap by relating contemporary Chinese engineering education policy-making to its broader historical, cultural and ideological contexts. Based on analysis of policy documents and reports released by the Chinese government and engineering schools, and drawing on prior scholarship of Chinese (engineering) education policy, this paper employs the concept of ‘past/forward’ as an analytic lens to interpret and understand four major areas of engineering education policy change in contemporary China: institutional reform, disciplines and majors, training objectives, and curriculum reform. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

In light of recent interest in the theoretical foundations of policy paradigms, this paper aims to specify the qualities that differentiate paradigmatic from non-paradigmatic policy ideas. While the incommensurability thesis that underlies the concept of paradigms has been the target of much criticism, there is something intuitively appealing about the incommensurability of policy alternatives that is not yet fully understood. Hesitant to abandon completely the notion of incommensurability, this paper emphasizes the relative nature of ideational commensurability and provides an account of how the exclusivity of a paradigm may wither in relation to competing perspectives. The empirical section demonstrates this pattern of paradigmatic policy-making by examining solutions advanced to alleviate problems in Canadian trade-industrial policy between 1975 and 1995. Contrary to the popular perception that paradigmatic ideas yield policy stability, the findings suggest that even in areas where clearly articulated paradigms initially exist, strictly paradigmatic thinking is often fleeting. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

During the central decades of the twentieth century there is ample though often indirect evidence that a significant rise in fertility took place in much of the world. In some countries with historic demographic transitions this trend change has been called the baby boom. Elsewhere it has often been called the demographic explosion. Seldom has it been addressed from a global perspective. The main goal of this paper is to study these shifts comparatively, assessing the extent to which the timing and the mechanisms behind increasing fertility were or were not shared by different areas of the world. The paper provides a detailed description of fertility trends in 13 countries from four continents, based on a cohort approach to fertility and making use of data from the Integrated Public Use Microdata Series, International (IPUMS-I). Our analysis shows that, with some exceptions, increasing fertility was a global demographic phenomenon, although there are important variations in terms of intensity, timing, and duration. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

This paper explores the role that cultural centres played in the integration of guest workers into the city of Stuttgart, Germany. It argues that the centres were initially used as instruments of social control, but after the mid-1960s, as local authorities increasingly envisioned the guest workers as a permanent part of West German society, the focus of the centres was on the integration of guest workers, particularly the ‘second generation’, into not just the economic, but also the social and civic life of Stuttgart and to further cultural understanding between them and West Germans. Furthermore, the paper shows that the centres acted as spaces in which the guest workers themselves could advance their own interests within Stuttgart and many times were sites where they acted out ethnic and political conflicts from their homelands. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

This paper reviews the history of educational research, primarily in Britain, showing how the concept of research in education--what it is, how it was done, and what its function should be--has changed over the past hundred years. A central theme is the growing acceptance of research in education, which paradoxically, it is suggested, may have had the effect of restricting its scope. Experimental research in education originated in the late 19th century in Germany, and initially was seen primarily as psychological inquiry into learning, an academic activity whose contribution to school practice and policy issues was essentially theoretical and long term. The application of research came to be recognised in the first half of the 20th century, but it was seen as the work of experts and specialists, to be used where appropriate by teachers and administrators. The 1950s and 60s saw educational research accepted as a discipline in its own right, and brought it into closer partnership with policy and practice, with increased funding giving those who commission research greater say in design, management and dissemination. The teacher-researcher movement, initially aimed to support teachers in carrying out research themselves, developed into a more fundamental view of research as a key element in a professional approach. In summary, the role of researcher has moved from academic theorist in phase 1, through expert consultant in phase 2, to reflective practitioner in phase 3. The paper concludes with a review of recent trends, postmodernist and poststructuralist, which challenge the positivist assumptions underlying the scientific-experimental paradigm which has been dominant throughout the 20th century. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper asserts that academics, unless they work for or in malign regimes, do not make ‘mistakes’, but work within their own historical period using their knowledge of past thinking. Thus, debates on race, ethnicity, race relations and so on, and the plethora of competing definitions and approaches, take place within specific historical times. The paper notes that for John Rex, racism was always the problem, to be defined and explained. It reviews the research carried out in Handsworth, Birmingham 1974–78, Rex's use of classical social theorists, and it refutes Banton's assertion that Rex did not engage with his critics. It concludes that Rex may well have been prophet in foreseeing the permanence of issues of race, ethnicity, multiculturalism, migration, integration, citizenship and a ‘war on terror’ in a global era. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

This paper argues that the first-person narratives of human trafficking that have been published since 1991 should be considered as the reemergence of the slave narrative. The paper outlines the contours of the slave narrative's revival, suggesting that the genre found fertile ground in the 1990s and 2000s through a confluence of diverse cultural forces – reinvigorated abolitionist advocacy, heightened public fluency in the discourses of slavery and rights, an expanded media terrain that encourages first-person testimony and post-9/11 cultural anxieties. This environment promoted the development of survivor testimony that would act as ‘flesh and blood' examples of the largely hidden and illegible human rights violation of modern slavery. Slave narrators face a crisis of legibility resulting from public scepticism regarding modern slavery, but what emerges from the public requirements for evidence is a generic tendency against the voyeuristic demands for the bodily detail and towards narrative strategies of displacement that direct attention towards external authorities and experiences. These strategies allow survivors to maintain control over their exposure in their life narratives, and thereby revise and interrogate the spectacular expectations promoted by many human rights projects. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

This paper explores the historical formation of the National School Lunch Program (NSLP) in the United States and argues that programme emergence depended on the ability of policy entrepreneurs to link the economic concerns of agricultural production with the ideational concern of national security. Using a historical institutionalist framework this paper stresses the critical juncture of the Second World War and the positive feedback loop created between agricultural industries and schools to understand the emergence of the NSLP. In addition, it stresses the role of frames in policy-making and focuses on the use by policy entrepreneurs of a security frame whereby child malnutrition was cast as a national security issue. The policy window of war gave policy entrepreneurs the chance to use the politically and culturally resonant frame of security, in the contexts of agricultural subsidies, to push for the creation of this programme. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Otto H. Koenigsberger (1908–99) was a German émigré architect who arrived in India in 1939 and worked there until 1951. Histories of South Asian modernism document Koenigsberger’s architecture as a coherent set of buildings that seamlessly synthesize the ideals of modernism with Indian traditions. This paper argues that Koenigsberger’s work in Mysore was neither coherent nor graspable as a simple synthesis of modernism with Indian local traditions. Koenigsberger’s early buildings in Mysore State belong to a genre that this paper terms ‘messy modernisms’, in which the categories of global and local are destabilized. This paper defines messy modernist architecture as a cultural artifact that can no longer be understood as a fusion of global and local architectures, because the complex global trajectory of the development of Indian local architectures illuminates how they were enmeshed within global architectural practices. In the 1940s, the local Mysorean assimilationist attributes of Koenigsberger’s architecture were not place-bound in their regional specificity. This paper situates Koenigsberger’s architecture within the global networks and the colonial architectural cultures in princely Mysore from 1939 to 1941. The Indian local influences on Koenigsberger’s work – colonial Neoclassical architecture, Indo-Saracenic architecture, Mysore Public Works Department (PWD) standardized plans known as type-designs, and the Bombay Art Deco movement – have a complex history of indigenization and circulation along the colonial intra-networks within South Asia, the colonial networks of the British Empire, and global flows that render the category of local extremely complex. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

This paper discusses the actions of noted Harvard University president James Bryant Conant, taken in regard to the Nazi government in Germany, from the time of Conant’s becoming president of Harvard University in 1933 to the time of the widespread pogrom in Germany of 9–10 November 1938, known as Kristallnacht. Conant’s attitudes and actions toward the Nazis have been chronicled in some depth by scholars including William M. Tuttle in a doctoral dissertation in the 1960s, and an article based on that dissertation published in 1979 and, more recently, Stephen Norwood as part of his 2009 indictment of American universities for their widespread tolerance and frequent support of Nazism. Norwood’s indictment criticised Tuttle’s work for being insufficiently critical of Conant’s dealings with Nazi Germany. This paper will evaluate both Conant’s actions and the historical interpretations of those actions by Tuttle and Norwood. It will also address the issue of Conant’s power as president of Harvard University and how that position of power relates to the actions taken by Conant and the evaluations of those actions by Tuttle and Norwood. Our main focus in this effort is on contextualising Conant’s actions in terms of the perceived and actual power of the president of the leading university in the United States of America. What are the powers of university presidents, especially the Harvard University president, and how do Conant’s actions cast light on the contours of those powers and the limits on them, self- and socially imposed? [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

This article argues that neither the amnesty granted the militants nor the election of Goodluck Jonathan as President of Nigeria will be sufficient to resolve the conflict in the Niger Delta as the crisis in the Niger Delta is an offshoot of some of the contradictions in the Nigerian federal structure, particularly the regional and power imbalance in the Constitution of 1960. Therefore, no matter how conceived, the Niger Delta crisis remains more fundamentally constitutional and political than socio-economic or environmental. Accordingly, what the paper attempts to address is the deliberate attempt by the Nigerian state to diminish the constitutional and political aspects of the crisis, while it creates the impression that the root of the problem of the Niger Delta is neglect and inequitable distribution of national resources by the federal government. The paper brings to the fore the constitutional and the political aspects which have underpinned the Niger Delta crisis since the 1950s and 1960s and concludes that any resolution of the crisis short of those imperatives will not endure. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]