Search

The European Union has made the development of a circular economy one of the central ambitions of its Green Deal, in which plastics are a defined priority. Current policies, however, have drawn criticism that the narrow focus on techno-innovation opportunities and economic growth falls short of addressing multifaceted socio-ecological challenges, overlooks trade-offs between proposed solutions, and conceals conflicts of interest among different actors. This paper contributes to opening-up the critical political debate on the circular plastics economy using discourse analysis. Looking at how arguments are framed, which priorities are defined, and how actors take positions, we identify three circular plastics economy discourses in Europe: 'Plastic fantastic' (material-focused), 'Circular economy will fly us to the moon' (plastics economy-focused), and 'Even plastic flowers are dead in this system' (socio-ecological systems-focused). Our paper demonstrates that the circular plastics economy is inherently political and is actively imagined, built, and created through discursive mechanisms. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article uses a Polanyian frame to place the plight of Roma in Europe in the context of an age of crisis, as evidenced by faltering neoliberal economies and a corresponding rise in xenophobia and extreme manifestations of nationalism. The situation of the Roma remains precarious, a situation exacerbated by the 2008 economic crises and the COVID-pandemic. Despite a number of social inclusion measures in recent decades, at the national and European level which target the Roma, Roma exclusion remains a serious challenge. The paper assesses why previous policy regimes failed but also reflects on what is the way forward in terms of inclusive policy frameworks. The article seeks to provide some answers to these questions with a vision of a Polanyian countermovement in the form of a New Social Europe predicated on redistribution, recognition and community action but also a re-envisioning of integration and transformative change in structural and cultural terms. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The idea of a set of shared or common values constitutes a substantial component of EU-discourse. Values are mentioned at the beginning of the Lisbon Treaty, and can be easily found in any communication material produced by the European Union. This paper argues for the relevance of studying from a semiotic perspective the link between values, the European Union and the broader idea of "Europe". Specifically, it discusses the place of values in the discursive construction of the European Union and "Europe" as distinct cultural units of meaning. As it is argued, values have a salient place in the discourses, narratives and social imaginaries about what "Europe" is and who and what "is" "European". The paper draws on Fornäs (2012) study of the symbols of Europe and argues that values constitute a central nodal point in the discursive articulation of the EU – and with it, of the idea of Europe – in the level of the "forms of life". [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article focuses on the White Paper on damage actions for breach of Articles 81 and 82 EC published by the European Commission in Europe on April 2, 2008. The published White Paper features a comprehensive recommendation to help victims of competition law infringements abuses in claiming full compensation for the damages that they suffered. The White Paper aspires to strengthen and improve the private implementation of Articles 81 and 82 of the EC Treaty. It also tries to simplify the primary goals of antitrust enforcement framework and facilitate whether the antitrust enforcement framework in the European Union (EU) obtain those goals, if not, it offers an optimal and effective substitute.

The European Union defence sector is not only crucial for the EU's security, but it is also a major industrial asset for EU member states, as it may foster innovation and greater integration among member states, as well as facilitate technology transfer. The understanding of and inferences about the sector, however, are laborious since data on the defence industry in Europe is often contradictory and confused and it is mostly compared at the national not at the European level. As a contribution to address such shortcomings and as opening piece for this Special Issue, this article focuses on the finding, collecting, cleaning, and organizing data on the geographical concentration/location of EU defence industries. This is a fully original descriptive analysis of the current situation, and it provides a reliable basis on the concentration/location of defence companies. This paper represents a firm basis from which to explore (in future research) how defence companies contribute to the technological integration of the EU and it should help the reader to better understand the following articles in this Special Issue. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Policy orientations by the European Union foreground the need to attend to peripheral territories (especially non-dense urban areas), as they combine multiple socioeconomic and cultural asymmetry factors. This applies to cinema, in-between market- and cultural-driven logics, and film exhibition in particular. Theatrical exhibition in Europe remains concentrated in urban multiplexes, where US blockbusters largely dominate, and although the majority of the films released are European, US films account for the majority of admissions. This paper results from an ongoing research about non-commercial exhibition in Portugal. We will present an overview of the European framework and then an outline of the Portuguese cinema policy settings. This overview will contribute to the clarification of the (minor) place and (high) importance of the cultural dimension of film exhibition, especially the role of non-commercial exhibition, an invisible segment in most official data and reports, although strategic to countering cultural inequalities and homogenisation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Each year thousands of people seeking better lives in Europe make the treacherous journey across the Mediterranean. Many of those struggling or stranded at sea are rescued by 'boat people' comprising NGOs, humanitarian organizations, coast guards and merchant vessels. Under maritime law there is a duty of care towards anyone that experiences difficulty at sea. There is, too, a duty of care by States who under the same law are required to assist ships and allow the disembarkation of those in danger. Yet this practice has important legal, ethical and practical implications and has been challenged by right-leaning political regimes who, making good on election promises to ease immigration, have prohibited such vessels to dock at their ports. This paper, using a case study approach of the humanitarian vessel the Aquarius, considers the ways in which the geographies of care intersect and collide with the geopolitical framing of migrants and refugees. In doing so the paper makes two important contributions. First, it extends conceptualizations of care geographies which are more typically applied to the spatial outworking of health and wellbeing to European migration. It thinks about how care is administered, contested and politicized. The complex concept of care offers a rich lens through which to critique the framing of seaborne migrants and refugees in Europe. Through giving or circumventing legal responsibilities to provide care, seaborne migrants are either humanized or dehumanized. Second, through unpacking the legislative and ethical frameworks shaping search and rescue (SAR) activities in the Mediterranean, we can observe a distinct 'geopoliticizing of care and responsibility' whereby these individuals become pawns in wider power dynamics within the European Union. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The European Union (EU) promotes arms collaboration as a stepping-stone towards the evolution of an integrated European defence technology and industrial base. It will necessarily comprise prime contractors and their attendant supply chains, with the latter particularly important because they represent a refined regional division of labour, promoting efficiencies through skill-based specialisation. Paradoxically, however, Europe's largest military aerospace collaborative venture, the Eurofighter Typhoon, possesses a complex supply chain subject to political and institutional strictures, as well as potential inefficiencies. Partner nations prioritise national sovereignty objectives through duplicated assembly lines and work allocation arrangements based on juste retour (fair share) rather than market-driven competitiveness criteria. The purpose of this paper, then, is to explore Typhoon's supply chain complexity, especially the impact of juste retour policy. The findings from this analysis will highlight important policy issues influencing the future supply chain model of Europe's successor 6th-Generation fighter programme. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Food safety and quality concern increasingly both consumers and the entire food sector involved. The European Union has implemented specific legislation for food products in order to monitor food safety and quality, protecting each country's culture, history and local economy at the same time. Moreover, Europe's heritage is being enriched, by establishing quality schemes such as Protected Designation of Origin (PDO) and Protected Geographical Indication (PGI). Europe's interest and concern regarding food safety proved also by Framework Program 5 Horizon 2020 continuous funding.Food traceability as well as food authentication constitute inseparable parts of food safety and quality. This systematic review presents innovative research technologies which are used in Europe for food traceability and authentication and published within the period 2010–2018. Moreover, information about the method used, the country of origin, the food type and the level of food process, are provided.This paper offers a new possible approach regarding the combination of the existing definitions of food traceability and authentication, as far as food provenance is concerned. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Since 1992, culture has been an official competence of the European Union. De facto, the EU has the legitimacy and means to intervene and change collective representations and social dynamics, including in border regions, in order to bring people together and build a Europe 'united in diversity'. The purpose of the paper is to investigate the cross-border dynamics in cultural matters, and to examine the realization of cultural projects as a driving force in the process of cross-border integration. The approach is based on a spatial analysis of the cultural projects co-financed by Interreg over the 2000–2020 period, enabling to provide an overview of the cross-border cultural initiatives undertaken. The results reveal first that strong spatial disparities exist between programming spaces in terms of cultural investment. Second, that cross-border cultural cooperation mainly involves municipalities, and not primarily cultural actors. Third, although a diverse range of cultural projects have been developed over the last twenty years, the emphasis has been more on tourism projects. These achievements bring into question the role of Interreg programming in cultural matters in the dynamics of cross-border integration, since it fosters an economic approach to culture at the expense of social and identity issues. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper is among the first to investigate the impact of over-education and over-skilling on workers' wages using a unique pan-European database covering twenty-eight countries for the year 2014, namely the CEDEFOP's European Skills and Jobs (ESJ) survey. Overall, the results suggest the existence of a wage penalty associated with over-education. When the educational and the skills mismatches are interacted with each other in order to distinguish apparent over-education from genuine over-education, the results highlight that the workers with the highest wage penalty are those who are both over-educated and over-skilled. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the middle of the twentieth century, when the European Union (EU) started to take shape, numerous European colonies – many with a significant Muslim population – gained independence. These two moments in history need to be read in relation to each other when thinking about "Islam in Europe". This paper engages in such a relational reading and shifts the analytical focus from "Islam" to "Europe", exploring the ways "EUrope" manifests itself in the city of Brussels. By combining a spatialized analysis of the European Quarter with the conceptual lens of the "palimpsest", I seek to offer a spatiotemporal framing that renders visible the material remains of imperial formations within the fabric of "EUrope". The paper further explores how these often unmarked layers configure EU-space as "white" and Christian, and impact the ways Muslim bodies navigate within the EU-fabric and create counterspaces. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this paper I attempt a novel interpretation of Brexit as a 'wicked problem'. Wicked problems are those which are unique and complex, full of internal contradictions, and defy solution, instead only creating other problems. After reviewing the lead-up to the 2016 Brexit referendum, particularly the role of immigration, the core of the paper takes the main criteria for the specification of a wicked problem and applies them to Brexit. Special attention is given to two propositions: that every wicked problem is a symptom of other problems; and that every attempted solution to a wicked problem produces irreversible consequences. Both are seen to apply to Brexit. In the conclusion, I explore 'wicked synergies' between Brexit and the coronavirus pandemic. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In 2013 the European Citizens' Initiative (ECI) 'Right2Water' collected 1.9 million signatures across Europe against water privatization. It became the first ever successful ECI and has built a Europe-wide movement. Right2Water sought for Europe's legal enforcement of the Human Right to Water and Sanitation (HRWS) as a strategic political tool to challenge European Union market policies. The paper examines the ECI from a social movement perspective. Although the European Commission subscribed that 'water is a public good, not a commodity', its implementation is subject to continuing politics and socio-political struggle, with growing urgency in times of the Covid-19 pandemic crisis. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

To tackle the undeclared economy, an emergent literature has called for the dominant "rational economic actor" approach, which increases the sanctions and risk of detection, to be replaced and/or complemented by a "social actor" approach that fosters citizens' commitment to compliance. Reporting two waves of the Eurobarometer survey conducted in 2007 and 2013 across Europe, fixed-effects logistic regression analysis reveals that although both approaches reduce participation in undeclared work, the strength of the impact of deterrents on the likelihood of participation in undeclared work has weakened between 2007 and 2013, but has strengthened for vertical and horizontal trust. The paper concludes by discussing the policy implications of these findings. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The food- and feed-value systems in the European Union are not protein self-sufficient. Despite their potential to improve the well-being of arable cropping systems, sufficient production of high-protein legume grains in Europe has not been achieved due to multiple barriers. The reasons are multiple and span economic, agronomic, research, and extension services, as well as aspects of culture and traditional dietary habits. Given the well-documented advantages of legume-supported production systems and diets, that include ecosystem and health provisions, acknowledging and promoting legumes as cornerstone species for more sustainable agri-food systems is a necessary and logical step. This paper provides an integrated analysis of case studies and current policies that shape the production and consumption of legumes in Europe. This study identified three key pathways, which can be integrated into sustainable farming systems to support current and future food security challenges via the use of legumes and legume-based products. At each pathway, we identified several enablers that support the sustainability transformation of legume production and consumption in Europe. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In a context where European integration is put into question, under the weight of external (migration, safety issues, economic) and centrifugal forces (Brexit, growing Euroscepticism), European spatial planning has been somewhat sidelined in the debates on the European Union’s goals, cohesion and future. This special issue aims to contribute to a deeper understanding of these dynamics by revisiting the history of European spatial planning - from its origins, gradual institutionalization to its current rolling back - by exploring it both at the European and the national level, stressing its difficulties and idiosyncrasies. The conceptual framework of historical institutionalism is used across the papers in an attempt to shed more light on this processes, through the analysis of critical junctures and path dependency of planning and cohesion agendas, transnational networks as well as changes to the national institutions and planning systems. This tightly woven collection of papers touches upon not only the underlying arguments for European cohesion, but also the questions about the future of European spatial planning as an ‘EU microcosm’ in light of current discussions concerning democratic credentials and legitimacy of the EU project as a whole. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Focusing on three of the Central and Eastern European countries - Poland, Czech Republic, and Hungary - the paper investigates the evolution of spatial planning systems and the introduction of strategic planning practices from the beginning of the post-communist transition in the early 1990s to the present. It sheds new light on this issue by applying the conceptual lens of historical institutionalism to explain this process and elucidate the role of the accession to the European Union (EU) as a catalyst for change. In particular, the paper identifies and analyses the critical junctures at which path dependencies emerged and later constrained the capacity of the regional and local actors to adjust to the EU Cohesion Policy framework and engage in strategic planning as part of it. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The crises of the European Union and the geopolitical shifts in its international environment have generated a backlash against the post-Cold War 'debordering' of European integration. Whereas integration theories focus almost exclusively on the EU's internal boundaries and developments, this framework paper conceptualizes and theorizes integration as a process of internal debordering and external rebordering. It sketches the history of European integration in a bordering perspective and proposes general assumptions about the EU's bordering process. Accordingly, rebordering pressures result from widening boundary gaps at the EU's external borders, exogenous shocks to cross-border transactions, growing community deficits of debordering, and their politicization. Whether external rebordering succeeds and how it interacts with internal boundary formation, depends on EU-level boundary negotiations and the relative costs and benefits of external vs. internal rebordering. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Does the EU's Aid for Trade (AfT) initiative contribute to global justice? Complementing work that considers distributive justice, in this paper we adopt the central tenets of the republican theory of non-domination as a regulative ideal for justice in international relations. We evaluate the extent to which the EU's AfT initiative results from reduced political domination in international trade negotiations, and if that then mitigates economic dependency between European and African states. We first provide a qualitative account of the processes that led to the establishment and subsequent development of AfT. We then consider the extent to which the AfT has promoted the reliance of African states on European foreign direct investment (FDI) relative to FDI from other regions (including and especially from within Africa itself) using subnational, project-level, data. Our findings suggest that EU AfT does not reinforce dominating forms of dependency in the international arena, at least when measured by the source of the FDI that it attracts, while AfT is itself an outcome of somewhat less dominating power relations in trade negotiations between wealthier and poorer states. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Ambitions for regenerative medicine remain a strong motivator for healthcare research and resource development. Central to the evolving vision for regenerative medicine are stem cells, and now human induced pluripotent stem cells (iPSCs). Against the promissory and technically innovative backdrop of this technology, there has been a growing concern for legitimacy and integrity in science and innovation. This, in turn, has encouraged discourses around the idea of 'responsibility', and the notion of 'responsible research and innovation' (RRI), which has gained considerable policy traction in Europe. This paper considers the concept of RRI within the context of a specific European research project: the European Bank for induced pluripotent Stem Cells (EBiSC). EBiSC is a resource development project - a biobank - that has as its stated aims the establishment of a leading European-based bank that will, inter alia, promote wider use of iPSCs and global iPSC banking with the ultimate aim of enhancing the health of people. Specifically, this paper considers how EBiSC's Phase I (2014-2016) governance activities comply with expectations that might be distilled from RRI, and what RRI might impose on EBiSC's post-Phase II (2017-2019) entity. In doing so, it offers some guidance on how RRI might be operationalised at the project level. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this paper, we explore critically deinstitutionalisation reform, focusing specifically on the postsocialist region of Central and Eastern Europe (CEE). We argue that deinstitutionalisation in postsocialist CEE has generated re-institutionalising outcomes, including renovation of existing institutions and/or creation of new, smaller settings that have nevertheless reproduced key features of institutional life. To explain these trends, we first consider the historical background of the reform, highlighting the legacy of state socialism and the effects of postsocialist neoliberalisation. We then discuss the impact of 'external' drivers of deinstitutionalisation in CEE, particularly the European Union and its funding, as well as human rights discourses incorporated in the UN Convention on the Rights of Persons with Disabilities. The analysis is supported by looking at the current situation in Hungary and Bulgaria through recent reports by local civil society organisations. In conclusion, we propose some definitional tactics for redirecting existing resources towards genuine community-based services. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Ever since they first entered the European Parliament in 1979, the EU has proven to be a strong legitimising tool for far right parties, providing them with funding, visibility and a higher degree of credibility and respectability. While recent literature has explored some of these dynamics, the role of the far right's ideological positioning on Europe as a source of public legitimacy has been neglected. This paper argues that as a relatively new and contentious political issue, Europe can function as a powerful ideological resource for far right parties by allowing them to convey a more acceptable political message. This argument is illustrated through a case study of two key aspects of the Rassemblement National's ideological approach to the European Union: the party's claim to be pro-European but anti-EU and its opposition to EU integration on grounds of sovereignty. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines the everyday experiences of welfare provision among EU migrants living in Glasgow, demonstrating how the process of restricting the rights of EU citizens has occurred well before Brexit. It is based on 12 months of ethnographic research conducted in 2012 with Czech and Slovak nationals who came to the UK after 2004. Introducing the migrants' notion of zkancelovali, the paper highlights a heightened sense of insecurity in their everyday lives, which arises from the increasingly common experiences of rejections of their benefit applications and payment delays. Various state practices are discussed which raise questions about the limits of EU citizenship and show how the latter is affected not only through policies and discourses but also in everyday encounters with state officials, where boundaries between 'us' and 'them' are being redrawn. Drawing on sociological/anthropological perspectives on state, it is argued that the migrants' experiences of welfare provision can be considered as constitutive of statecraft and nation-building processes, processes which turn (EU) citizens into immigrants. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper studies the complexities of film financing in Europe, and the role of territorial licences and public support schemes therein. It sets out a typology of support mechanisms and provides information on Member States' and EU models of film financing. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Territorial, economic and social cohesion in European Union (EU) regions are major challenges that regional policies are aimed at. These policies have a strong focus on innovation-driven models as key processes for reducing disparities and promoting regional development. Since the 1980s, innovation and technology policies have gained momentum and legitimacy to stimulate multiple development patterns and growth models, mainly from national economic dynamics to well performing regional systems. Theories of knowledge and learning have been developed in more successful places, producing concepts that seem unattainable for less successful ones. Given that less developed regions have been overlooked in innovation studies, this paper reviews the literature on territorial innovation models in Europe in order to understand theoretical and practical gaps for these regions and to identify trends that support the need to redirect conceptual, political and instrumental attention of territorial innovation systems. It debates the different forms of innovation in regions, the variety and role of actors, the quest for geographical and place-based resources, the determinants for innovation and the 'how' and 'for what' demands of regional development. The discussion anticipates critical questions that try to promote a 'normative turn' in innovation policy, propose research avenues and discuss policy implications. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The number of immigrants moving to and settling in Europe has increased over the past decade, making migration one of the most topical and pressing issues in European politics. It is without a doubt that immigration has multiple impacts, in terms of economy, society and culture, on the European Union. It is fundamental to policy-makers to correctly evaluate people's attitudes towards immigration when designing integration policies. Of critical interest is to properly discriminate between subjects who are favourable towards immigration from those who are against it. Public opinions on migration are typically coded as binary responses in surveys. However, traditional methods, such as the standard logistic regression, may suffer from computational issues and are often not able to accurately model survey information. In this paper we propose an efficient Bayesian approach for modelling binary response data based on the generalized logistic regression. We show how the proposed approach provides an increased flexibility compared to traditional methods, due to its ability to capture heavy and light tails. The power of our methodology is tested through simulation studies and is illustrated using European Social Survey data on immigration collected in different European countries in 2016–2017. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Mass migration of non-Europeans into Schengen Europe and the terrorist attacks perpetrated in the name of Islam in various cities in the European Union have led to a series of mediated public debates on the control of the nation-state border over the past few years. Right-wing populist parties have been prominent in structuring these debates. However, can the urban media, and specifically the commercial ones often accused of sensationalism, be considered as tools that promote the securitization and progressive closure of the state border within Schengen Europe? Based on a quantitative and qualitative analysis of the representation of non-European migration and terrorism by a metropolitan commercial paper in borderland France, the current article shows that reporters can be instead instrumental in the definition of a "Mediapolis" that is a debordered, global, and moral space of mediated appearances helping to deal with international crises. The promotion of this Mediapolis is presented as the result of multiple spatial and temporal conditions in a series of interconnected cities contained in the French nation-state. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper explains the limited success of the European Spatial Development Perspective pointing to fault lines in the institutional architecture of European integration and the view that the EU has no business in national spatial planning. So, along with the experts at the Commission, the EU has been sidelined. Spending departments at both national as well as at EU level have more clout than planning anyhow. Later, the EU did obtain a competence, if not for spatial planning, then for territorial cohesion. In anticipation, member states adopted their own Territorial Agenda of the European Union. Neither it, nor EU territorial cohesion policy proper went far. Part of EU Cohesion policy, European Territorial Cooperation serves as a substitute. The continuing primacy which the EU institutional architecture gives to member states explains why. But this implies that European space is conceptualized as the sum of state jurisdiction, a view challenged by a fluid, dynamic spatial reality. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Soil is a multifunctional, non-renewable natural resource for Europe as clearly expressed in the European Union (EU) Thematic Strategy for Soil Protection (COM (2006)231). Soil carries out multiple functions, including the support of food production. Urban development and its associated land take poses a major threat to soil and could have significant effects on agricultural production. This paper aims to evaluate the potential productivity losses in European agriculture due to land-take processes between 1990 and 2006. Agricultural land take was calculated using CORINE Land Cover maps of 1990, 2000 and 2006. For 21 of the 27 EU member states, agricultural land take was computed to be 752,973 ha for 1990–2000 and 436,095 ha for 2000–2006, representing 70.8% and 53.5%, respectively, of the total EU land take for these periods. The impact of this land take on the production capabilities of the agricultural sector for the period 1990–2006 for 19 of the 21 states was estimated to be equivalent to a loss of more than six million tonnes of wheat. The paper demonstrates that Europe's intense urbanisation has a direct impact on its capability to produce food. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Based on the Eurobarometer data from 2009 (N = 26,788), this paper investigates the correlates of sports participation. In addition to examining standard socio-demographic, economic and lifestyle factors, the paper also focuses on the impact of motivational factors, the availability of sports infrastructure and government support, for the first time collectively at the European level. A further contribution of the paper is that it simultaneously investigates both the decision to participate in sport and the frequency of sports participation in this context. This is made possible through the application of a Zero-Inflated Ordered Probit estimator. This estimator also takes into account two types of non-participants: those who have never participated in sport and those who did not participate at the time of the survey. The results show that the decision to participate in sports and the frequency of sports participation of males and females are affected by different factors, therefore distinct government policies should be applied to attract new, and retain the existing, participants. For example, women are affected more by a need to improve self-esteem, while the men to produce social integration. The provision of sports facilities is of more importance for males, which may indicate a male-oriented nature of the sports facilities, for example, the gym. However, the number of adults and the number of children in the household reduce the probability of sports participation by females. Therefore, higher provision of childcare may be important if female participation is to be increased. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper explores the effect of national partisanship and Euroscepticism on individuals’ causal responsibility attribution in European multilevel democracies. It is particularly focused on the average differences in responsibility attribution in federal and non-federal states, as well as in countries belonging to different European Union enlargement waves. Using a pooled dataset of the 2004, 2009, and 2014 European Election Studies, results show that when poor economic outcomes are at stake, partisans of the national incumbent in federal states are more likely to assign responsibility to regional governments following a blame-attribution logic, while this logic is absent in non-federal states. Likewise, Eurosceptic individuals are more likely to assign responsibility to European authorities when they hold negative views of the economy and they belong to countries that have been European Union members for a longer period. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Beside traditional motives of giving - namely, altruism and donors' self-interest, foreign aid also serves to encourage poor countries to liberalize trade. In this paper, I use recent foreign aid data from 15 European donors to 45 African, Caribbean and Pacific countries (ACP) to assess the importance of each motive. Although all the motives are important, their relative importance varies from one sub-group of donors to another. In particular, big donors such as France, Germany and the United Kingdom seem toweight more their commercial interests than other European donors; besides, recipient needs appear to be less important. Contrary to other European donors, international cooperation, measured by the correlation in the votes at the United Nations General Assemblies influences their decision to allocate aid to ACP recipients. This last finding probably reflects their relatively high political power in international fora. Finally, I introduce a dummy variable for economic partnership agreement (EPA) and find that donors do not give to support trade liberalization per se. However, large donors give more aid to ACP exporters of raw materials that engage in the EPA. This result implies that foreign aid is a device to secure access to raw materials. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines the crisis governance of the refugee and migrant influx into Europe in 2015 through the lenses of Kooiman’s modes of governance. The key theoretical perspectives rest upon the crisis and crisis governance literature and are applied to the initiatives taken by the European Commission and the Council in response to the so-called 2015 migrant and refugee crisis. This article questions the mode(s) of crisis governance applied by the EU to govern the massive influx of migrants and refugees. The main findings indicate that a mixed mode of governance should have been applied strategically, mainly inside the Council, in order to avoid national fragmented responses. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Suicides and trespassing accidents result in more than 3800 fatalities in Europe, representing 88% of all fatalities occurring within the EU railway system. This paper presents a problem-solving model, which consists of a multistep approach structuring the analysis of a suicide or trespass-related problem on the railways. First, we present the method used to design, evaluate and improve the problem-solving model. Then we describe the model in detail: it comprises six steps with several subsequent actions, and each action is approached through a checklist of prompting questions and possible answers. At the end, we discuss the added value of this model for decision makers and its usability in the selection of optimal prevention measures. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Land taken by artificial surfaces has an impact on the quality of life and ecosystems. To reduce possible negative impacts of land take, the European Commission proposed setting a milestone objective for 2020 in terms of future rates of land take. This paper describes a methodology to model the impacts of the 2020 land-take milestone proposed in the RERM in the European Union 27 MS. An integrated modelling framework was configured to assess the spatial impact of two land-take scenarios: a ‘Reference’ scenario, which is driven by demographic and economic trends, and a ‘Target 0’ scenario that follows the 2020 land-take milestone proposed in the RERM. We conclude that the implementation of the 2020 land-take milestone, by reducing future land take in Europe, will foster more efficient use of land (less land taken for the same activity levels) and minimise negative impacts on non-artificial land uses. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This introductory paper sets out the central themes and main argument of papers within this special issue, which focuses on the contribution of higher education to the European Union’s agenda on lifelong learning. The focus on lifelong learning in Europe coincided with the resurgence of capitalism in post-socialist European states in eastern and central Europe and the rapid enlargement of the EU in the mid-1990s. This period of European expansion and growth was followed from 2007 onwards by an ongoing financial crisis, prompting a rolling back of the state in most European countries. The papers in this special issue examine the role played by higher education in facilitating social mobility for some groups, whilst also, somewhat paradoxically, facilitating the reproduction of existing economic inequalities. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

This article offers an institutional approach to accountability in representative democracies. Theorising accountability comprises both settled polities with well-entrenched institutions and unsettled polities with weak or contested institutions, and it is argued that agency theory and formal principal–agent models giving priority to compliance and control usually make assumptions that are unlikely to apply to the latter type of polity. An institutional approach challenges principal–agent assumptions regarding what accountability means and implies, what is involved in demanding, rendering, assessing and responding to accounts and assigning accountability, and how accountability institutions work and change. Accountability is related to fundamental issues in democratic politics and the paper treats distributions of information, normative standards of assessment, authority and power relations as endogenous to democratic politics. The paper also holds that institutions affect actors’ identities and roles through socialisation, internalisation and habitualisation, as well as through external incentives. An aspiration is to take a modest step towards understanding areas of application for competing approaches to democratic accountability. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

The European Union (EU) and member states alike are following a tradition of addressing fuel poverty and vulnerability at the point of purchase by final consumers by seeking to influence the impact of income, energy price and the built environment on the ability of household consumers to access the energy that they need. By focusing on the conditions of energy transmission in the most rapidly growing renewable electricity sector in the UK – offshore wind – this paper aims to question whether the regulatory socio-technological framing of renewable electricity transmission is reproducing conditions for fuel poverty and vulnerability in the UK. By drawing a comparison with renewable electricity transmission in Bulgaria, this paper argues that the problem might be symptomatic of the EU as a whole. While not arguing against the proliferation of renewable electricity and its importance in meeting the 2020 targets, this paper calls for expanding the scope of fuel poverty alleviation policy throughout the whole renewable electricity supply chain, building on Helm's argument that energy companies at the middle of the supply chain are better suited to deliver fuel policy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Central to the EU regional development strategy is the idea that cohesion funding will allow lagging regions to develop their capacity so that they can develop their R&D to levels that can be funded by Framework. Using a European funded (ERDF) NPP project – MicrE as a case study, this paper considers how, through a transnational programme, this might work in practice. MicrE's main aim was to provide a service to develop and promote innovative small-scale renewable energy solutions for rural small and medium-sized enterprises (SMEs) in the northern periphery of Europe. Concentrating on Northern Ireland, this paper provides a micro and macro-level assessment of the key challenges associated with adopting renewable energy technologies by SMEs; and the future development of public policy aimed at developing SME capacity by encouraging knowledge transfer and supporting their R&D efforts. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Today the modern Silk Road between Asia and Europe is increasingly well-travelled in both directions by students, academics and policy makers. Over the last decade the European Union (EU) and the Association of South East Asian Nations (ASEAN) have been making more attempts to shape this route by creating an educational partnership through an inter-regional forum for regional cooperation and policy development: the Asia–Europe Meeting (ASEM). Beside economic and diplomatic relations, education has been receiving increasing attention since the 2000s and has become an important and strategic act of cooperation by ASEM education ministers. Higher education and lifelong learning are the main topics for the multi-level dialogues and exchanges of ideas between the two regions. This paper describes the emergence of this new inter-regional educational phenomenon and examines its characteristics by analysing the case of the 10-year-old ASEM Lifelong Learning Initiative. Furthermore, the paper argues that ASEM education cooperation carries characteristics of a cultural and associational process, an agenda-setting process, a policy transfer process, an instrument for intra-regional integration and building regional identity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper models the correlates of parties’ positions on the issue of European integration, asking why some parties are in favour of European integration, while others are less favourable or even opposed to it. The paper builds on existing work which has identified three sets of explanatory factors predicting parties’ positions on integration: the electorate, parties and party system characteristics. By employing multilevel modelling using data on over 220 parties in 14 Western EU member states for the years 1984 to 2006, the effects of party- and context-level predictors of parties’ positions on EU integration are assessed. The findings demonstrate that parties’ positions are primarily influenced by EU preferences of the general electorate, parties’ left–right ideological extremes and incumbency status. The results also show that the impact of party characteristics is moderated by the electoral context in which parties operate. Moreover, the interaction between both levels offers further insights as to the nature of these associations. Specifically, party size is a robust predictor of integration position only when accounting for the levels of party system's fractionalisation and polarisation. Additionally, parties oriented towards the centre of the ideological spectrum are even more likely to favour European integration within highly polarised systems. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

The recent Eurozone crisis and the outbreak of political and populist Euroscepticism pose an unprecedented challenge to advocates of the post-war ‘Idea of Europe’. In the United Kingdom and France, some of the most eloquent and impassioned defences of ‘Europe’ have been penned by Jewish intellectuals. The historian Walter Laqueur, the philosopher Bernard-Henri Levy and journalists such as David Aaronovich, for example, have all rallied to the cause of ‘Europe’. This article will focus on the responses of Robert Menasse and Henryk Broder, two Jewish intellectuals from Austria and Germany, who have recently published powerful reflections on the European idea. Menasse’s polemic of 2012,Der Europäische Landbote(The European Courier), defends the idea of Europe as a ‘Friedensprojekt’, or ‘peace project’, and the European Union as an institutional antidote to the destructive power of nationalism and the self-interest of the nation-state. Broder’s bestselling book of 2013,Die letzten Tage Europas: Wie wir eine gute Idee versenken(The Last Days of Europe: How we are Scuppering a Good Idea), embraces ‘European values’ but launches a critique of a European Union which stifles pluralism and critical debate. This paper analyses how Menasse and Broder define the idea of ‘Europe’ and argues that, despite their differences, in form and content, the work of Menasse and Broder draws on a common tradition of enlightened cosmopolitanism as well as informs the renewed academic debate in the humanities and social sciences about the place of ‘cosmopolitanism’ in our global world. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Currently, the majority of the European housing stock falls towards the bottom of the energy efficiency rating scale on the EU Energy Performance Certificate. If governments and businesses are to successfully address ambitious CO2 reduction targets, then it will be imperative that energy-efficient measures and policies focus on existing housing. In order to understand what kind of retrofit is needed to achieve an “A” energy performance rating in social housing, the paper reports the findings of an on-going research project in the UK. The paper draws on a case study from the Technology Strategy Board's “Retrofit for the Future” competition entry in Cambridge. The upgrade strategy improved the home's energy performance rating to A, aimed to radically reduce carbon dioxide emissions (17 kg m−2 year−1) and provided affordable warmth for the tenants. In order to get an impression of the actual energy consumption in the case study, energy use behaviour of the household was observed. Based on the barriers identified in the case study, the feasibility of the current UK policy strategies (e.g. Smart Meters and Feed-in-Tariffs) to facilitate the acceptance of energy measures in social housing is discussed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper analyses processes of Europeanization within the EU INTERREG B programmes, triggering the Europe-wide development of networks that can initiate policy transfer processes. The INTERREG B programmes have—if at all—been discussed with regard to Europeanization processes being discussed as a form of horizontal Europeanization. This paper analyses how horizontal Europeanization processes may take place in INTERREG B projects and shows additionally how the INTERREG B programmes also enable other forms of Europeanization processes—top-down and bottom-up—to take place. Identifying the potential channels of influence on policies and understanding their mechanisms constitute an important basis for project actors to make more active use of these channels and thus enhance the long-term impact of their project results. Furthermore, it enables programme actors to develop a better understanding of project mechanisms and programme frameworks to increase their impact and relevance. These questions are of relevance for the quality and impact aspects of INTERREG projects. Until now, however, evaluations of INTERREG B projects have rarely taken the less “tangible” policy transfer effects into account and have not addressed questions about causal mechanisms behind project and programme impacts. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

European integration is interpreted in this paper as the route by which (West) Germany, profiting from close ties with the English-speaking West, was able to restore its full sovereignty and economic pre-eminence in Europe. Yet in shaping the actual integration process, it was France which played the key role. Most of the landmark steps towards the current EU were French proposals to pre-empt Anglophone–German collusion; creating European structures in which a resurgence of Germany (politically and economically) was made subject to permanent negotiation. German unification in 1991 removed the one reason why successive governments of the Federal Republic had gone along with this. Paradoxically, sovereign Germany today finds itself bound by the dense networks of consultation and decision-making which make the EU unique in the field of regional integration. The paper shows that between 1992 and 2005, German capital has moved to the centre of the network of corporate interlocks in the North Atlantic area. This helps to explain why in the post-1991, post-Soviet era of neoliberal, finance-driven globalisation, Germany is increasingly ‘speaking for Europe’, as its corporations have become nodal points in the communication structures through which the responses to the challenges facing the EU and the West at large are being shaped. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

This paper considers the definitions of spouse, civil partner and partner in European Union (EU) free movement of persons law in order to question the EU's heterocentric approach to defining ‘family’ in this context. It argues that the term ‘spouse’ should include same-sex married partners in order to ensure that there is no discrimination on the grounds of sexual orientation. It further highlights the problems created by basing free movement rights of civil partners on host state recognition of such partnerships. This approach allows Member States to discriminate on the grounds of sexual orientation and is therefore not compatible with EU equality law in others areas. The position of unmarried or unregistered partners is also considered; in particular, the paper examines the requirement of a duly-attested durable relationship and its impact on same-sex partners wishing to move from one Member State to another. The paper argues that it is time to reconsider the law in this area and bring it in line with the EU's commitment to eliminate discrimination on several grounds, including sexual orientation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article focuses on the European Union's (EU) White Paper "Adapting To Climate Change: Towards a European Framework for Action." It says that the paper outlines the EU's approach to mitigating European vulnerability to climate change and sets out its commitment to resolving climate change. It also states that the paper is designed as a first step for mainstreaming climate change adaptation throughout EU policy sectors.

This paper examines some recent cases of spatial planning at the national level. Such planning may be comprehensive, in some rare cases, or sectoral and with a more fuzzy and complex character. The paper concentrates on how such planning at the national level relates to the planning of major infrastructure in three European states. This reveals the wide range of approaches to such national-level planning, with quite differing arrangements and recent trajectories. The political economic circumstances of recent decades are layered on top of more enduring constitutional and historical-geographical characteristics, to frame the paths taken in each case. It is suggested that current arrangements are not likely to be up to the challenges now facing planning at this level. More careful academic focus on this level could help to suggest improved approaches. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper aims to define the meaning of corporate social responsibility (CSR) in the context of the European framework and examine three different European countries. The main elements which encompass the meaning of CSR focus on activities with social and environmental sensitiveness, on a voluntary basis. The paper analyses the dimensions of CSR and presents its benefits. Furthermore, the paper provides a brief description of the recent CSR activities in the European Union, and attempts a comparative analysis of CSR activities and their respective impacts on three European countries: Greece; Denmark; and Hungary. Finally, the paper concludes that the effective implementation of CSR strategy cannot follow strict rules and should be adjusted to the culture, needs and particularities of each country. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]