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Academics usually look for constitutional conventions in Westminster-style democracies, such as the United Kingdom, Canada, or Australia. Nevertheless, growing evidence from practice shows that constitutional conventions are similarly essential attributes of even substantially different political regimes. This article is the first paper to systematically deal with constitutional conventions in the Czech Republic. To be more specific, I identify eight existing constitutional conventions there: (1) respect for the parliamentary majority, (2) institution of a formateur, (3) simultaneous existence of two prime ministers, (4) new cabinet's statement of policy, (5) delegation of negotiation and ratification of international treaties, (6) appointment of a (vice-)governor of the Czech National Bank without a countersignature, (7) missing signature of the president under laws, and (8) single vice-chairperson of the Supreme Court. On one hand, the scrutiny shows that constitutional conventions play an already established and important role even in a Central European democracy. On the other hand, the lack of political respect for unwritten rules and the relative immaturity of Czech democracy confirm that constitutional conventions are as fragile (or as strong) as political actors allow. Thanks to these facts, the study of constitutional conventions in the post-communist country is a precious laboratory with universal findings even for long-existing democracies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Introduction to the selection of the papers presented at a two-day workshop “The End of the Story?” Problems and Perspectives of East European Literary Studies,” held at Princeton University on 8–9 February 2013. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

In this day and age, it is increasingly important to ask how the cultural industries adapt to the evolution of communication technology. Recent technological changes influencing our understanding of media communication processes are discussed in various fields, with western traditions often predominating. However, the particular impact on industry dynamics is hardly universal. Specifically, the way such changes influence the dynamics of small, distinct peripheral markets remains largely underexamined. To this end, this manuscript focuses on such questions as they relate to the specificities of Central and Eastern Europe and the Czech Republic, a particularly small industry with distinct cultural proclivities. In ascertaining how media representatives/workers comprehend and engage their audiences, this paper presents a fuller understanding of the microsocial processes by which Czech media audiences are framed and conceptualized within Czech media industries and offers insights into the rationales directing the Czech media industry itself, particularly in relation to mediating the dialectic of local dynamics, international competition, and the evolution of digitalization. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The paper addresses the issue of the constraint function and its use in methods of regional taxonomy and assessment of regional systems. It proposes an alternative definition for the constraint function for rule-based methods of functional regionalisation, such as the delineation of local labour-market areas, including alternative conceptions of the self-containment of the regions, and the trade-off between size and self-containment. An alternative constraint function has been applied in the territory of the Czech Republic as shown in the paper's illustrative example of its use from the original CURDS algorithm. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The main objective of this paper is to analyse where women run for and win seats in local councils of Czech towns between 1998 and 2018. Our results are to some extent contradictory to those from Western Europe. More importantly, this study demonstrates that strategic context impacts on women's emergence and success in local elections in a different way. First, we do not confirm that larger towns are more promising for women's representation. While more fragmented party systems in larger cities contribute to making women's candidacy more common, a large pool of female candidates does not result in their higher presence in local councils. Second, we identify openness of local environment to women, in terms of women's previous representation, as a strong determinant of female representation in Czech towns, both in terms of candidacy and success. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article deals with the membership of the most important Czech political party, ANO (meaning "yes" in Czech), led by Andrej Babiš, in the Alliance of Liberals and Democrats for Europe (ALDE). Our goals are to reconstruct how Babiš's party joined ALDE and to discuss the ideological differences between ANO and ALDE. The paper shows that ALDE's offer of membership in 2014 was motivated by a pragmatic need to bolster its own position in the European Parliament; ANO, meanwhile, needed to anchor itself in European politics. Andrej Babiš's technocratic and illiberal view was not apparent at the beginning, but more importantly, this did not matter to ALDE. ALDE's Czech "point of contact," ANO's foreign policy expert and the leader of its party group in the European Parliament, Pavel Telička, made ANO's membership credible. However, as a Euro-optimist, Telička was not compatible with ANO's flexible ideological character in the long term and the party group split up. A comparison of the parties' European Parliament election manifestos and positions on crucial controversial European issues clearly reveals a deep division between ALDE and ANO—and their fundamentally opposed ideological positions. We describe the findings as a new hyper-pragmatic trend in the creation of Europarties, which weakens their ideological cohesion. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Due to the lack of sufficient non-governmental prisoner re-entry services in the Czech Republic, many post-release activities are provided by faith-based organizations (FBOs). However, the Czech Republic is considered to be one of the most atheistic countries in the world. Most of the Czech population is at least apathetic toward organized religion. This study examines how re-entry FBOs present Christianity to the public in the religiously indifferent Czech Republic. The primary focus is on how the organizations present themselves to the public. We employ qualitative content analysis examining names, logos, mission statements, and other documents of 14 re-entry FBOs. The analysis reveals four general themes within the organizations' public presentations: Ambiguity when expressing religious topics, Christianity as an offer, Christianity as a form of social movement (self-legitimization), and Christianity as a pro-social lifestyle. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines the sources and processes of management learning in four large, former state enterprises in the Czech Republic. These enterprises have all been privatized, but have not enjoyed foreign direct investment, which is often cited as a major source of post-communist management development. The findings indicate that current managerial knowledge in the enterprises has originated from a variety of domestic and foreign sources, but that the flow of ideas has been affected by a number of important filters, arising from the complexity of the Czech context, and the motives of the enterprise managers. In particular, the paper documents the continuing role of managerial knowledge emanating from pre-1989 sources, a factor which may have crucial implications for the nature of the emerging institution of post-communist Czech management. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The rise of 'information disorder' that undermines Western political principles has become one of the key political concerns in today's Europe and United States and led to searching for new solutions to the problemof how to fight the spread ofmis- and dis-information. The challenges of information disorder, however, are increasingly perceived as a part of the information war - which involves the intentional Russian propaganda using new media. Yet who gets to help our societies build resilience against the information war? This research looks at how this novel problematization of security affects the politics of security expertise. Or, who gains power in this 'battle for truth'? Building on sociological approaches in security studies, this paper focuses on the Czech Republic as a country that has become very active in the fight against disinformation and analyses the network of actors recognized as providing security expertise on information warfare. Based on social network analysis, the research maps the structure of social relations among actors recognized as experts and points out the empowerment of think tanks and journalists, who are able to build social capital, mobilize their knowledge of Russian politics and the new media environment, and design new practices to make the society resilient towards information warfare. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The aim of this study is to empirically analyse the relationship of collective identity frames to the mobilisation strategies of the Czech Romani and pro-Romani activists over the past two decades. After all, most existing analyses merely implicitly assume that this relationship exists, and explain the relationship as the result of a given political opportunity structure, but they do not examine these frames more closely. Using frame and claim-making analysis, the text traces the diachronic and synchronic development of self-naming frames and the collective action repertoire in five-year intervals (1992, 1997, 2002, 2007, and 2012). It shows that, whereas self-naming significantly changes, the activists’ action repertoire does not. Thus, the frequently postulated relationship between self-naming, strategies and activists’ priorities is not confirmed. However, the analysis does reveal that certain claims and frames are connected with certain strategies and repertoire patterns. The paper concludes with a discussion of reasons for this diversification of activist framings, which may be the result of efforts to focus on different target audiences within the multiplicity of opportunity structures and a response to the (new) availability of external sources of funding in Central and Eastern Europe countries. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article focuses on transparency and contract publication in public procurement. Our main objective is to identify statistical associations between situations when a resulting contract is not publicly available and the outcomes of the procurement, esp. efficiency. By merging multiple databases and web scraping, we have created a unique dataset covering nearly 14,000 public procurements in the Czech Republic during the period 2018-2020. This dataset and recent legislation enable us to run empirical tests of new hypotheses, as well as control for variables already established in the empirical literature, such as procurement type, regime and authority. The results of our quantitative econometric models show that for selected types of projects, the unavailability of the contract is associated with smaller price savings as well as with more frequent single bid outcomes. For all types of projects, we found that failure to publish project prices is positively associated with single bid outcomes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study aims to evaluate the moderating role of social media influence before and after the trip in Vietnam and Czech Republic. Primary data, gathered during time lag data surveys conducted among international tourists travelling to the Czech Republic and Vietnam, was analyzed with the Structural Equation Modelling (SEM) in R. The findings revealed that social media influence with higher level positively strengthened the connection between tourist motivation and the post trip destination image. Furthermore, social media had a significant moderating effect on the relationship between tourist satisfaction and ecotourism loyalty. However, there are strong differences between the destinations of developed and emerging economies. For Czech Republic, as developed economy, social media influence plays a more important role as a value-expressive mechanism at the post-trip stage whereas for the developing economy of Vietnam, social media plays a more important role as an information source before the trip. This study extends the Expectation Confirmation Theory (ECT) by introducing the moderating effect of social media influence, which first time measures this moderating effect before and after the trip accounting for the dynamic nature of the destination image as an antecedent of ecotourism loyalty. Limitations, theoretical implications, and recommendations for practice and further research are addressed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article proposes a classification of interest promotion methods used by small EU member states which draws on lobbying literature in order for us to better understand how small states pursue their preferences in Council negotiations. It explores a single case study of the Czech Republic’s efforts to influence the 2012 revision of the European Union’s Generalised System of Preferences scheme through the lenses of this classification. The empirical part of the paper is based on original research interviews with European and Czech stakeholders who participated in the studied negotiations. While the dossier was considered important, the Czech Republic failed to employ more elaborate methods of interest promotion and thus came away with a sub-optimal outcome. Rather than explaining this by pointing to a lack of socialization of Czech representatives (and thus a lack of effective competence), this deficiency can be better explained by the low salience of the general policy area for the Czech Republic, which prevented the country from developing a favourable position from which to react promptly to the related developments and deploy the lobbying tools at its disposal. The article suggests that the lobbyist-like character of a small member state’s performance in the Council may have wider consequences for the flexibility of the country’s EU policy and the ability of its governments to pursue specific European policies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article addresses the candidate selection process for realistic list positions with regard to multiple-office holding and personal characteristics in flexible-list proportional representation (PR) systems within the Czech context. More specifically, this issue is explored in the 2006–2017 elections to the Czech Chamber of Deputies. Results of binary logistic regression analysis with observations clustered by party or constituency indicate that incumbents (with or without multiple office holding) stand a significantly higher probability of being selected as a realistic candidate. This probability increases only if the incumbent also has the regional mandate. The results also show that candidates with a PhD degree or higher, with a higher public office position, at the age of forty-one to fifty years, or with residence in a regional capital or in Prague have a significant probability of being selected as a realistic candidate. A specific gender bias was also found. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article is based on a case study of a long-term public controversy over the construction of a highway bypass (around Plzeň, Czech Republic). Two principal variants of the bypass were proposed. One of them began gradually to appear preferable, increasingly attractive for experts, but remaining only on paper. In the meantime, however, the other variant became more realistic, pushed through mainly by local politicians and actually constructed. This article shows how purification of science from politics (and vice versa) played a key role in the development and ending of the case. Initial expertization of the case switched to its sharp politicization, when people got frustrated from protraction and indecisive evidence of accumulated expertise. This turned to be fatal for those who consistently staked everything on "pure facts." This article concludes by outlining some general consequences of such a development for both democratic decision making and the political relevance of expertise. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The study of organizational transformation has emerged from the foundations established by contingency theory and research. While institutional approaches to organizational analysis have preferred to focus on the tendency towards organizational continuity and inertia, recent developments have begun to consider institutional pressures leading to change, and to provide clues about how contingency and institutional theories might complement each other in improving our understanding of organizational change. The evidence presented in this paper, drawn from a study of organizational transformation in the Czech Republic, allows exploration of the relationship between transforming state enterprises and the wider processes of social, economic and institutional change. The values, motives and actions of the key enterprise managers are shown to be essential factors in explaining both the process of transformation in state enterprises, and the role of institutional factors in that process. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Penal populism has repeatedly been described as influencing penal policies, with harsh penal practices presented as evidence of its influence. However, little attention has yet been paid to its role in the development of penal policies in post-authoritarian countries, which generally have large prison populations. Some minimal research has suggested that Central European countries were driven by penal nationalism following the 1989 revolutions. I examine this claim for the Czech Republic, using Garland (2013) 's framework of the five dimensions of a penal state. My analysis of political manifestoes shows that Czech politicians did not employ "law and order" rhetoric. The country's penal reforms were led by lenient penal elites. Nevertheless, a lack of analysis, coordination and sufficient funding resulted in a failure to properly identify or tackle the causes of the country's high imprisonment rate. Even though it gradually became more difficult to impose prison sentences, insufficient attention was paid to the length of the sentences Czech prisoners were serving. The large Czech prison population thus seems to be the result of state actors' negligence, but not of penal populism nor of penal nationalism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The study investigates a specific issue in the Czech prison system: the conflict between prison employment and therapeutic/counselling programmes offered. Drawing on 55 semi-structured interviews with specialized prison personnel from 10 Czech prisons, I argue that prison employment is disproportionately prioritized over the programmes, which undermines and, in some cases, makes it impossible for the personnel to work with inmates on rehabilitation. Since the Czech Prison Service itself declares that most inmates have serious problems involving psychological traumas, drug abuse, and housing insecurity, it would be beneficial to prioritize rehabilitation programmes and then try to employ inmates. The conflict also contributes to an unsuccessful re-entry/resettlement process, which is regarded as a major problem in the Czech prison system and society. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Unfavourable demographic trends are exerting more pressure on public pension systems in all European countries, and the need for alternative sources of pension provision is increasing. Personal pension products can be considered as a possible solution to the problem of providing adequate pensions. The pan-European personal pension product (PEPP) is the first standardised pension product subject to a uniform EU regime. Now that the regulatory framework for PEPP has been established at the EU level, it is up to the Member States to create an appropriate legal environment in order to promote the successful development of PEPP. This article examines the role of voluntary pension funds and the readiness to implement PEPP in the selected countries. We focus on the Czech Republic and Bulgaria, where the role of private pension funds is growing. We examine how PEPP can fit into the national pension systems and make some proposals regarding regulatory measures to be taken in order to ensure that PEPP is not at a competitive disadvantage against national pension products. We find that PEPP may fill the pension gap in countries where public pensions are the main source of retirement income and the role of occupational pension schemes is insignificant. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article analyzes historical monuments as instruments of Russia's attempts to impose its aesthetic hegemony in the post-Communist world. Drawing on case studies from the Czech Republic and Estonia, it argues that this hegemony is precarious and vulnerable due to inability to deal with the inherent ambiguity and complexity of historical events and figures. The Russian approach regards historical truth in absolute terms and is underpinned by a zero-sum game understanding of historical narratives. It does not tolerate a multiplicity of perspectives on history and has no appreciation for postmodernist deconstruction of historical symbols. This conflicts with a more diverse, reflexive and inclusive politics of memory as an intrinsic element of cityscapes of Prague and Tallinn where some of the controversial monuments connected with the Soviet occupation have been removed. Russia's reaction to these changes reveals an inherently vulnerable nature of its aesthetic hegemony which is deeply dependent on recognition of the absolute nature of its historical truth that the monuments are supposed to embody. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Spatial planning practice is increasingly facing the challenge of managing the complexity of daily urban systems. As a normatively defined spatial imaginary, the concept of polycentricity has become widely used in planning practice in order to mitigate territorial disparities and to enhance urban competitiveness. Although polycentricity has been thoroughly studied as an analytical concept for understanding the dynamics of urban networks, the operationalization of the concept in planning practice has not yet been subjected to critical evaluation, despite recent metropolitan planning practices signalling a misunderstanding of the basic principles of polycentricity. Based on a case study of Czech metropolitan areas, this article addresses the question: Are there any shortcomings related to the operationalization of a normatively defined polycentric vision of spatial development at the level of metropolitan planning agendas? Using a combination of quantitative and qualitative methods, the study compares different spatial settings of metropolitan areas with spatial visions defined by planning and policy documents. The findings point to several limitations related to a missing link between spatial reality and planning agendas, the weak operationalization of polycentricity, and scale-related miscomprehension. In order to translate the polycentric narrative into planning practice more efficiently, we will argue for a strengthening and formalization of metropolitan planning agendas and a more intensive interconnection of theoretical knowledge with territorial management. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Holding two second-order elections simultaneously is expected to increase electoral participation. We exploit a natural experiment in which one group of Czech precincts was "as if" randomly assigned to holding subnational elections concurrently with senatorial ones. Using a unique data set containing variables on more than thirteen thousand precincts in five elections between 2000 and 2016, we detect a modest effect of concurrency only in the first election but no or inconsistent effect in the four subsequent contests. Furthermore, we report a strong effect of concurrency on invalid voting. We check for robustness using difference-in-differences design and matching techniques. Incongruent with existing theories, concurrency does not deliver on its promises and may come at a substantial cost to political representation. The surprising null effect on turnout is attributable to analyzing the effect of concurrency of the less salient on more salient elections. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines gender aspects of tactics of the alter-globalization movement. Focusing mainly on two transnational collective actions in Prague in 2000 and in Genoa in 2001, the research draws on participant observation, interviews with activists and analysis of the movement's alternative media. The feminist activism within the movement, the gendered tactics and their representation in the alternative media are analysed using the concept of diffusion. Although feminists are involved in the protests, and local Czech feminist activism was incited by the international mobilizations in Prague in 2000, they are often marginalized because of the emphasis on masculine confrontational and violent tactics used in demonstrations. The movement's alternative media further reproduce gender stereotypes. The visual representations of the tactics are traditionally gendered -- women are depicted as fairies, men as fighters; this is because the movement does not want to appear weak and feminine, and seeks to be effective. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article focuses on the differences in pledge fulfilment strategies in majority and substantive minority governments. Issue ownership and dynamic agenda-setting literature are applied, expecting that government parties will focus on fulfilling the party's most salient pledges, and also the pledges that are publicly salient for the whole electorate. Adding these expectations to the context of substantive minority governments, parties must accommodate these attempts because they face the opposition actor(s) with veto power and their own policy motivation. Compared to majority governments, the odds of adopting party-salient pledges should decrease for minority coalition parties. The effect of public-salient issues should also differ from the majority governments. This analysis is conducted on government party pledges in one minority and two majority governments in the Czech Republic (formed after 2006, 2010, and 2013 elections). The analysis shows a generally weak effect for party and public issue salience on pledge fulfilment. The decreasing effect of party issue salience for minority government parties is supported; the effect of public issue salience does, however, not differ in its decreasing direction from the majority governments. The additional model including combinations of the high and low party and public salience shows that for minority governments, public salience decreases the odds of fulfilment regardless of party issue salience. The article concludes with a contextual explanation of the minority government's special character in the Czech case. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The idea of freedom plays a strong and important role among journalists in countries that have recently moved to democracy. In this article, we explore the relational nature of freedom and put forward an argument for more clarity in defining its meaning. We examine the values and experiences inscribed in journalistic discourses of freedom assuming that the ways of articulating freedom hold a key for understanding journalism practice. The article revises the question of freedom by focusing on the intersection between political and journalistic fields in two countries that moved from a one-party political system to political pluralism: the Czech Republic and Serbia. It seeks to give a perspective on understanding how concepts of freedom and autonomy work in Czech and Serbian journalistic discourse. The Worlds of Journalism Study's data on journalists' perception of political influences were used as a starting point, then a case study analysis of significant clashes between journalistic and political fields in recent years in both countries was applied. In 2014, both Czech and Serbian journalists declared that political factors had small influence on their daily work, but the situation has changed. Our case studies of recent developments in Serbia and the Czech Republic, show a striking discrepancy between what journalists perceive and what they know. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the 2017 Czech parliamentary election, the Czech Pirate Party (Pirates) gained 10.79% of the votes – an unprecedented success, compared to most of the pirate parties across Europe. However, as their electoral gain varies widely across the Czech Republic's territory, this article analyses all (more than 6000) Czech municipalities in the elections of 2010, 2013, and 2017 to explain this variation. Overall, the success of the Pirates was driven especially by obtaining much more support in larger municipalities with younger populations (although not only those aged 18–24 but also older ones), lower unemployment, higher turnout, and lower support for leftist parties. Thus, from a spatial perspective, the patterns of Pirate voting largely resembled long-term spatial support for Czech rightist parties and we can conclude that the Pirates made considerable inroads to regions which had historically been strongholds of the Civic Democratic Party, as the former main party of the right, but also strongholds of minor right-wing ('liberal centre') parties of the 1990s and early 2000s. Success of the Pirates thus was based especially on votes from municipalities located in more developed areas, where the Pirates received many more votes than in structurally disadvantaged regions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article deals with the phenomenon of repeated contracts, specifically the effect of trust in public contracts. Our main objective is to identify the factors that influence the concluding of repeated contracts and to verify whether repeated contracts lead to increases in prices. We use a complex dataset of public procurement of municipalities in the Czech Republic for the period of 2014-2017, which covers more than 4,000 public contracts. This range of data allows a larger number of variables to be applied, including specific independent variables concerning municipalities, such as the size of the municipality. The data allow us to study this subject by means of both a general model tested on all public contracts and a partial model applied to public works. The presented results of quantitative econometric models from the data obtained from the awards of public contracts in the municipalities of the Czech Republic show that the fact of whether it was a repeated contract or a contract performed by a new (unknown to a contracting authority) supplier affected the chance of winning a contract. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Municipal size and institutional design are important factors influencing representation at a local level. However, this has not been studied with regard to the long-term perspective. The article focuses on the effect of the center/periphery on the representation of units within an amalgamated municipality in local elections. The analysis is based on data from 2,298 amalgamated municipalities over three sets of elections (2006, 2010, 2014) in the Czech Republic. The article uses multilevel binomial logistic regression to estimate the effect of different types of intra-municipal (settlement) units in terms of central/periphery relations on their representation. Thanks to these unique data, the article presents information about the representation of differently disadvantaged units from the long-term perspective. The results show that political and cultural-economic centers of amalgamated municipalities, as well as settlement units of a bigger relative size, have a greater chance of being represented in the municipal council compared with political and cultural-economic peripheries and smaller units. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

We contribute to the literature on firm-level determinants of gender wage inequality by studying the link between a firm's age and the size of its gender pay gap. Using European Structure of Earnings data for eight European countries, we find that in all these countries, the gender wage gaps are smallest in the youngest firms. Our results also show that in Central European countries, the size of the gender pay gap clearly increases with the age of the company; whereas in the older EU member states such link is not as apparent. Levels of gender wage inequality appear to be highest in companies that were previously state owned but were privatized during the transition. We interpret our findings with the support of competition and monopsony theories. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Although there is an extensive literature on sentencing disparities in common law countries, there have been only a few empirical studies in continental countries and virtually none in post-communist ones. This article presents findings from the Czech Republic, which show that there are important disparities in post-communist Europe, comparable to those in the USA before the introduction of sentencing guidelines. I employ a multi-level modelling approach to study the sentencing practices in Czech district courts for the three most common offences. The values of intra-cluster correlation are found to be between.066 and.178 for the various models, which is considered high. The specifics of civil law post-communist countries are further discussed in relation to choosing appropriate ways of reducing disparities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

2019 marks an especially important year for British-Czech bilateral relations. As a year of both centenary celebrations of opening of the British Embassy in Prague and Brexit, it makes for a fascinating paradox: a symbol of a century-long continuity on one hand and a year of serious disruption on the other hand. Against this background, the overarching aim of this article is to investigate Brexit implications for British-Czech bilateral relations, placing this assessment in the context of the long-term evolution of these relations and relating it to debates within the scholarship on the effects of Brexit. At the same time, it addresses some of the wider political questions that will determine the nature of Brexit's supposed effects on the future direction of individual bilateral relations between the UK and EU27 member states. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Why, when, and how does populism emerge in a stable democracy? This article investigates the political logic and ideological appeal of a rarely explored form of populism: technocratic populism. Technocratic populism uses the appeal of technical expertise to connect directly with the people, promising to run the state as a firm, while at the same time delegitimizing political opponents and demobilizing the electorate by instilling civic apathy. Technocratic populism is an anti-elite ideology that exploits competence to create the appearance of authenticity and proximity to ordinary people. It is less exclusionary than nativist or economic forms of populisms and its broad appeal is therefore arguably more threatening to representative democracy. In order to understand the appeal of technocratic populism, as well as why it arises at critical junctures when dominant ideologies are in turmoil, we argue that one must not ignore its historical roots, which shows that it transcends both regime changes and the traditional left–right divide. The article develops and examines these points using evidence from communist-era populist campaigns against "elitist" dissidents (from Charter 77) in the Czech Republic, and demonstrates how post-1989 politicians have exploited and also adapted ideas and strategies from the authoritarian past for the new democratic setting. The article highlights the adaptive character of technocratic populism across political regimes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Introduction: In order to estimate the value of interventions in multiple sclerosis (MS) – where lifetime costs and outcomes cannot be observed – outcome data have to be combined with costs. This requires that cost data be regularly updated. Objectives and methods: This study is part of a cross-sectional retrospective study in 16 countries collecting data on resource consumption and work capacity, health-related quality of life (HRQoL) and prevalent symptoms for patients with MS. Descriptive analyses are presented by level of severity, in the societal perspective, in CZK 2015. Results: A total of 747 patients (mean age 47 years) participated; 86% were below retirement age and of these, 49% were employed. Employment was related to disease severity, and MS affected productivity at work for 82% of those working. Overall, 92% and 66% of patients experienced fatigue and cognitive difficulties as a problem. Mean utility and annual costs were 0.832 and 257,000CZK at Expanded Disability Status Scale (EDSS) 0–3, 0.530 and 425,500CZK at EDSS 4–6.5 and 0.141 and 489,000CZK at EDSS 7–9. The average cost of a relapse was estimated at 12,600CZK. Conclusion: This study provides current data on MS in the Czech Republic that are important for the development of health policies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Despite a rich body of literature dealing with suburbanization across Central and East Europe, the issues of crime and safety in residential suburbs have not been addressed. At the same time it is obvious that the existing knowledge on suburban crime derived mainly from Western experience cannot be simply transferred to the post-socialist transition context. This research investigates the issues of crime and safety in new residential neighbourhoods in the hinterland of Prague, the Czech Republic. Suburbanites’ fear of crime and feeling of safety are discussed in the context of registered crime patterns in the Prague metropolitan region. The research draws on data gathered in a questionnaire survey of newcomers to suburban housing. The findings confirm the generally high feelings of safety in low-crime suburban districts. Our analysis further showed that age, previous victimization and length of residency are the main determinants of fear of crime in Prague’s suburban communities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Investigations into Central Europe’s emerging party–state relationships—in contrast to those of the former Soviet Union—have focused less on the abuse of public office for private gain and more on patronage and clientelism as political resources. That debate in turn has been bounded by the conventional political science preoccupation with civil society, party, and state relations. This article contends that these conventions have tended to deflect our attention from the contemporary dynamics of political corruption in Central Europe, in which the commercial sector is a major player and the gains of political players primarily private. Building on the assumption that party systemic adaptations are contingent on changing power relations within the political economy, this article offers an ideal typical party model to characterise the behaviour of political parties that preside over the continuous marketization of the state. A “corporate brokerage party” directs its strategic focus to the private sector and acts primarily as a broker of the state’s power in the marketplace, whether expressed through privatisation, regulation, or public procurement. Using the Czech Republic as a critical case study for Central Europe, the evidence suggests that politicians able to direct allocation to the private sector with low regulatory constraints act less evidently as technocratic brokers of the public interest, partisan constituency, or organisation builders and more as private agents. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Despite ongoing feminist debates about the past, present and future of feminism, the multidimensionality of time in activist work has largely remained under-examined. This article develops the partial timeframes of trajectories, encounters and timings to explore the practices of women organizing in Czech NGOs after 1989. Empirically the study draws on individual and group interviews conducted with NGO activists in 2003/2004 and 2009/2010 as well as organizational websites. The article argues that a timescape perspective provides a useful heuristic lens for tracing trajectories of organizing shaped by different funding mechanisms; activist encounters that open up social and political alternatives of acting and being; and the effects of timing activist engagements with the lifetimes of activists. The conclusion reflects on the implications of an investigation through time for reconfiguring pervasive deficit accounts of NGO-based activism and its futures. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article explores the reform of the Czech military from the perspective of the possible blurring of police and military functions. The understanding of security has changed in recent years and the European militaries have taken up nontraditional tasks both within and outside Europe. Moreover, the fiscal conditions have provoked further reconsideration of the role of military. The Czech Republic’s armed forces have undergone a number of reforms since 1989. The article focuses on three factors distinguishing the military from the police: territorial scope, use of force, and responsibility before the law. It concludes that although the Czech military has become more flexible, it does not use all its potential in practice, especially domestically. The article suggests that despite the adaptation to the new security environment, the military continues to be distinct from police. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Framed within debates on space, youth mobility and globalization, this article examines representations of space in rural youth’s narratives of their own future. In contrast to other research on youth in ‘peripheral’ areas, it is found that positive representations of both own locality and country prevail among the youth in the communities investigated, and that spatial mobility is sought for in limited ways. It is argued that the wish to remain ‘local’ among the youth and their positive views on own locality are in part predicated on relative favourable regional economic conditions, but should also be seen in connection with their increased engagement with global ‘electronic’ youth culture. The representations of rural life at the core of the youth’s expressions of belonging rest on an image of the rural idyll, however, which is often conflated with an image of the perfect middle class family. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

This article extends the discussion on the ‘dark side’ of social capital in sport which has recently been increasingly conceptualized in civil society studies. We define the dark side of social capital as situations in which trust, social ties and shared beliefs and norms that may be beneficial to some persons are detrimental to other individuals, sport movements, or for society at large. Furthermore, we understand the dark side of social capital as attempts to manipulate and misuse trust to achieve a particular interest. We argue that the majority of studies using the notion of the dark side have investigated primarily sport practice rather than sport governance and have focused on either the macro- or micro-level, neglecting the meso-level. Additionally, previous studies have focused primarily on the exclusive role of bonding social networks at the expense of linking social capital and manipulation of trust. To contribute to reducing these gaps, our analysis draws on evidence gathered during a multi-sited ethnographic study of Czech and Italian sport associations governing football, handball and sailing. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Background: Information about cost of multiple sclerosis (MS) is available from a number of European countries, but no data from the Czech Republic have been published so far.Objective: The objective of this study was to establish the cost of MS in the Czech Republic, overall and by level of disease severity.Methods: Data on demographics, disease history, resource consumption and production losses were collected from 909 patients recruited in 7 MS centres in the Czech Republic. Annual costs were estimated in the societal perspective, using 2007 unit costs. To evaluate the relationship between disability and costs, patients were stratified into those with mild (67%), moderate (27%) and severe (10%) disability using the Expanded Disability Status Scale.Results: Mean total annual costs per patient were €12,272, of which 51% were direct medical costs, 4% direct non-medical costs and 45% indirect costs. The average annual costs in patients with mild, moderate and severe disability amounted to €9905, €14,064 and €22,880, respectively.Conclusion: The total costs of MS in the Czech Republic are estimated at €208.6 million per year. Consistent with other studies, the costs increase significantly with the severity of MS. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

From the mid-1990s a great increase in the number of nonprofit management education (NME) programs has been reported in the United States. This article explores the state and development of NME at universities and colleges in one Central European postcommunist country, the Czech Republic. Systematic research in 2007/2008 identified more than 100 nonprofit sector–related courses and four programs with a concentration in NME. Most of these programs embody the civil society approach to NME, while the leaders of the nonprofit organizations call for more of a managerial approach that would aid nonprofit organizations to survive. The emphasis on management for survival is embodied also in the rise of industry-based programs that do not explicitly distinguish the “nonprofit” issues. It is a paradox that while the NME programs were established partly in an effort to legitimize and strengthen civil society, the demand from nonprofit sector leaders is predominantly for technical managerial education. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

This article analyses the dissolution of the extreme right Workers’ Party by the Czech courts in 2010. It situates the case in the historical development of party closures by militant democracy on Czech territory and explains why the Workers’ Party was the first party to be dissolved in the Czech Republic after the fall of the Communist regime. It also describes the legislative framework in contemporary Czech law for the dissolution of political parties. It details the political and legal repercussions of the ruling and the wider discussions it provoked, not only in political and expert circles but also among the general public. Given the fact that the case was taken to the European Court of Human Rights in Strasbourg, the European dimension of the dissolution of the Workers’ Party is also analysed. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

International business researchers have identified the tendency of international joint ventures (IJVs) to fail and recognized that explaining the process of failure can benefit from inductive qualitative research. This article offers a processual account of instability in and the dissolution of an IJV, taking the perspective of the local parent in an IJV with a powerful Western multi-national corporation in order to understand more fully their experience of participating in the venture. The case study findings offer empirical support for an emergent theoretical framework that highlights the role of contextual factors and explores the internal process of dissolution and 'failure' as the socio-political enactment of parents' strategic orientations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The development towards a ‘Europe of the Regions’ is accompanied by a complex system of cooperation and interdependence between the different levels of policy-making. In this article, we ask how European integration affects the party composition of regional governments. We argue that the European Union (EU) classification system of regions — the ‘Nomenclature of Territorial Units for Statistics’ (NUTS) — establishes incentives to form similar coalition governments among regions that belong to the same NUTS area. We test our argument by analysing government formation in the Czech regions and thus in one EU member state whose regions benefit financially from EU structural policy. The results show that there is empirical evidence to support our main hypotheses: even when controlling for variables that reflect standard coalition theories and for patterns of party competition in the national sphere, we find that coalitions are more likely to form if the respective parties are also part of the government in the regions that belong to the same NUTS area. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

The article deals with changes in the journalistic profession and journalistic practices in the early 2000s in three new European Union member states: the Czech Republic, Hungary and Slovakia. It can be argued that Eastern European journalists face changes and challenges related to the 'proletarization' of journalistic work, commercial pressures, and 'dumbing down' as well as changing work practices related to new technologies. Yet they face these changes in the specific context of post-communist societies where the links between media and politicians often directly influence the professional practices and standards of journalists. We concentrate on developments in these three countries in relation to three areas: 1) dominant values in the journalistic profession and their change in the past 10 years; 2) influence of structures of ownership and market forces on practices and processes of journalism, and 3) influence of technological changes on journalistic practices and processes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The purpose of this article is to present the development of inclusive experiential education courses in the Czech Republic. The inclusion of people with disabilities (PWD) in recreation, sport, and education has become more prevalent in Czech society. This article describes the conceptual meaning of the term inclusion from both a historical and theoretical perspective based on the work of two Central/Eastern European authors (Jesenský, 1998; Válková, 1998). The article also highlights one case study of The Czech Outward Bound branch Prazdninová škola Lipnice Vacation School Lipnice, which has applied these theoretical perspectives in developing inclusive experiential education programs. This article also provides specific examples of programs and activities that can help enhance the inclusion of PWD within the experiential educational environment. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines changes in shopping behavior in two postcommunist countries, the Czech Republic and Slovakia, by replicating Bitgood and Dukes's study of pedestrian choice point behavior. It also extends the former study by applying the methodology to a different type of intersection and subjecting the results to a random resampling statistical test. A survey conducted via naturalistic observation in selected Czech and Slovak shopping malls is presented. Is the movement of shoppers disorganized and unplanned, or is there a tendency to use the principles of the economy of movement, which suggests that pedestrians tend to move in a way involving the least number of steps? A randomization resampling test with 100,000 samples was performed on the data obtained in shopping malls. It can be concluded that pedestrians tend to avoid unnecessary steps by economizing their trajectories (t = 11.34, p = .00013). The results, thus, show that a qualitative change occurred in the shopping behavior of Czech and Slovak shoppers (as compared with year 2002), and there is an obvious tendency to minimize the total distance in correspondence with the principles of the economy of movement. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study describes and compares Czech and Slovak party politics after 1989. The concept of cleavages is used as a theoretical starting point. The authors point out that although the communist period overshadowed the traditional cleavages dating from the second half of the nineteenth century, it is possible to analyze some politically-based cleavages in the respective party arrangements of the two countries. The main conclusion of the article is as follows: that despite differing trajectories of political development during the 1990s, at the present time, both the Czech and Slovak party systems show great similarities in terms of the prevalence of the socioeconomic cleavage. Socioeconomic cleavage emerged quite early after 1989 in the Czech Republic; in Slovakia the socioeconomic cleavage has become dominant only in recent years. This has contributed to the stabilization of the classic left-right model of political competition and the consolidation of the two countries' party systems. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines changes in the structure and operation of the Czech Republic Ministry of Foreign Affairs (MFA) after the collapse of communism through its entry into the European Union. Like all foreign ministries, the MFA must adapt to the changing nature of diplomacy, where the distinction between foreign policy and domestic policy has become increasingly blurred. The MFA must compete in a more crowded foreign policy-making environment. However, the MFA has also been transformed by the collapse of communism. The ministry has been purged and forced to reevaluate its operations, goals, and institutional culture. This article evaluates the success of the MFA in meeting these significant challenges, and compares these reforms to the reforms of other ministries in the Czech Republic and other foreign ministries. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article describes the development of Czech policy after 1989 and the controversies it caused. It first looks at the ambiguous nature of the communist welfare state and then proceeds to outline the theoretical alternatives. After early and energetic changes in the system, stagnation set in around the mid-1990s. Despite some problems, the current performance of the system is satisfactory, but its outlook in terms of long-term efficiency is unsatisfactory, as it will generate a rising debt into the future. In particular, the disadvantaged situation for families, the insufficient work motivation, and the frozen pension system are all causes for concern. The political shift to the right after 2006 ushered in reform measures and new reform plans. While reforms are necessary, their feasibility is uncertain owing to the fragility of the Czech political scene. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]