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While transnational research infrastructure projects long preceded the formal integration process that created the European Union, their advancement is an increasingly central part of EU research policy and of European integration in general. This paper analyses the Biobanking and Biomolecular Resources Research Infrastructure–European Research Infrastructure Consortium (BBMRI–ERIC) as a recent example of institutionalized scientific collaboration in Europe that has formally been established as part of EU science policy. BBMRI–ERIC, a network of European biobanks, is expected to contribute to both European science and European integration. Yet its achievements in these domains are interpreted differently by various actors involved. This paper draws on STS conceptualizations of infrastructures as relational, experimental, and promissory assemblages. These support the formulation of a working definition of research infrastructures that in turn helps to explore the heterogeneous meanings attributed to BBMRI–ERIC. The paper describes the creation of this distributed European research infrastructure, and divergent understandings of what it means for BBMRI–ERIC to be distributed, to be European and to be a research infrastructure. This analysis demonstrates how building a research infrastructure is also an effort to define what it means to be European—a process in which what is European about science and what science can do for Europe is continuously (re-)imagined, contested and negotiated. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper discusses the transformations that have taken place in Irish higher education under neoliberalism and, in particular, during the period of austerity since 2008. We adopt a critical political economic framework conceptualizing Ireland as a prototypical neoliberal state and maintain that the period of economic crisis since 2008 has witnessed a deepening of neoliberalism. We argue that restructuring in the education sector has been shaped by forces originating from the European Union, global institutions, as well as from the interests of Irish political and economic elites. We examine several aspects of the neoliberalization of the education sector, including privatization, commercialization, labor casualization and the erosion of work conditions. Empirically, the paper synthesizes and conceptualizes available data on neoliberalism and higher education in Ireland. Theoretically, it presents a useful framework to investigate similar cases in other countries. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

There is a growing interest in island economies within Europe. In the European Union (EU) this has led to enhanced Cohesion Policy support for islands, along with a number of other regions facing geographical challenges. Because of major problems with data, comparative research on islands across different EU member states has been of limited extent. This paper explores the use of national data sets to undertake comparative cross-country analysis of islands. The paper concentrates on two member states, Greece and Britain, which have large numbers of offshore islands. Data from national population censuses are drawn upon to allow typologies of the islands to be developed. These typologies are utilised to identify similarities and differences between British and Greek islands. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines some of the main geo-economic and geo-political inter-dependencies which are structuring Europe’s relations with the wider world and how various European and European Union (EU) policy frameworks work to create relations of increasing yet uneven inter-dependency between Europe and that wider world. The paper begins with an examination of the economic and financial crisis and its role in transmitting crisis across inter-dependent space, and the consequences for political and urban struggles across Europe and beyond. This is followed by discussion of the entanglement of Europe with the forces which gave rise to the so-called “Arab Spring” in North Africa and the Middle East. The paper then turns to a discussion of the relocation of economic activity outside of Europe to “emerging economies”, of geographical shifts within Europe of elements of value chains in order to cope with increasing competitive pressures from other parts of the global economy by reducing labour costs but ensuring proximity to the main EU markets, and the emergence of new economic players with their origins in emerging economies within European value chains. The paper concludes with a consideration of the primary geo-economic and geo-political dimensions structuring Europe’s urban and regional inter-dependencies with the wider world. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The fight against unwanted sea migration in Southern Europe has triggered the territorial redefinition of European Union (EU) borders and transformed the relationship between sending and receiving countries in the region. This paper focuses on the strategies that the EU and Spain adopted to seal the maritime border around the Canary Islands between 2005 and 2010. According to the primary and secondary data used here, the closure of the Atlantic route that happened in this period was the result of the combination of defensive and preventative measures along and beyond this section of the EU border. Initiatives aimed at promoting economic development, creating jobs at origin, and temporary migration programs paved the way for cooperation among governments, thus making possible the deployment of military resources along the border, the return/deportation of unwanted EU-bound migrants, and the externalization of migration control responsibilities. Cooperation and the mixture of proactive and reactive initiatives seen in this case study are likely to become the hallmark of a new kind of global anti-immigration border that extends beyond the territory of the state. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The paper examines the pattern of regional convergence and the determinants of regional growth in Europe, providing a discussion of the issues that are of relevance to the theoretical conceptions and the subsequent design of regional development policy, supported by an illustrative empirical analysis. The analysis covers 249 NUTS II regions of the European Union in the period 1990–2003. Using as its basis the standard framework of (absolute) β-convergence, the paper detects a mirror-image J-shaped relationship between regional growth and regional development levels. This type of relationship indicates that regional divergence factors are getting stronger, and, eventually, dominate, at more advanced levels of development. On the basis of a regional growth model, factors such as agglomeration economies, geography, economic integration and economic structure seem to create an overall unfavourable economic environment for lagging (and, possibly, less favoured) regions. Such an environment generates dilemmas and questions concerning the mix of policies that may promote growth and at the same time reduce regional inequalities in the European Union. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Although much has been written on the process of Europeanization, there is a lack of research on its nuances and implications. The academic literature to date focuses on debating the contradictions inherent within the politics of Europeanization without attempting to conceptualize what those contradictions mean in actual practice. This paper draws upon the work of Beck and Grande to analyze the myriad of contradictions shaping all levels of European space. To do so, this paper examines concrete instances of cosmopolitan practice that actually promote the maintenance of the nation-state reality currently characterizing the European Union. These examples show that, at the intersection of the subnational/supranational and supranational/national levels, contradictions are instrumentalized, creating bottom-up and top-down flows of power and influence between all European scales. The evidence presented in this paper indicates that these flows are unintended side-effects that drive Europeanization processes in a way that allows for the simultaneous promotion and regulation of European diversity. This implies that carefully managed and instrumentalized contradictions are powerful engines of Europeanization that actively transform European governance. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The current European policy agenda strongly accentuates the importance of research and development (R&D) as a driver of economic growth. The basic assumption is that high European wage levels make it unlikely that less research-intensive parts of the economy can withstand competition from low-wage countries with increasingly skilled labour forces. Thus, the inferior growth of the European Union (EU) in the 1990s compared with the USA has been explained by the latter’s higher rate of R&D investments. The paper challenges this rather simplistic view of innovation and examines the regional consequences of such policies. EU growth has caught up with that of the USA during recent years and low-tech industries continue to have considerable economic importance in Europe in terms of jobs and value added, especially outside the main growth regions, but also in the major urban regions. Empirical evidence from Denmark and the UK provided in the paper suggests that low- and high-tech industries are closely interconnected because low-tech firms play important roles both as partners in the innovation processes of high-tech firms and as buyers of high-tech products. Therefore, EU industrial policy is not appropriate because it overlooks the continuing significance of low-tech industries. Furthermore, the rather uniform focus on R&D is associated with a strong emphasis on large city-regions where research-intensive industries are concentrated and, thus, increasing regional inequality in Europe is being produced. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The paper discusses certain issues of regional development theory in combination with long-forgotten conditions of uneven geographical development in the context of the current financial and debt crisis in the eurozone. The dominant explanations of the crisis are mainly macroeconomic and financial but this paper argues for its geographical components/foundations. After a short descriptive comment about the current debt crisis in the eurozone and particularly in Southern Europe as part of the wider global crisis of over-accumulation, an alternative interpretation is provided based on uneven geographical/regional development among Euro-regions, especially since the introduction of the euro. The paper also discusses the shift towards what we may call the neoliberal urban and regional development discourse, which is responsible for a de-politicized shift in regional theory and hence downplaying or simply overlooking questions of socio-spatial justice. The discussion about justice and solidarity goes beyond the controversial rescue plan introduced by the European Union and the International Monetary Fund, which was supposedly designed to help one of the so-called – in a typical colonial way – PIIGS (Portugal, Italy, Ireland, Greece and Spain), namely Greece. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The European clothing industry faces a number of important challenges which have been at the forefront of policy thinking across the European Union and beyond. This paper provides a set of reflections on the European Commission's recent Communication on the future of the industry in Europe in the light of pressures of liberalization, globalization and EU enlargement Based upon ongoing research on the restructuring of the Central and East European clothing sector, the paper highlights the limits of the outward-processing model of production that has dominated east-west interactions in this sector. It also examines the uneven role of upgrading and emerging design capacity in the industry the role and limits of clothing-industry clusters in the new member states, and considers the role of 'countermarkets' in the pan-European clothing-contracting system. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper challenges the assumption of separable preferences that has been applied throughout the existing empirical research on European Union (EU) legislative politics. Yet our analysis reveals that non-separable preferences are in fact a widespread phenomenon in EU politics. In many cases actors’ spending preferences are conditional upon the expected policy outcome, but not vice versa. In order to appropriately model such non-reciprocity, we propose a simple modification to the standard Euclidean utility function. Applying simulation techniques, we demonstrate that overlooking non-separable preferences may have caused a substantial bias in the empirical evaluation of competing models of EU legislative politics. Specifically, models that constrain the set of feasible outcomes to either the Winset and/or the core must rely on a correct specification of actors’ utility functions. Therefore, a false assumption of core separable preferences significantly disadvantages these models vis-à-vis unconstrained models. Moreover, our findings underline the agenda-setting power of the European Commission for proposals that involve either a spending decision or the delegation of power from the national to the European level. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this paper we explore the current politico-economic tensions surrounding Iceland’s application for EU membership provoked by the state’s financial trauma of 2008. Through access to high level diplomats, politicians and EU Commission staff involved in preparing and negotiating Icelandic accession to the EU, we examine the difficulties for both sides of overcoming the country’s long-standing antipathy towards European political integration and appeasing the vociferous sectoral interests, especially in farming and fisheries, ranged against membership. The significance of this application far outstrips the size of this small island state since Iceland’s relationship with ‘EUrope’ is long-standing and complex. This national drama is given greater political salience as it is projected against the backdrop of ‘EUrope’s own existential struggles over the post-1945 political project of integration currently underway. Ultimately the saga of Iceland’s membership of the EU may be a relatively short one if Iceland refuses ‘EUrope’, which would effectively mark the final frontier of ‘EUropean’ expansion northwards. This would also mark a distinct stage in the history of ‘European ‘external relations; a candid assessment by a small island state of the value of adopting the structures and policies of an alleged ‘New ‘EUrope’. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper highlights the ways in which the emerging models of migration management are producing new geographies of the European Union’s borders that complicate notions of a tightly bounded and easily delineated ‘Schengen space’ or ‘Fortress Europe’. Under policy frameworks such as the European Neighbourhood Policy and the EU’s Global Approach to Migration, a process of economic and political regional integration is under way that is beginning to transform the ways in which non-accession neighbours and neighbours of neighbours in North Africa and beyond are articulated with the EU. Central to these changes are programmes, institutions and practices of both regional economic development and border routes management. This changing geopolitical and geo-economic approach to regional integration and the nature of European borderlands has at its heart a series of new spatial imaginaries, institutional actors and cartographic experiments that point to a project in process in which the relationships between territory, state and population are being reconfigured to produce new notions of sovereignty across more complex and multiple borders and, in some cases, beyond borders. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Road lighting practice in Europe is currently under change, the changes being induced by the European Union Ecodesign regulations, the rapid development of LEDs and the new CIE system of mesopic photometry. This makes it a good time to listen to the opinions of the end users of road lighting. What are the aspects of road lighting that the drivers value? What are the most difficult visual tasks faced by drivers at night? Are drivers willing to reduce the amount and quality of lighting to save energy? All these questions and more were presented to over 100 drivers aged 20–79 years in a questionnaire in Finland during the autumn of 2010. This paper summarises the results and discusses the expectations of drivers that should be considered when preparing future guidelines for road lighting. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines the ongoing social exclusion and marginalization of Roma migrants living in Scotland in a context of European Union enlargement eastwards and the development of National Action Plans for Social Inclusion at the level of national and regional government which have as their stated aim the extension of opportunity and social justice to all citizens of Europe. It argues that so long as primary legislation dictates that A8 migrants will have 'no recourse to public funds', Roma families will continue to be excluded from mainstream society and prevented from making a sustained and valued contribution to public life. Moreover, the evidence suggests that this structural barrier to inclusion, coupled with racism, discrimination and exploitation at the local level, work to hinder regional policy makers and local service providers where they are working to meet the welfare needs of one of the most excluded sections of their community and facilitate wider community cohesion. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Drawing mainly on qualitative evidence gathered from interviews with migrant handymen and with labour-using households in the UK, this paper analyses how this migration typifies economic and social divisions within Europe and embodies conflicting tensions between economic and social policies at an interpersonal level. By supplying household services, migrant handymen enable labour-using households to alleviate time pressures and conflicts in time priorities arising from tensions between economic expectations regarding working hours and work commitment, and social expectations regarding contemporary ideas of active parenting. Similarly to the outsourcing of feminized domestic labour and care, these tensions are in part resolved for labour-using households by extending class divisions across national boundaries while leaving gender divisions changed but not transformed and in some instances exacerbating work/ life tensions among the migrants. These broad findings are complicated by differential desires and capabilities around fathering practices among fathers in labour-using households and among the migrants, and economic differentiation among the migrant population. Although we cannot tell from our study whether such movement reinforces or redresses uneven development, what we can say is that existing cohesion policies are insufficient to redress uneven development, and individual responses including migration can reinforce existing social divisions. Further, existing social policies for promoting gender equality fail to recognize or redress the deeply embedded gendered norms. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The background to the Bologna process is that there was considerable concern in the 1990s at governmental level in the EU nation states over economically unsustainable, grossly inefficient higher education systems. The Bologna process of three cycles of higher education, the first being the ‘mobility degree’ (Bachelors level) after three years of study, the second (Masters level) after a further two years of study, and a third cycle of postgraduate study as yet undefined, has received widespread agreement across now 45 nation states, and has gained worldwide interest. For certain sections of UK higher education, such as engineering, science, architecture and medicine, where the degree cycles do not fit with the Bologna cycles, the Bologna process presents significant diffiulties. This paper explores those difficulties, and possible responses, none of which are themselves without difficulty. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The purpose of this paper is to analyse Poland's Eastern Dimension (ED) proposal as seen from the marginality theoretical background. The basic argument is that the ED stands out as a discursive battlefield for different representations of Poland and of Europe's margins. In devising its marginality strategy, Poland has learned from Finland about the ability of a state at the edge of the European Union to have an impact on the whole. However, Poland is torn between sovereign and post-sovereign discourses of space and identity; the tensions between them explain why the ED remains vague. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Convention on the Future of Europe was created to draw up a constitution for an enlarged European Union. The Convention contained representatives of member states, acceding states, national parliaments and European Union institutions, as well as the Committee of the Regions. Regional representatives within the Convention and external organizations such as the Conference of Regional Legislative Assemblies in Europe (CALRE) sought to lobby the Convention in pursuit of regional interests which had been part of the regional agenda since Maastricht. This paper examines the various efforts by the regional lobby to influence the Convention and, in particular, the emergence of the `constitutional' regions as a more coherent representative of Europe's third level of government. It argues that regional interests were largely marginalized within the Convention but that regional demands might be reinserted into a new European constitution given regional lobbying of national governments in advance of the 2004 intergovernmental conference in addition to intergovernmental bargaining and negotiations at the intergovernmental conference (ICC) itself. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Sociological analysts of the European public sphere (EPS) are not great believers in the assumption that an EPS will emerge. The argument stems from cumulative empirical evidence stating that contemporary communication structures and practices do not live up to the ideals of the public sphere; not even in their moderate forms. While this line of analysis is useful, it runs the risk of ignoring the fact that the public sphere is not a fixed, but an emergent concept. In order to safeguard this emergent aspect, it is proposed that we should move forward from 'insofar as' questions and start looking for social imaginaries of an EPS in more 'unlikely places'. A plausible object for such scrutiny would be the European Union and its information policies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]