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A call for papers for the special issue of the "The European Journal of Women's Studies" concerning migration in Europe, Europeanisation, and European feminism to be due on September 30, 2013 is presented.

This paper examines the visual representation of the refugee child in digital news media in Cyprus at two historical moments of significant immigration rise in Europe as a result of violent conflict: the period of May 2015-2016 and February 2022-2023. The analysis showed that refugee children were portrayed in ways which led to their de/humanization. However, differences in the language, themes, and visual grammar applied gave way to the emergence of a hierarchy of refugee child subjects. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper presents the Delphi methodology employed to select a final dashboard of 30 indicators on the socio-educative inclusion of refugee and migrant children in Europe. Firstly, a procedure for identifying Key Performance Indicators (KPIs) was carried out, including a specialized scientific literature review, the mapping of previous indicators, and qualitative workshops with key stakeholders at micro, meso, and macro levels in six countries. Then, a Delphi design was implemented to assess, rate, and provide meaningful qualitative improvements to a pool of pre-selected indicators. The Delphi methodology involved a group of international experts on the matters of inclusive education or migration, researchers, NGOs, and public officers. As an alternative to traditional "benchmark-based" consensus, we introduced the use of a) the CARA model and b) an alternative multi-input and mixed-method consensus-building procedure. The results provided a significant contribution to qualitative methods on the one hand and to migration and integration literature on the other. The methodological innovations, the diversity of experts' perspectives involved in the process, and the structured nature of the method constituted significant advantages to improve the robustness of the Delphi methodology for selecting and validating indicators. Future research involving a Delphi methodology can benefit from applying the present procedure. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper draws on original empirical research to investigate popular understandings of prejudice in two national contexts: Poland and the United Kingdom. The paper demonstrates how common-sense meanings of prejudice are inflected by the specific histories and geographies of each place: framed in terms of ‘distance’ (Poland) and ‘proximity’ (United Kingdom), respectively. Yet, by treating these national contexts as nodes and linking them analytically the paper also exposes a connectedness in these definitions which brings into relief the common processes that produce prejudice. The paper then explores how inter-linkages between the United Kingdom and Poland within the wider context of the European Union are producing – and circulating through the emerging international currency of ‘political correctness’ – a common critique of equality legislation and a belief that popular concerns about the way national contexts are perceived to be changing as a consequence of super mobility and super diversity are being silenced. This raises a real risk that in the context of European austerity and associated levels of socioeconomic insecurity, negative attitudes and conservative values may begin to be represented as popular normative standards which transcend national contexts to justify harsher political responses towards minorities. As such, the paper concludes by making a case for prejudice reduction strategies to receive much greater priority in both national and European contexts. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Recent debates in migration studies have emphasized the importance of attending to the urban as part of an effort to respatialize the study of mobility and transnationalism. This paper critically expands on these interventions through a more detailed engagement with ideas of relationality and territoriality moving beyond permanent settlement to consider temporary migrants, and considering urban centres outside North America and Europe through discussion of cities in the Asia-Pacific. The paper discusses two potential avenues towards a more sophisticated conceptualization of transnational mobilities and urban spatialities: moving beyond rupture in analysis of migrant settlement, and interrogating transnational and urban mobilities. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Faced with claims for recognising religious diversity, liberal European democracies have shifted in the last 10 years towards a more restrictive view of integration. This paper seeks to make a contribution to this line of research on how European countries deal with migration-related ethnic and religious diversity today by investigating the case of a southern country, notably Greece. Greece is an interesting case to study: it has by now 20 years of experience as a host country, but still its migrant integration policies are under-developed. In addition Greece it is currently experiencing an acute economic crisis while irregular migration towards the country is on the rise. These developments have contributed to bringing migration on to centre stage in political discourse with a concomitant rise of racist and xenophobic discourses against migrants. This paper takes, as a case study, the public Muslim prayer that took place in several squares of Athens on 18 November 2010 as a peaceful protest against the fact that Athens still does not have a formal mosque. We use this event as an opportunity for interviewing social and political actors directly or indirectly involved in it on their views regarding migration, religious diversity and their accommodation in the Greek public space. We analyse their discourse on whether and under what conditions religious diversity, Islam in particular, should be tolerated or accepted in Greek society. We propose here the notion of ‘nationalist intolerance’ to make sense of Greek discourses and propose a dynamic understanding of tolerance and intolerance as concepts that do not emanate from abstract norms but are rather negotiated in specific contexts. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Recent research has begun to explore the extent to which factors beyond behaviour and performance shape the empirical legitimacy of the police. In this paper, data from the European Social Survey are used to explore the association between immigration and legitimacy. Starting from the assumption that police legitimacy will vary between immigrant and non-immigrant populations, we consider three distinct sets of variable that might explain such variation: contact with the police, group position and the change in frames of reference that the act of migration engenders. Findings suggest, first, that variables from all three groups predict legitimacy, with police contact emerging as the most important. Second, conditional on these factors there is no difference in the views of recent immigrants and their non-immigrant peers. However, other groups of immigrants – particularly those who migrated as children – tend to grant the police somewhat less legitimacy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The fight against unwanted sea migration in Southern Europe has triggered the territorial redefinition of European Union (EU) borders and transformed the relationship between sending and receiving countries in the region. This paper focuses on the strategies that the EU and Spain adopted to seal the maritime border around the Canary Islands between 2005 and 2010. According to the primary and secondary data used here, the closure of the Atlantic route that happened in this period was the result of the combination of defensive and preventative measures along and beyond this section of the EU border. Initiatives aimed at promoting economic development, creating jobs at origin, and temporary migration programs paved the way for cooperation among governments, thus making possible the deployment of military resources along the border, the return/deportation of unwanted EU-bound migrants, and the externalization of migration control responsibilities. Cooperation and the mixture of proactive and reactive initiatives seen in this case study are likely to become the hallmark of a new kind of global anti-immigration border that extends beyond the territory of the state. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper highlights the ways in which the emerging models of migration management are producing new geographies of the European Union’s borders that complicate notions of a tightly bounded and easily delineated ‘Schengen space’ or ‘Fortress Europe’. Under policy frameworks such as the European Neighbourhood Policy and the EU’s Global Approach to Migration, a process of economic and political regional integration is under way that is beginning to transform the ways in which non-accession neighbours and neighbours of neighbours in North Africa and beyond are articulated with the EU. Central to these changes are programmes, institutions and practices of both regional economic development and border routes management. This changing geopolitical and geo-economic approach to regional integration and the nature of European borderlands has at its heart a series of new spatial imaginaries, institutional actors and cartographic experiments that point to a project in process in which the relationships between territory, state and population are being reconfigured to produce new notions of sovereignty across more complex and multiple borders and, in some cases, beyond borders. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Drawing mainly on qualitative evidence gathered from interviews with migrant handymen and with labour-using households in the UK, this paper analyses how this migration typifies economic and social divisions within Europe and embodies conflicting tensions between economic and social policies at an interpersonal level. By supplying household services, migrant handymen enable labour-using households to alleviate time pressures and conflicts in time priorities arising from tensions between economic expectations regarding working hours and work commitment, and social expectations regarding contemporary ideas of active parenting. Similarly to the outsourcing of feminized domestic labour and care, these tensions are in part resolved for labour-using households by extending class divisions across national boundaries while leaving gender divisions changed but not transformed and in some instances exacerbating work/ life tensions among the migrants. These broad findings are complicated by differential desires and capabilities around fathering practices among fathers in labour-using households and among the migrants, and economic differentiation among the migrant population. Although we cannot tell from our study whether such movement reinforces or redresses uneven development, what we can say is that existing cohesion policies are insufficient to redress uneven development, and individual responses including migration can reinforce existing social divisions. Further, existing social policies for promoting gender equality fail to recognize or redress the deeply embedded gendered norms. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper investigates the influence of generation and country of origin on occupational mobility between 1880 and 1900 among a sample of U.S. white men. Father-to-son mobility is examined for males 5 to 14 years old in 1880, and career mobility is analyzed for men aged 25 to 34 in the same year. While generation and national-origin groups clearly differed in their occupational distributions at each date, we find minimal evidence of differences in overall opportunities or in the relationship between occupational origins and destinations. Thus, on the whole, generation and country of origin appear to have had little influence on the mobility process in the late 1800s. There is some evidence that the men in our sample, who were overwhelmingly of Northern and Western European heritage, gained occupationally from the incipient flow of migrants from Southern and Eastern Europe. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Starting with the concept of "middleman minorities" developed by Blalock (1967 79-84), encompassing such groups as the Chinese in Southeast Asia, Jews in Europe, and Indians in East Africa, this paper presents a model which tries to explain the development and persistence of the form. A key variable is the orientation of immigrants towards their place of residence, with sojourning at first, and later a "stranger" orientation affecting the solidarity and economic activity of the ethnic grout. These in turn arouse the hostility of the host society, which perpetuates a reluctance to assimilate completely, or "stranger" status. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article presents information on various papers related to migration in Europe, published in different journals. One of the papers titled "Cart Before the Horse," presents differences between the present British Government and the Select Committee on Immigration and Race Relations on the Control of Commonwealth immigration. Another paper "Immigrant Workers and Class Structure in France," suggests that besides the race determinant, other factors such as the history of colonization, length of stay, educational level and industrial experience before migration, all seem equally important in accounting for the relative positions of the different immigrant groups in France. The paper titled "Migration of Population in East-Central Europe, 1939-1955," reports that despite initial difficulties, the process of integration is very much advanced. In spite of early fears and prophecies, in the long run the fabric of this part of Europe has not been weakened by great migrations but rather brought to greater stability. The paper deals with movements based on political decisions often independent of the interests and desires of the groups involved. Thus it was a forced political migration, although in many cases compulsion was indirect.

Migration trends are highly dynamic and the recent period has seen a transformation of migration to Europe. Studies of existing migrant stocks provide only limited information on these new migration flows and their implications for receiving societies. In the Norface-funded SCIP project (‘Socio-cultural integration processes among New Immigrants in Europe’), about 8000 recent migrants to four European destinations were surveyed soon after their arrival with many re-interviewed about 1.5 years later. The goal of the project was to obtain a more complete picture of integration processes in Europe and of the role of individual traits, group characteristics and reception contexts.SCIP data shed light on a highly dynamic phase in migrants’ integration that has important implications for what happens later in the adaptation process. Furthermore, these data reveal the extent to which differences in integration patterns are apparent from the very beginning of migrants’ stay or evolve over time. The SCIP project is comparative on the group and country level and thus helps to clarify whether country-specific integration patterns reflect characteristics of host country institutions and their ethnic boundaries – or can be attributed to the particularities of the immigrants these countries attract.This special issue demonstrates the potential of the data for addressing such questions, fundamental to our understanding of current and future migrant integration by bringing together six articles that tackle migrants' early adaptation, for example their language acquisition, the role of religiosity in finding a job, group differences in identification and acculturation, and experiences of discrimination across contexts. It also gives an insight into some limitations of the data set, describes the methodological challenges and possibilities in using it, and aims to inspire further research based on this unique data source. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article presents abstracts of various papers related to immigration in Europe that were published in several periodicals. One of the papers discussed is "Planned Indian Immigration: The Role of the High Commissions," by B.A. Chansarkar. This paper offers a critique of some of the existing arrangements for the movement of voucher holders out of India and into Great Britain and makes a number of specific proposals as to how these might be improved, particularly under the aegis of the particular High Commissions concerned. Another paper discussed is "A Shipboard Study of Some British Born Immigrants Returning to the United Kingdom From Australia," by Alan Richardson. The aim of this study is to explore some of the psycho-social determinants of return migration among British born married, male, skilled, manual workers and to compare those who intend to resettle permanently in Great Britain with those who were undecided about resettling there. A tentative conclusion suggested by the results is that permanent' returnees are more likely to be motivated by economic considerations. The undecided returnees, on the other hand, are more likely to be motivated by emotional considerations.

This article deepens the analysis of the effects of immigration on the vote for Populist Radical Right Parties in Europe, focusing on education levels of both natives and immigrants. By analysing the immigrant population in 101 regions from 11 European countries, we show that in contexts with a large immigrant presence, the low-educated voters tend to support Populist Radical Right Parties to a greater degree than those who are more educated. However, when the ratio of skilled immigrants is high, also the more educated population tends to support these parties. Hence, our analysis adds insight into the relationship between immigration, education and Populist Radical Right Parties voting, highlighting the need of focusing at lower levels of aggregation and combining the characteristics of both foreign-born and host populations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Queer migrants seeking asylum in Europe face both heteronormative and homonormative assumptions about their subjectivity. Yet these assumptions are not simply adhered to for the sake of intelligibility. This article will explore how cultural production challenges the heteronormativity and homonormativity of European immigration regimes in both On the Bride's Side (a 2014 documentary directed by Khaled Soliman Al Nassiry, Antonio Augugliaro, and Gabriele del Grande) and Moebius Stripping (a 2019 filmed performance by the Istanbul Queer Art Collective). Drawing upon the Bakhtinian notion of the carnivalesque, I suggest these performances are making critical fun of European borders. Instead of only exposing the violence of hetero/homonormativity, making critical fun allows one to grapple with how such violence is being creatively manoeuvred. By displaying the border as porous and incapable of understanding migrant subjectivity, there is an imaginative reconfiguration of the border itself. Without denying the potential for European borders to force queer migrants into situations of vulnerability, the act of crossing the border, and performing the act too, can sometimes become an agentic sign of making critical fun that disrupts the sexual and gendered norms being expected by immigration regimes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

For impoverished African states the attraction of inward flows of capital is vital and migrants are one such source of finance. Some governments actively encourage this, which brings out tensions between national affiliation and more particularistic forms of identification. This paper examines this in the context of Ghana. Between the mid-1970s and the late 1990s there was large-scale out-migration from Ghana, creating what has been termed a 'neo-diaspora'. The migrants have mainly settled in cities in Western Europe and North America where they have developed institutional networks linking them to other diasporic locations and to Ghana. These migrants have complex identities forged from multiple meetings in numerous places. Some of these are rooted in hometown, clan, and family attachments and the obligations this brings. The current government (in line with many developing countries) is making a major play to 'harness' the diaspora for political support and inward investment. Tensions are being played out about dual citizenship and whether the migrants' economic commitments to Ghana are matched by rights as full citizens. The Ghana government has to tread a careful path between attracting investment and garnering the right sort of political support, since people in the diaspora often have an ambivalent relationship to domestic politics. One of the vehicles through which the Ghanaian state seeks to square this is through encouraging hometown associations in various cities in the global North to fund development at the local level through various local-local partnerships. Hence, the nation, the national good, and development are being promoted through particularistic ethnic and locality-based organisations, which brings to light multiple and overlapping political communities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Growing Arab migration to Europe is a likely scenario for the coming years, poorly prepared for by current policies. The paper examines three reasons for this scenario: new patterns of family-building in Arab countries; aging in Europe; and the emergence of a new demand for migrant labor. While the ongoing establishment of free trade may increase migratory pressures, government policies remain potentially conflicting -- on the Arab side, optimizing the economic benefits drawn from emigrants and reviving their sense of belonging to their culture of origin; on the European side, restricting further immigration and integrating former migrants in the host society and culture. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Record-high levels of international migration both toward and across Europe have recently given rise to a new body of research on the social protection of immigrants. A recurring argument in this literature maintains that migrants are generally more likely to gain access to social benefits in generous welfare states. The article offers a critical review of this hypothesis with a focus on unemployment benefit provision. The tides of European welfare politics have produced a set of systems in the past which are today highly stratified on the basis of employment. This mechanism generates a considerable benefit gap in reference to migration, especially for those who arrived to their country of residency only recently. Empirical analyses with micro-level data for 14 Western European countries provide supporting evidence for this argument. The findings indicate a negative relationship between generosity and social protection which has not been accounted for in previous research. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

'America has a negro problem', the Swedish economist Gunnar Myrdal stated in the introduction to his modern classic An American Dilemma first published in 1944 Half a century later the so called immigrant problem is moving to the top of the political agenda of EU Europe. To speak about a European dilemma in this context means to relate established European values of social solidarity and social responsibility to an increasingly ethnicised and racialised social inequality in European cities How can the dilemma be made transparent? How can we transcend the disjunctures between 'creed' and reality? Along these lines the paper debates potentialities for transethnic alignment in the US and EU Europe exposed to a common condition of globalisation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the context of the completion, by 1993, of a single European market and of the resulting liberalisation of internal borders, labour migration in Europe is attracting increased attention from policy-makers and social actors in the twelve member states. The present paper is an attempt to analyse and forecast the following major issues relating to migration in Europe after 1992: (i) the evolution and structure of intra-European flows in the forthcoming single European market; (ii) the integration, after 1992, of established immigrant communities, including ethnic minorities and second generation groups; (iii) future immigration from non-EC member states, in relation, inter alia, to the recent coming into play of the Eastern European periphery. The article explains that, in addition to policy-related mutations inherent in the completion of the internal market, other factors (demographic changes and insufficient enrolment of national graduate students in key disciplines) and issues (emergence of atypical groups such as second generation and Eastern European migrants), are due to generate new patterns and modified interests in European labour migration after 1992. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article discusses various matters on migration. The Political Participation of Ethnic Minorities in Europe workshop was organized by the European Consortium for Political Research and was held at the Leyden University, The Netherlands, on April 2 to 8, 1993. This workshop explores the factors which constrain or facilitate the participation of ethnic minorities in the political process and the extent to which such participation has furthered or diluted the pursuit of ethnically-based interests. Meanwhile, the Annual Meeting of the American Catholic Historical Association: Philadelphia was held April 16 to 17, 1993. It included the following papers: The American Catholic Response to Recent Immigration, by M. L. Sullivan; Ybor City Latins and the Church, by M. J. McNally; and Puerto Ricans and the Archdiocesan of Chicago, 1963-1970, by T. Kelliher. In other matters, The Forum for Researchers on Islam in Europe was established to encourage the development of information and interdisciplinary research on Islam and Muslim populations in Europe. It foresees a publication of a newsletter, directory of members, publication of an international bibliography in 1993, a symposium in 1994, and an international conference in 1995.

This paper examines the high-profile and increasingly frequent international movement of elite players in association football, with a particular focus on migration involving the countries of the European Union and UEFA, Europe's soccer confederation. The complex patterns and structures that characterize the player movements are mapped out and analysed. The global political economy of soccer is examined with specific reference to the European Court of Justice freedom of movement rulings in the Bosman case. The principal data sources are FIFA transfer certificates and player directories. Consideration is given to the interweaving and impact of both broad societal and soccer- specific processes on migrant patterns. The analysis of soccer migration provides insights into both labour migration in other sports and moves towards increased labour mobility in Europe and greater European integration. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article reports that on the basis of the working papers presented at an international conference sponsored by the Volkswagen Foundation and held in Bonn on September 23-25, 1985, new information on the subject of return migration in Europe and conclusions on the effectiveness of policies to promote remigration were discussed aiming to stimulate further research on this subject. From the discussions that took place in the conference, it was found that the effects of the law to encourage voluntary return of the Federal Republic of Germany of 1983, in comparison with the middle-term trend of migration, have remained far behind the expectations, and that actually mainly lurks and Portuguese were induced to return. Moreover the majority of the returnees came from certain industries and regions that have been struck by major economic re-structurings. Concerning effects of the migration policies on the foreign residents in the host countries it was stated that these prevent a clear definition of their status by the foreigners themselves, because they obscure the decision whether to stay or leave the host country.

The article discusses a research paper on intra-European migration during the past twenty years. The official concern and the sporadic outbreaks of violence have been caused by massive migratory movements of workers within Europe, which have assumed unprecedented magnitude and unexpected patterns during the past two decades. Given modern means of communication and transport and given the economic gap that separates the developed from the developing countries, it is not surprising that the countries of Western Europe with their higher standards of living and their policies of full employment, pursued fairly successfully over the last twenty years, have attracted millions of workers from other European countries with substantially lower standards of living and considerable unemployment or underemployment. It is a fact of fundamental significance that the Western European countries do not perceive themselves as immigration countries in the traditional sense but rather as importers of temporary manpower.

International migration and refugee scholars have made extensive use of the concept of solidarity in light of the recent arrival of migrants and refugees in Europe and elsewhere. They observe multi-dimensional solidarity practices and interpret solidarity from a variety of disciplinary and conceptual angles with different philosophical underpinnings. In this review article, I assume a geographical perspective to argue for a Marxian-Hegelian understanding of solidarity as a process of subject formation. I illustrate how solidarity relates to a politics of place that shapes migrant struggles in urban contexts and that promise to facilitate Indigenous reconciliation and decolonization in settler societies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article proposes a new approach to solidarity. Previous research has focused on macro-structural and micro-behavioural aspects of solidarity, overlooking that solidarity is discursively constructed by actors on the meso-level. The meso approach to solidarity consists of two key dimensions: meaning and scale. The meaning of solidarity characterises its content. The scale of solidarity indicates who is encompassed by solidarity. This approach is applied by analysing meanings and scales of solidarity in the German media discourse on Europe's migration crisis from 2010 to 2015. The discourse network analysis is deployed to study the co-occurrence of meanings and scales of solidarity. The results indicate that political and cultural solidarity are the most dominant meanings and they are mostly linked to the intergovernmental and transnational scale of solidarity. The number of claims to political solidarity on the intergovernmental level of the European Union increases in 2015, signalling the greater relevance of creating a solidary institutional mechanism in the migration crisis. The article contributes to recent discussions on solidarity as well as the public framing of Europe's migration crisis. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article discusses the Social Protection Floors Recommendation, 2012 (No. 202). This instrument takes account of the global recognition that social security plays a key role in addressing major challenges such as financial instability, growing inequality, insecure labour markets, large-scale migration flows, and population ageing. A national social protection floor is meant as a tool to prevent and reduce poverty and social insecurity by providing, over the lifecycle, health care and income security for all, at least at a basic level. After briefly depicting the background, objectives and substance of the Recommendation, the article examines its relevance for EU countries. The usefulness of the Recommendation for states with well-developed welfare systems, is demonstrated by pointing to several topical social security issues that constitute a lack of compliance with the concept of social protection floors. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article develops a concept of governance-induced migration, focusing on the aspect of migrant motivations that remains largely underexamined in current migration research. The wage differentials, family reasons, and availability of welfare benefits are often indicated as the aspects of the host state with a "magnetic" power of attraction. The article argues that other aspects of state development also may prominently influence the behaviour of immigrants and their readiness to settle in a receiving country. The case study presented here of Ukrainian migrant entrepreneurs in Poland (interviews with fifty-one respondents) demonstrates that their motivations for migration are more complex and diversified. They encompass not only the economic and family reasons but also the quality and efficiency of public institutions. Governance-induced migration is associated with the perception of the host state as more citizen-friendly, transparent, effective in ensuring safety, and providing an environment for development. The differences between Poland and Ukraine in the functionality of public institutions and the level of socio-political risks lead to enhanced migration flows and entrepreneurship drain from Ukraine. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article presents information on various research papers from Europe published in an earlier issue of the journal "International Migration Review". "Family Planning Among Different Ethnic Groups," by R.E.D. Simpson. In this extract, from his much longer report "A Medico-Social Study of a Group Practice with a High Proportion of Immigrants," the author describes the increasing use made of family planning in his practice in Bristol, England. "France's Portuguese Workers," by Marie-Claire Viguer is based on Statistics from the Ministry of Social Affairs and the National Immigration Office and on results of investigations made at Toulouse at the Sociology of Labor Center by French and Portuguese research workers.

In Europe, the monitoring and management of migration flows are high on the political agenda. Evidence-based monitoring calls for adequate data, which do not exist. The sources of data on international migration differ significantly between countries in Europe and the initiatives to improve data collection and produce comparable data, including new legislation, did not yield the expected outcome. Scientists have developed statistical models that combine quantitative and qualitative data from different sources to derive at estimates of migration flows that account for differences in definition, undercoverage, undercount and other measurement problems. Official statisticians are reluctant to substitute estimates for measurements. This article reviews the progress made over the last decades and the challenges that remain. It concludes with several recommendations for better international migration data/estimates. They range from improved cooperation between actors to innovation in data collection and modelling. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article appraises the postwar guestworker programs in France, Switzerland, and the Federal Republic of Germany in light of the proposal that a similar program be adopted in the United States. The authors agree that these programs provided significant short-term economic benefits in meeting the labor shortages experienced in Western Europe until recently. These programs also created several serious problems, however, leading the authors to conclude that a large-scale American temporary worker program (1) may reduce but not end illegal immigration; (2) will evolve into a resident, not short-term, worker program; (3) is likely to produce discrimination against migrant workers; (4) will not improve U.S. relations with labor-source countries; and (5) will exacerbate the employment problems of American minorities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The sociological literature has devoted less attention to cities than to nation-states as contexts for the regulation of religion and religious diversity in Europe. Drawing on ideas from the literature on migration, urban studies, geography and the sociology of religion, as well as empirical material from fieldwork conducted in three medium-size cities in France, the author conceptualises the governance of religious diversity in cities as complex assemblages where (1) the political interests and claims of various unequally socially positioned actors over (2) a number of domains and objects of the public expression of religiosity are (3) subjected to a variety of municipal interventions, which are (4) shaped by the interplay of supranational legal frameworks, national legislation, policies, institutional arrangements and local contextual factors. The result of these regulation processes are particular (and often contested) normative definitions of ‘accepted’ or ‘legitimate’ public expressions of religiosity, subsequently enacted by a variety of local actors through both formal procedures and informal practices. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article seeks to explain the varied policy responses to the large wave of emigration from Central and Eastern European states during the last two decades, focusing on the cases of Hungary, Bulgaria, Romania, and Poland. Differing degrees of emigrant engagement by these states are explained by the role of internal minorities as active members of the emigrant population and the overall political and demographic relevance of historical kin. This study contributes to our understanding of what shapes state policies towards different types of external populations. It also highlights the particular challenges of state-led transnational engagement in a supranational border regime. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Drawing on a Content Analysis of 1200 news articles on the 2015 refugee 'crisis' across eight European countries, we address the question of whether and how refugees 'speak' in the news. To this end, we categorized the language of these articles in terms of how they narrated the subjects, status and contexts of voice. Our analysis establishes three different linguistic practices through which the voice of refugees is managed in the news - what we call practices of 'bordering': bordering by silencing, by collectivization and by de-contextualization. In light of these findings, we reach two conclusions. First, the distribution of voice in European news follows a strict hierarchy - one that relies on specifically journalistic strategies of selection and ordering yet reflects and reproduces broader hierarchies of the European political spheres. Second, this hierarchy of voice leads to a triple misrecognition of refugees as political, social and historical actors, thereby keeping them firmly outside the remit of 'our' communities of belonging. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The global financial crisis of 2008 has caused much dialogue within the social policy framework on how to maintain a sustainable elderly health-care system. This coupled with a migrant crisis have created extra social and economic pressures in Europe in particularly. As it has been well documented by social scientists, people are living longer than ever before. There are two fundamental factors that are helping people live to an old age, which are as follows: (a) a better quality of life and (b) improved health-care system at state level. However, since the global financial crisis of 2008 populations across the world are living in an age of austerity. The age of austerity has brought extra financial pressures on the state, polarizing society by implementing cuts in welfare. The reason many governments across the world (e.g., United States, United Kingdom, and Greece) have enforced a series of austerity measures is fundamentally to reduce debt. The aim of this article is to critically explore the austerity social policy agenda within the context of the debates surrounding the refugee or migrant crisis in the elderly health-care system. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines the causes of criminalization of forced marriage in European countries. The first part of the article locates the debate on forced marriage within the wider discourse of immigration, national identity, and women’s rights. The second part uses qualitative comparative analysis to analyze 29 European nations, 20 of which criminalized forced marriage. Our findings indicate that criminalization of forced marriage emerges out of a complex set of conditions and the causal recipes differ for early (before 2013) and late adopters (after 2013) of the policy of criminalization. For nations in which criminalization policy was adopted before 2013, the intermingling of world cultural, feminist, and right-wing policies is the main causal mechanism. For the late adopters, a similar causal path fails to emerge indicating that criminalization became normative in European policy environment. In other words, late adopters simply mimic others. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Based upon a survey of more than three thousand respondents and forty in-depth interviews, the aim of this article is to examine the impact of migration on sexual resocialisation. In particular, we show how living in London influenced the attitudes of Central and East European migrants towards pre-marital sex and homosexuality. While the general acceptability of pre-marital sex was not affected by time spent in London, differences were noted in the meaning attached to sex outside marriage in the United Kingdom compared with Central and Eastern Europe. Particularly significant changes were observed in our respondents' attitudes towards homosexuality, with a greater liberalisation the result of extrication from mechanisms of social control, re-socialisation into new social norms regarding sex and sexuality, greater visibility of sexual difference in London and, in particular, inter-personal contacts with gays and lesbians. Limitations to the general liberalisation of attitudes were also noted. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article explores the competing policy imperatives within and between tiers of government and policy makers’ perceptions of the relative “deservingness” of undocumented children, which contribute to an uneven geography of entitlements to public services across the European Union. While scholars have contrasted the formal exclusion of undocumented migrants with their informal inclusion, the article explores the tension between formal exclusion and formal inclusion: where the state, through granting legal entitlements to services, contradicts the logic of its own enforcement paradigm. The analysis presents the findings of a comprehensive mapping of entitlements to health care and education for undocumented children across the European Union’s 28 member states and draws on interviews with policy makers across 14 member states to explore the justification for entitlements granted at national and substate levels. It finds that competing policy imperatives are most acute in relation to children where the logic of immigration control faces competing social and humanitarian imperatives within the national administration and in regional and municipal tiers of government. That tension reflects the social construction of undocumented children as both “illegal” and vulnerable, negative perceptions among policy makers of the deservingness of undocumented migrants countered, to a degree, by positive perceptions of the deservingness of children. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article interrogates the rationale and origins of changing imaginaries of tourism in Greece in the context of the current economic crisis. We detect a radical change in the ‘picture’ of the country that circulates in global media conduits (YouTube, Facebook, official press websites and personal blogs). We enact a journey into past media representations of Greece as an idyllic peasant and working-class site, but proceed to highlight that such representations are being recycled today by Greeks (especially but not exclusively) living and studying abroad. This stereotype, which focuses on embodied understandings of happiness and well-being, is being challenged by the current economic crisis. In its place, we detect the emergence of a new dark and slum imaginary, propagated by both native and global intellectuals–activists. The new imaginary both tests in practice and bears the potential to re-invent Greece as a tourist destination. Not only is the change informed by the European histories of art, slum and dark tourism, focusing on middle-class refinement and philanthropy, it also bears the potential to promote Greece as a cultural tourist destination in global value hierarchies in controversial ways. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This contribution aims to provide a cultural-geographical reading of the borderscape of Punta Tarifa: the southernmost point of so-called continental Europe and a key site vis-a-vis material and representational Euro-African (dis)connections. It is argued that Punta Tarifa harbours a complex process of symbolic and functional invisibilisation that turns this border landscape into a highly significant scenario within the ongoing European Union bordering process. This invisibilisation process is twofold. On the one hand, it lies with the selective public neglecting/ignoring of a crucial historical episode which challenges mainstream readings of Europe's cultural heritage (the arrival of Tarif and Islam to Tarifa in the year 710). On the other hand, it concerns the veiling of the implemented migration management practices and, more precisely, the opacity surrounding the Migrant Detention Centre situated by Punta Tarifa. Having explored the case of Punta Tarifa, we suggest that a cultural-geographical reading - and hence the shedding of some light - on these and other similar invisibilisation processes is paramount in order to neutralise symbolic and functional exclusionary practices which lie at the heart of current European Union external bordering dynamics. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this special issue on “Multiculturalism During Challenging Times,” we present six articles focused on multiculturalism as it is currently practiced or implemented in Canada, across Europe, in Mauritius, and in South Korea. We apply SWOT (strengths, weaknesses, opportunities, threats) analysis to assess the strengths and weaknesses of its application and the opportunities and threats it presents for the countries studied here. Strengths: We find that multiculturalism fosters national identity, promotes cultural tolerance and modernization, and assists with the incorporation of cultural minorities. Weaknesses: At the same time, multiculturalism also creates “faultlines” along cultural and religious groups, could promote separate and parallel lives, and could pose a challenge to equality in liberal societies. Opportunities: Multiculturalism has the potential to be used as a tool for attracting talents, a source of competitive advantage for nations, and a discourse for politicians to score political gains. Threats: Multiculturalism also has the potential to be perceived as incompatible with Western, liberal values, a burden to the state welfare, and challenge existing national identities. We conclude with some suggestions for future research to extend our understanding of multiculturalism within the context of increasing globalization and greater international migration. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Immigration is of growing significance to the demographic makeup of Western Europe. A long-standing and highly disputed question is whether a larger number of immigrants are associated with more negative attitudes toward immigration or whether the reverse is true. Previous studies yielded contradictory results on various levels of analysis (national, regional, local). These inconsistencies may partly be linked to what is known as the ‘modifiable areal unit problem’ in spatial analysis. This article seeks to address this issue by analyzing the relationship between the percentage foreign-born and perceived group threat in 15 Western European countries on the national as well as on three differing regional levels (N = 70, 207, and 624 regions, respectively), together with survey data from the European Values Study’s fourth wave. I expect threat effects to operate through national communication systems while contact and habituation to immigrants to work on the regional level. Consistent with theoretical expectations, the results show a positive correlation between the national proportion of immigrants and perceived threat, while the coefficients are negative on the regional level. More immigration might thus lead to a more negative evaluation of the presence of immigrants in European countries, but apparently not within the regions where most of the newcomers reside. Two recent examples illustrate this seemingly paradoxical relationship. As a methodological result, effect size and statistical significance vary with the delimitation of the regional units of analysis (Nomenclature des Unités Territoriales Statistiques (NUTS)-1, -2, or -3). This suggests that research in this field should pay more attention to how and why spatial units are defined. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article analyses how European governments and civil society actors engage diasporas in Europe as agents for the development of their countries of origin. Through a critical examination of diaspora engagement discourse and practice in various European countries, we identify three implicit understandings. First, development is conceived of as the planned activities of Western professional development actors; second, diasporas are seen as actual communities rooted in a national ‘home’ and sharing a group identity; and third, migration is regarded as binary mobility. We argue that these interpretations are informed by notions of ethnic or national rootedness in given places and that they lead to further assumptions about why, and in pursuit of what goals, diasporas engage. We conclude that such essentialized understandings limit the potential of diaspora engagement as a means of innovating the development industry by broadening understandings of what development entails and how it can be done. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

This introduction to the special issue ‘Diversity, inequality and urban change’ provides a brief historical overview of assimilative, politico-economic and multicultural approaches in the USA and Europe. It focuses on representations of diversity in cities and highlights processes of theory transference, which are often silenced in debates about city paradigms. It draws attention to how the cities discussed in the special issue (London, Berlin and southern European cities) can contribute to the relational framing of the migration experience and multicultural life. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

This research compares cities between and within the United States and Europe with respect to their dimensionality and degree of immigrant incorporation. Based on theoretical perspectives about immigrant incorporation, structural differentiation and national incorporation regimes, we hypothesize that more inclusionary (MI) cities will show more dimensions of incorporation and more favorable incorporation outcomes than less inclusionary (LI) places, especially in regard to labor market and spatial variables. We use data from recent major surveys of young adult second-generation groups carried out in Los Angeles, New York, and 11 European cities to assess these ideas. The findings indicate that second-generation immigrants in New York (MI) and in European MI places (i.e. cities in the Netherlands, Sweden and France) show greater dimensionality of incorporation (and thus by implication more pathways of advancement) respectively than is the case in Los Angeles (LI) or in European LI places (i.e. cities in Austria, Germany, and Switzerland). We discuss the significance of these results for understanding how the structures of opportunity confronting immigrants and their children in various places make a difference for the nature and extent of their integration. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

The article sets out a two-dimensional regional typology combining measures of migration and visiting rates. It argues that forms of mobility are interrelated but that the relationship varies by broad type of region and it argues for a place-based approach in managing the interaction of mobility across Europe. Such an approach would require a territorial assessment of both the different dimensions of mobility in specific localities and the conceptualisation of a mobility carrying capacity for localities. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

This article considers the academic writings and activism of the major Continental feminist philosopher Rosi Braidotti against the background of the growing religiously and racially biased anti-immigration sentiment in Europe. Special attention is paid to Braidotti’s recent response to the post-secular turn in feminism. The article contends that Braidotti’s work highlights and embraces the destabilising structural effects the intensified migration flows have on European identity. It argues that Braidotti charts new models of European subjectivity that would facilitate mutually affirmative and trans-formative relationships between those (self-)perceived as Western feminists and those positioned as immigrant women. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]