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The ?capabilities-expectations gap? is a well known and ?painful? phenomenon of the ESDP and undermines its inner legitimacy as well as its reliability vis-à-vis external actors. This gap is further exacerbated inter alia through ill-informed debates, for example those surrounding the strategic nature of the European Security Strategy. Yet it also results from the difficulties that the discipline of European Studies has in answering the question of what it is that actually generates European military capabilities. The paper will show that Strategic and Security Studies approaches can offer helpful and persuasive insights if they are combined with the theoretical knowledge and empirical context of European Studies. Therefore the paper merges the core-concepts of ?strategy?, ?security? and ?Europeanization? into an analytical framework. Such an approach offers a different perspective on the politico- military machinery of the EU and its member states. It will be shown that military capabilities are principally a result of a multi-stage, recurrent security strategy-building process, and are created as enablers to implement certain security strategy objectives. Applied to the EU through two empirical examples - Battle Groups and Armaments Cooperation ? it will be shown that EU capabilities depend on the extent of the Europeanization of strategy. This emphasises the existence and deficits of the EU?s agential and structural features that form a coherent strategic approach. In so doing, the paper contributes to a more precise understanding of the comparatively complex mechanisms that create the Union?s capabilities as part of, and depending on, a unique transnational evolution of strategy-building on the one hand, and to the assessment of the status and prospects of the EU?s capability-building as well as a reconstitution of the debate about ESS invoked expectations and capabilities on the other. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The paper utilizes anti-essentialist theories of security so as to position the private military and security industry within the historic evolution of military organization and the emerging strategic complexes of global violence peculiar to the modalities of war-making in the 21st century. For this purpose, it first examines the way a specific system of social and political differentiation historically constituted itself as an effect of changes in the European apprehension of warfare in the 17th and 18th century. The paper then proceeds to compare this modern ideal of territorial, state-centric and rule-based ?security government? to an opposing logic of decentralized and polymorphous ?security governance?, which tends to inform recent articulations of security discourse. The ongoing growth of the private military and security industry is finally explained in terms of precisely this shift in the global application and organization of military power. The de-territorialization of warfare, it is argued, exceeds a set of formative distinctions intrinsic to the historic process wherein the modern state came to realize itself as bearing the sole monopoly of violence. In particular, it thereby threatens the civil-military dichotomy implied by the Westphalian state-system and thus tends to compromise the ?civil? spaces left available for non-military action. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Israel has been weak in developing long-term and holistic grand-strategies. Weaknesses in grand-strategic thinking in Israel are also evidenced by inadequate Israeli policies towards the European Union.Israel looks up to distant America and keeps its political distance from nearby Europe. Israel behaves as if it were an island in the Atlantic Ocean rather than a nation neighboring the enlarged EU. Yet, the EU is Israel's economic, cultural and, in many respects, political hinterland. Israel enjoys special status in the EU, a status that grants Israel extensive rights in many areas such as research and development and economics. Lack of a grand-strategy towards the EU is a serious omission, which can easily carry a high cost for Israel's international standing and security, as well as damage to Israel's scientific-technological, and economic development. This paper tries to help meeting this Israeli need by suggesting some foundations for an Israeli grand-strategy towards the EU. It does so by exploring the main misperceptions in Israel and the EU, analysing deep disagreements and suggesting some principles for an Israeli grand-strategy towards the EU. Hopefully, this paper can also help the EU to develop a high-quality grand-strategy towards Israel, which can advance the values and interests of both sides. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Bourdieu?s social theory has become a new reference point in IR theory. Initially only used in New European Security Theory (NEST), Bourdieus concepts of capital, field and practice is increasingly adopted to think other transnational spaces then the field of security. Bourdieu?s concepts certainly have opened new intellectual space to think of international relations differently ? and critically. The field concept has provided an alternative metaphor to the container of the nation state. Capital has proved to be useful concept to acknowledge that there is more then one face of power ? seven, if you want. The concept of practice in its discursive and non-discursive expressions has finally made it to be a concept of analytical worth in the IR discourse, and Bourdieu might help to return practice to the linguistic turn ? to paraphrase Iver Neumann. Although, most likely Bourdieu will face Habermas? fate ? to be disciplined in the disciplinary canon (which will be proved when we see the first ?Bourdieu inspired? article in International Organizations), this paper engages with a non-disciplinary, direct critique of Bourdieu?s theory in the first place. In discussing the telling critique expressed by Bruno Latour, I will question if Bourdieu?s conceptual tools will be useful in future to think transnational spaces and a ?world society?.The paper will proceed in three steps. First, I will discuss Latour?s critique on Bourdieus use of the economic metaphor, which indicates the importance to find a balance between Bourdieus and Foucaults version of power and authority ? of having power and of being in power. From this perspective it becomes clear that Bourdieus solution for the agency-structure dilemma (the field) is problematic. Next, I will ask in what way the Bourdieuan problem has become an IR problem. In reviewing some of the ?Bourdieu-inspired? analyses of transnational spaces in IR, I will investigate in what way scholars have already fallen in the ?field trap?. As the review will reveal, (most) scholars have acknowledged the problem, and have, innovatively, added a disciplinary shot of Foucault to their studies. However, the risks still prevail and not all of the solutions are convincing. Thus, I will, thirdly, sketch an alternative of studying transnational spaces by relying on what has been called the sociology of translation. In introducing the principles and vocabulary of this school of thought, and discussing some of the parallels to existing ?relational? accounts in IR, I argue that this basic vocabulary not only prevents us from falling in the ?field trap?, but can guide research of a new type. In resisting the disciplinary obligation that every good paper needs at least an empirical case study, I will conclude by a summary of the argument and by sketching elements of an international sociology of translation. In sum, the paper questions a ?new fashion? of the disciplinary sociological turn in adding and translating some non-disciplinary thoughts. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Are security concerns opponents of international cooperation? This paper argues that securitization is not necessarily unwanted from an internationalist perspective. To the contrary, security concerns may figure as catalysts either for self-help or for international cooperation depending on the differential characteristics with which they are being framed. Developing the notion of complex securitization, the paper categorises different ideal-typical security concern framings according to their referent object(s), rivalry, exclusiveness and agency, arguing that although some ideally-typical outlooks generate isolationist discourses others effectively empower internationalist decision-making. In this analytical framework, the current European threat environment is qualified as a modern public bad situation, i.e. a host of non-rival, non-exclusive and non-state sponsored security problems. Scaling complex securitization up to the international system, the paper argues that post-cold war Europe is marked by a convergence of this particular view among continental policymakers. This insecurity community establishes cooperative peace as a reaction to the subjectively assessed nature of the contemporary security concerns, not based on shared values. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper claims that the European approach to security is new and distinct. Its strength lies in capitalizing on international norms, institutions, and law, while converting a variety of global connections into soft power. Multipolarity has challenged would-be hegemons who no longer wield the power to impose their values on potential dissidents and enemies, by the same token creating new opportunities for soft power. Europe seeks to wield moral authority in terms of both means and ends it pursues. In the final analysis, this paper examines to what extent moral authority, as the most critical component of soft power, has become a security tool in a multipolar world. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

While the process of globalization and issues of economic disparity have often divided the world into the camps of North and South, there is very little substance to the conception of a monolithic "North" in terms of political economy and economic foreign policy. The North is itself highly divided amongst a number of sometimes complimentary sometimes contradictory models that do not necessarily reflect the paradigmatic neo-liberal ideology to which globalization is often ascribed. This paper shall focus upon the forces that European states and the European Union generate in the process of globalization. In essence, if there is a European alternative to an American and neo-liberal, how would this model be promoted and exported by Europe to the rest of the world? This research seeks to discover and define the European model of globalization nested within the foreign economic policies of the European states as well as the European Union. How do European foreign policies and programs unilaterally and multilaterally (through the agencies of GATT/WTO, IMF/World Bank, UN, and, of course European Union) seek to shape the direction, content, and scale of globalization? How does this differ from the dominant neo-liberal American model of globalization? Beyond analyzing European efforts through national and international foreign policy institutions, this paper also seeks to comprehend how well Europe has promoted and defended its alternate form of globalism from the onslaught of the neo-liberal, American model. While lacking a single coherent ideology or identity, can such a model hope to counter the oft-reported hegemony of the neo-liberal model? In conclusion, the paper assesses both the advantages and disadvantages to the European form as an alternate model to the rest of the world. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper is an attempt to provide a unified theoretical explanation for the emergence and the spread of nationalism in the post-Revolutionary Europe. By focusing on the political processes that led to the emergence and spread of nationalism, this paper also aims to address a number of serious problems that have bedeviled the study of nationalism. One common problem in the recent work on nationalism is that most scholars, intentionally or unintentionally, treat nationalism as a historical necessity; this tendency, in turn, leads to functionalist and deterministic, even teleological, arguments. I address this problem by introducing variation to the dependant variable, that is, by making the historically informed argument that by the late 18th century and early 19th century nationalism as a political doctrine faced strong competition from alternatives such as socialism, and more importantly for the purpose of this paper, [cosmopolitan] republicanism. Therefore, I suggest that explaining the emergence of nationalism requires providing an explanation why it was nationalism and not its competitors that became the dominant political doctrine in the world politics.A second common problem in the literature on nationalism is that most theories either neglect the role of human agency (so that, in this line of argument, nationalism emerges as a result of larger-than-life macrohistorical forces) or attribute too much agential powers to particular actors such as rulers or the so-called ?elites? (who, in turn, almost single-handedly ?create? nationalism and shape the society according to their liking). In the ?soft? model I develop, which can also be seen as an ?analytical narrative?, I address the question of agency by highlighting the role played by the relevant political actors as well as relationships among them and the society. This paper also addresses a third problem that troubles the study of nationalism, which is the tendency of scholars to see the emergence of nationalism as a process independent from the interstate competition. In contrast with the arguments which maintain that particular nationalisms (say, German nationalism) emerged ?internally?, I argue that nationalism emerged not in a limbo but during a period in time when the European states were engaged in fierce competition with each other. Thus it is essential to incorporate the effects of interstate conflict on the emergence of nationalism into our theories in a systematic fashion. In a nutshell, I suggest that the political doctrine we now know as nationalism was by no means a historical necessity following from the industrial revolution, spread of print capitalism, or modernization at large. Rather, nationalism, at least in the form that is recognizable to us, emerged as a result of the corruption and manipulation of the Republican and cosmopolitan ideals (which animated the French Revolution) by way of the strategies employed by the rulers of the European states. In this reading, to be precise, not only that nationalism was not ?created? from scratch by state-led initiatives, but also the decision to disseminate the ideals of nationalism was forced upon the leaders of the European states ? nationalism, which necessarily entailed the principle of accountability of the rulers to the ?nation? (however it is defined), was not sought by the leaders but constituted a ?lesser evil? for the rulers of Europe who were facing threats to their political survival in the midst of political turmoil. Nationalism was selected, nurtured, and shaped by the rulers of the European states partly because of the ever-present interstate competition and partly because of the opportunities and threats posed to the Westphalian state system by the sudden burst of popular energies resulting from the French Revolution... ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The War on Iraq in March/April 2003 constituted a major conflict in the international relations during the last years. A ?coalition of the willing?, led by the USA, vanquished Iraq in order to enforce UN Resolution 1441 and dismantle the country from assumed weapons of mass destruction (WMD). The conflict over Iraq triggered a deep crisis within Europe. The continent was split into ?Old Europe?, i.e. Germany and France, and ?New Europe?, i.e. the UK, accompanied by Spain, Portugal, Italy and several EU accession countries. Two years later, Iran has come up on the agenda. The country is blamed to build up hidden nuclear plants and to aspire weapons of mass destruction. It is, again, especially the USA that has for a long time been strongly urging to condemn Iran in front of the UN Security Council. The Europeans, by contrast, have tried to persuade Iran to abstain from acquiring WMDs by providing incentives, and accepted an appeal to the Security Council only as a last resort option. Leading European countries in this process are the so-called ?EU3?, i.e. Germany, France and the UK.Obviously, in both crises, there exists a fundamental difference with regards to the behaviour of the Europeans: during the Iraq crisis, Europe was deeply divided. In the Iran crisis, however, there exists a ?European approach? which has the European states have jointly stood up for also vis-à-vis the US. In both crises, moreover, all relevant characteristics are identical: the dominating topic are WMDs; there exists a perceived ?urgency?; both concerned countries are part of the ?axis of evil?; and there has been no support of a potentially peaceful approach by the US during most of the conflict.The obvious puzzle can thus be framed as follows: why is there a difference in the degree of cooperation among European countries in both crises, given the same policy field and comparable conditions?Common explanation are based on domestic structure approaches, point to learning effects or assume neoralist balancing efforts. The paper however argues that none of these explanations not provide a satisfying answer. This is most importantly due to the fact that ? despite a differing public awareness ? both crises nearly coincide and can thus not be clearly separated. The paper proposes an alternative explanation to the puzzle which is based on rational choice and embedded in a regime theoretical framework. The core argument is that, in both conflicts, the Europeans are in a situation that resembles an assurance game. In this game, the highest individual and collective pay-off is earned by mutual cooperation. In both conflicts, this strategy would provide security gains at minimal, i.e. shared costs, be legitimised by the UN and leave bilateral relations untroubled. The trust dilemma entailed in this game however prevents involved players from cooperating, since hierarchies of preferences are mutually unclear. In a consequence, they opt for non-cooperation and reach their goals at individually higher costs. This what the Europeans opted for in the Iraq conflict, when the ? assumed ? security gain was achieved by sacrificing inner-European relations, a developing Common Foreign and Security Policy and the authority of the UN.A classical mechanism to overcome such information asymmetries is a regime. The paper argues that, in the case of Iran, such a regime existed: the ?Critical Dialogue?. In the case of Iraq, it did not. Hence, the hypothesis of the paper is that, since the Europeans had interacted intensively in the realm of the ?dialogue? since the early nineties, they had acquired reliable information on their mutual preferences over Iran. In the case of Iraq, however, the Europeans were unable to judge effectively whether the other in fact had a hidden agenda or not ? and thus opted for defection instead of cooperation... ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

?Corporate Social Responsibility? (CSR), the voluntary and 'beyond compliance' commitment of (multinational) companies for society and the environment, is increasingly discussed in International Relations literature. It is above all understood as a means of business or at least private governance in the 'anarchic' international environment: while on the one hand CSR opens opportunities to tackle the challenges of globalisation and sustainable development alike, it is a concomitant of the relocation of authority from sovereign states to non-state entities (Cutler/Haufler/Porter 1999, Hall/Biersteker 2002, Bernstein/Cashore 2004, Pattberg 2004, Reinicke/Deng 2000 etc.). This view touches important aspects, however, it does not go far enough: Firstly, CSR is not only a business-based form of governance; non-business civil society stakeholders are crucial for stimulating CSR and for making it effective and legitimate. Secondly, CSR is not an exclusively private mode of governance either. It is shaped within institutional contexts designed by (above all industrialised) nation states. Despite the very definition of CSR as a voluntary type of business 'governance' (e.g. European Commission 2001, 2006), public 'government' (Rosenau 1992) may play a role, too. This is the case e.g. when states require internationally operating enterprises to disclose their non-financial (social, environmental) development and performance in annual reports, thus setting indirect incentives for improving corporate sustainability through transparency vis-à-vis consumers. Systematically, 'implicit' and 'explicit', 'stimultated' and 'regulated' CSR may be differentiated, depending on the type of state intervention (Wolff/Barth 2005, Matten/Moon 2004). Using this analytical framework, the paper compares institutional contexts and public policy regimes in the US and the European Union pertaining to Corporate Social Responsibility. We discuss the impacts the US and European regimes on governing corporate behaviour beyond the nation state. In our conclusions we finally relate these insights to the debate on creating an international framework for corporate responsibility. Generally, the paper takes a neo-institutionalist perspective and draws from experience gained within a major EU research project on the effectiveness of CSR (cf. at www.rare-eu.net). ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper argues that, even after the end of the Cold War, (neo-)realist theory continues to highlight important mechanisms of international politics. The strengths and boundaries of neorealist explanations have to be carefully explored not only for explanatory purposes but also to arrive at responsible recommendations for policy. The paper takes recent developments in the European security order as its focus and argues that the development of an autonomous EU military capability for crisis intervention (ESDP) can be conceived as part of a balancing process against preponderant U.S. power. Together EU member states aim at increasing their autonomy from the U.S. and each member state contributes to this process depending on its individual traditions of security and defence policy. Member policies towards creation and design of ESDP thus constitute a form of ?constrained balancing?: they are directed towards the common goal of maximizing autonomy vis-à-vis the United States, yet constrained by the enduring effects of past security policies as they have become embedded in international and domestic institutions. Building on neorealist and historical institutionalist thought the paper develops an analytical framework and uses a structured focused comparison of UK and German policies towards ESDP to explore the framework?s strengths and weaknesses. It concludes by outlining possible future scenarios and briefly discussing important policy implications. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Since November 2002, European integration of Turkey has been accelerated thanks to the commitment of Justice and Development Party (JDP) in joining the EU. In this process, JDP government established its vision on European integration on the discourse of ?dialogue among civilizations? which turned out to be an appealing one for both Turkish public and European politicians who support Turkey?s membership. As it receives more support, the discourse has been modified as ?the alliance of civilizations.? It is promoted as being pragmatically advantageous for both Turkey and EU, and as a good response to the ?clash of civilizations? thesis. This paper will question the ability of this perspective to challenge the ?clash? thesis and to be an appropriate ground for the development of Turkey-EU relations. It will be argued that the dialogue/alliance perspective is problematic for three reasons. First, it reproduces the civilizationist discourse, which is based on Orientalist assumptions. Second, by emphasizing categories like Islamic or Western civilizations, it has the danger of blurring the boundaries exist among the subunits constituting that larger categories. And finally, the dialogue/alliance perspective defines civilization on the basis of religion, obscuring the secular realities and reducing people into a single, religious identity. The paper will argue that the ?dialogue among civilizations? discourse cannot be an appropriate ground for the improvement of Turkey-EU relations since this perspective not only represents Turkey as more Islamic than it actually is, but also weakens the secular claims underlying the European identity. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Roma have recently been referred to as a ?European Minority? reflecting both their nature of a truly transnational minority and their importance for the process of European integration. The paper studies the dynamics between European integration and the situation of the Roma minorities in Bulgaria and Romania by examining how the two have mutually influenced each other. The paper also presents some arguments about the impact of the experience of current candidate states in advanced stage of negotiations (like Bulgaria and Romania) on the future negotiation process for countries in less advanced stages like Turkey and Croatia. Unlike larger minorities in the two countries, the Roma have no kin state and are not politically mobilized. This not only makes them truly ?transnational? minority, but also, makes them largely dependant on the policies of the Southeast European states for both socio-economic development and political representation. The European integration process, which has greatly influenced the development of politics in the region, has thus had a very direct effect on the states policies towards this disadvantaged minority. On the other hand, the Roma minorities in both Bulgaria and Romania have taken advantage of the reduced restrictions on travel in Western Europe and have taken their way of life to the European countries, thus influencing public opinion and the public policy. The dynamics between the European conditionality and the situation of the Roma minority in their home countries have thus been a very complicated and mutually dependent process. It has been reflected in the conditions for entry (the Copenhagen criteria) and in numerous programs and initiatives of the EU aimed at supporting the integration of the Roma domestically. The experience of the accession process of Bulgaria and Romania in this regard will certainly impact the future role attributed to minority protection in accession negotiations of new candidate states. ..PAT.-Conference Proceeding [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The paper critically explores the shortcomings of the European model applied to the North American context, as well as the notion of a "Big Idea" as a basis for deeper integration. The next section assesses possible alternatives on the basis of their political feasibility. Finally, the paper examines the premise that deeper integration in North America is possible, but is unlikely to proceed through a big leap forward. ..PAT.-Conference Proceeding [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The ongoing debates within European studies over the nature of Central and Eastern European accession to the European Union (EU) have generated interest about the legacies of the communist past because of the importance of the role of previous modes of governance on the current politics of the entire continent. How do these legacies interact with the accession process to produce the current outcomes? What is the role of the EU in producing these outcomes? What are the limitations of the EU?s influence on the newly acceded countries? Models of the diffusion of international norms which utilize the EU as an organization platform may provide the beginning of an answer to these questions. This paper argues that in particular the spiral model of norm diffusion is useful at describing the ?transition? of Central and Eastern European countries to liberal democratic states rather than the internalization and consolidation of these norms. The influence of the European Union upon the accession countries is limited because of the two factors which have had an effect upon the accession criteria. The first is the positive enforcement of EU conditionality which is no longer effect in a post-accession environment. The second is the emphasis upon harmonization rather than development within the accession countries. This has limited the depth of the changes within the societies of Central and Eastern Europe. By clarifying the theoretical issues surrounding the accession to the EU, this paper promotes a greater understanding of the current and future politics between ?old? and ?new? Europe. ..PAT.-Conference Proceeding [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The aim of this paper is to apply the concept of security governance to the changing nature of security threats in Europe and to the roles institutions, especially the EU, play as providers of security. Security governance can be seen as a helpful heuristic device to study forms of interaction among state and non-state actors at various levels, and for conceptualising the policy-making and policy implementation of European security in a meaningful way. Through the use of a number of security governance functions (conflict prevention, peace-enforcement, peace-keeping and peace-building), the paper will explore the strength and weaknesses of EU security performance. ..PAT.-Conference Proceeding [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The first paper on the panel, by Michael Smith and Katja Weber, identifies factors that are likely to influence the type of governance structure chosen. It then develops a classification scheme for analyzing different types of policy coordination. Using data from the EU?s long history of relations with a variety of non-member states, the primary goal of the paper is to ascertain whether the EU can promote different forms of cooperation with the wider Europe without being able to extend the promise of EU membership. This scheme, in turn, is examined in more detail by the three other papers on the panel. ..PAT.-Conference Proceeding [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The plight of Europe?s Roma (gypsy) minority has risen high on the international agenda due to the rapid decline of Roma living conditions in Central and Eastern Europe and the integration of states with large Roma populations into the European Union in 2004. This paper examines the response of leading international governmental and non-governmental organizations to the plight of Europe?s Roma minority. We show that major organizations in this field have responded with a range of policies that focus on human rights and socio-economic integration of Roma. International Roma policy also suffers from two tensions that lessen its effectiveness: First, a tension between liberal economic policies that have hurt Roma economically and policies of socio-economic integration; and second, a tension between the articulated policy of Western international actors and actual minority policies in Western member countries. This paper describes international organizations responses and explores these tensions in international Roma policy. ..PAT.-Conference Proceeding [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper focuses on marginal interactions between Europe and its southern periphery: the settings for EU-Mediterranean relations are the Euro-Mediterranean Partnership (EMP or Barcelona Process) and the European Neighbourhood Policy (ENP). In telling the story of Europe's self-assertion vis-a-vis its southern neighbours, possibilities for the margins are uncovered. The paper also explores how the dysfunctional interplay between Europe and its southern margins can be handled. ..PAT.-Conference Proceeding [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Over the last few years there has been much debate about the future geopolitical construction of Europe and the nature of the evolving relationship between Europe and the US. The focus in these debates has largely been on the positions of the major powers, with the voices of smaller and less obviously powerful states in Europe largely sidelined. In this framework small states are often depicted as 'marginal', where marginality is understood in terms of a lack of power and limited subjectivity. Marginality is equated with a position of being either on, near, at or beyond the edge. With power understood as residing at the centres (big states/great powers) of the international system, states in the margins have been viewed as largely uninteresting to disciplines like International Relations.In more recent years there have been attempts to challenge this dominant view. Margins are also sites of action and should not be discounted as easily as they usually are. Similarly, adopting a discursive approach demonstrates how 'margins' can possess power by trying to frame the nature of borders between centres and therefore also the character of their salient environment. This paper adopts a slightly different perspective. Focusing on the small states of the East Baltic (Estonia, Finland and Latvia) the paper starts from the premise that marginality is not only about one's 'position' in relation to different power centres, but is also about 'identity'. In this context, the paper seeks to show how conceptions of marginality have become embedded since the nineteenth century as a central aspect of the identities of these states. Developing the concept of 'mindscapes of marginality' we demonstrate how differing narratives of marginality have come to play important roles in national identity construction and foreign policy orientation in each of these states. This requires showing how marginality has been linked to various other concepts like the North/Nordic, Baltic, East, West, Europe, 'Europe between', neutrality, frontier, border and pioneer spirit.Beyond this, however, we argue that whether marginality has been viewed positively or negatively, what marginality is understood to relate to is changing. Historically marginality predominantly has been perceived in either cultural terms (in terms of easternness or northernnerness and especially during the nineteenth century) or in geopolitical terms. In this respect, for the small states of the East Baltic marginality has been about their relationship to and between the power centres of the European balance of power. Russia has been particularly salient in this respect, but Germany and 'the West' have also played important roles. Today, however, marginality appears to be in the process of being detached from conceptions of geopolitics and culture, and in these countries at least, is increasingly narrated in terms of globalisation. This shift in the relationship to 'marginality' in their national identity narratives is arguably framing their approaches to foreign policy in ways radically different to previous foreign policy orientations. Moreover, this frame also contrasts markedly with the 'return to geopolitics' evident in the discourses of the great powers concerning the future construction of Europe. ..PAT.-Conference Proceeding [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The paper seeks to show the extent to which regional architectural membership changed as a function of the end of the Cold War and as resistance to American hegemony increased across regions outside of Europe. The paper builds on two previous efforts to map IGO architectural arrangements prior to the end of the Cold War era. ..PAT.-Conference Proceeding [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The paper examines the everyday experience of young IR researchers in four countries of Europe and their position and role in the academic and research communities of their respective countries. The analysis is focused on the day-to-day logistics of their career and activities as well as on the male and female specificities. Besides looking at the processes and events, the input and output will be studied, too: the motivation, knowledge base and formative elements as well as the young IR researchers? production and the ?fate? of the outputs. The everyday is seen as both an enabling and constraining condition for the researchers? work and the developments of the IR field in the given countries. The paper is a part of a larger research project focussed on the status and development of IR discipline in Europe, relying mostly on direct interviews, day snapshots, researcher records and documentary analysis. ..PAT.-Conference Proceeding [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Informal directorates have played a crucial role in advancing ESDP. This paper will explore this phenomenon further, asking: what are the costs and benefits of informal directorates? Can they contribute to building an ESDP that is more effective yet still legitimate? The concepts of minilateralism and state socialisation provide the framework for my analysis of informal small-group decision-making within the larger context of European foreign policy and emerging structures of security governance in Europe. The initiation and establishment of the so-called EU Battle Groups will serve as the case study. ESDP is now moving beyond its initiation phase and the important differences between informal and formal decision-making procedures are becoming ever more apparent, especially since the 2004 enlargement. This paper will offer valuable insights into the conditions under which ESDP may flourish as a substantial EU policy. ..PAT.-Conference Proceeding [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The number and importance of historical sociological approaches to international relations has grown dramatically over the last decade or so. With few exceptions, however, the approaches are rationalist and materialist. This paper seeks to launch ? as a complement ? a constructivist and ideational historical sociological approach to IR. Drawing on recent work in historical sociology of knowledge, the paper argues that IR knowledge must be understood as historically and culturally situated. More specifically, in the paper I argue that the development of the concept of ?the West? and the crystallization of an understanding of Europe as something not identical to Catholic Christendom are conditions of possibility for the particular IR knowledge that we have. In other words, it is the particular conceptual distinctions that have been made between ?the West? and the rest ? both spatially and temporally, as in ?European? politics before Europe ? that allows and authorize contemporary IR knowledge. This argument, though not generally accepted, is not novel; the reason I examine and develop it in my paper is that it allows me to develop a particular theoretical and methodological approach to IR knowledge ? a relational historical sociology of concept formation. ..PAT.-Conference Proceeding [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The paper focuses on the concept of governance, and explores its utility in understanding features of EU foreign policy. It does this through a critique of intergovernmentalist and constructivist approaches to EU foreign policy. The paper provides an account of the rise of governance in recent years, explaining its popularity through the scepticism the concept expresses about the efficacy of state-based political action. The paper argues that both the intergovernmentalist and constructivist approaches miss important transformations in the state, the nation and the formation of national interest in the contemporary EU. The paper goes on to consider the implications of governance for foreign policy, focusing in particular on EU foreign policy in Serbia and Montenegro, and the explanations provided by existing approaches. ..PAT.-Conference Proceeding [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

When the Cold War ended Europe was faced with a variety of challenges and sources of instability on its immediate eastern borders. Especially with the break up of Yugoslavia and the following bloody wars, it saw concretely what the impact of potential instability can be on the 'security regime' it had carefully created during the Cold War. Thus it successfully and rapidly started the process of including the countries on its eastern border in this security regime and its common framework of conflict resolution. When doing that it had inevitably excluded its Mediterranean partners, its neighbours on the south. Even the Euro-Mediterranean Partnership established by the Barcelona Declaration and the efforts to intensify co-operation with the countries on the southern flank had not really helped these countries to turn into stable democracies unlike the Central and Eastern European countries. Thus after a reflection upon the almost 10 years of Barcelona Declaration experience, the EU launched the European Neighborhood Policy in 2004 with the main aim of making up for the incomplete goals that the Barcelona Declaration had decided to fulfill. This paper looks at the potential of the European Neighbourhood policy in finding solutions to the sources of instability existing in the neighbors of the EU; both in the Mediterranean and the Middle East region but also in the northern regions as well. It attempts to answer the following questions: What are the most urgent sources of security threats in the neighborhood regions? How will the European Neighborhood Policy help to find solutions for them? In what ways is it different from the Mediterranean Partnership initiative established by the Barcelona Declaration? What can be the most important deficiencies of this policy? Is an associate membership status likely to influence the reform process in these countries more than being involved in a partnership initiative with the EU? In this paper I hope to shed some light on the efforts of the EU to stabilise the regions surrounding it and analyse the success of its strategies in protecting its security regime by looking at the European Neigborhood Policy in particular. ..PAT.-Conference Proceeding [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper scrutinizes EU external governance in Mediterranean countries as a novel form of association. Starting from the institutional set up of the ENP, it scrutinises how far ENP cooperation with the Mediterranean departs from earlier cooperation under the Barcelona process and constitutes a deeper level of association. In order to analyse this, the paper takes a comparative perspective and analyses how far the institutional set up and the substance of cooperation with two Mediterranean countries, Morocco and Tunisia, is comparable to that with the Eastern neighbours under the ENP (esp. Ukraine and Moldova), or even the model of the European Economic Area which has officially inspired the ENP. Shifting from an institutional comparison of these different forms of association at the macro level to their micro-foundations within individual policy areas, it analyses the emergence and functioning of external governance in the following policy areas: justice and home affairs, energy, environment, transport, and research and development. The comparative framework shall allow to investigate not only the dynamics behind EU-neighbourhood relations, but also to look more closely at the tension between European influence as "normative power" and interest-led foreign policy. ..PAT.-Conference Proceeding [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The paper contributes to the debate about how best to theorise about European foreign policy. It aims at analysing the extent to which the EU?s international stance is the outcome of institutional reflexivity in the EU. Reflexivity, in the sense introduced by Giddens, suggests the capacity to critically re-analyse social activity in the light of new knowledge. The paper will thus examine to what extent is the EU defining the principles on which it bases its foreign policy in such a critical manner. It will be argued that while there are elements of the EU?s international relations that point in that direction, there is also a substantial part of it which derives from unreflexive behaviour. The paper will then link unreflexivity to the broader debates in International Relations about institutionalism and will show that sociological institutionalism is thus particularly well placed to explain this type of behaviour. Examples from the Euro-Mediterranean Partnership will be brought in to demonstrate how unreflexive behaviour occurs. ..PAT.-Conference Proceeding [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The aim of the paper is to contribute to the litterature on foreign policy analysis in an EU context. The paper first reviews the litterature on this subject. It then presents findings from a study of Danish foreign policy which represent a new angle on the analysis of foreign policy in an EU context. On this background a new analytical framework for analysing foreign policy in an EU context is developed. The framework is based on the national articulations of actorness and the strength of the EU framework in specific policy areas. ..PAT.-Conference Proceeding [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper seeks to argue that under modern international conditions it would be counterproductive for any European country to assume that it would be feasible or possible to balance against US hegemony. Such an effort would not serve the interests of those who might be so tempted: moreover it would entail the risk of reproducing the same hazardous conditions for the international system that led to the break down of peace between 1890 and 1914. However, even though this implies continued US dominance in a unipolar political system, there are other areas where the USA is not so preponderant and it in these that the greatest challenge lies for the United States in the future in its relations with Europe. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper provides a perspective from international and European law. It discusses the validity and prospective role of international law based on the experience with state behavior during the Iraq crisis. To that end, it highlights the role of supranational and international legal norms and critically scrutinizes the legitimacy of the political decisions taken by the UK, Spain and Poland in the light of European and international law. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Europe, a bloody continent, the land of wars, famine and slaughter was reborn as a new and prosperous continent, as a major actor in the world scene after 1945. Today it is getting ready to reunite under the umbrella of the European Union and get ever closer. The Cold war generated an unparalleled economic growth and prosperity in Europe, where great power conflict moved Western Europe towards market capitalism and liberal democracy. In the aftermath of the World War II, the reconstruction of the European continent dominated European politics. In the late 1940s and early 1950s American policy makers acknowledged that only a united and prosperous Western Europe would be able to create a concerted front against the Soviet Union. This paper therefore analyzes the European integration in American foreign policy planning. More specifically it asks the following questions: What were the motivations of the US policy planners? What are the plausible explanations for American support for European integration? The answers to these questions are significant in several respects but more importantly they provide evidence for the nature and future of transatlantic relations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper revisits the view that trade fosters peaceful relations among nations. Based upon a new data set covering the years 1900 to 1944, I first show that the track record of trade volumes in the four major European powers and the U.S. is decidedly mi ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines the endogenous strategic considerations in simultaneously creating, enlarging, and deepening an international union of countries. What explains for example the heightened legislative activity within the EU in the periods leading up to ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Europe Union: More Members! More Tasks! Less Efficiency?Including the Single European Act and the Lisbon Treaty, the EU has undertaken five treaty changes since 1987. In the same time it has more than doubled its membership. In this paper I will answ ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Why do states attempt to create an additional institution when they are already members of an existing institution that performs similar functions and relies on similar resources as the proposed institution? And why do we observe variation in institutional overlap? I address these questions through an examination of European efforts to create a security institution independent of NATO. The puzzle addresses the creation of multiple centers of authority and possibly power on the international level? also called heterarchy - in the form of diverse cooperative arrangements that overlap. As such, the paper feeds into several strings of IR literature: institution/alliance-building and maintenance, as well as autonomous decision-making. The units of analysis are France, Germany and the UK and the empirical cases include the European Political Cooperation, Common Foreign and Security Policy and European Security and Defense Policy. My own explanatory pathway combines International Relations and Comparative Politics literature. The main independent variable is the degree of ideological affinity between political parties on the international level. I intend to show that they account for different international outcomes over time. I argue that the existence and form of institutional overlap depends on the constellation of party ideologies on the international level. If one observes ideological similarities on the international level, new institutions will be developed - assuming these ideologies are consistent with the creation of a new institution. If, however, one observes ideological diversity, then institution building will be inhibited - regardless of the content of the ideologies. New external events/shocks can drive new thinking about institution to be created, but the relative success in creating such an institution depends on the extent to which ideologies in favor of building a new security institution are shared. This hypothesis is contrasted to two sets of hypotheses derived from major schools of thought: realism and neoliberal institutionalism. Through theory testing, I draw insights from elements of these alternative theories with the most explanatory power. I do not treat these explanations necessarily as mutually exclusive, but instead, I expect them to partially complement each other. This argument will be tested with the creation of an index based on the Comparative Manifesto Project dataset. While the Comparative Manifesto Project dataset was used at times to support arguments that party ideologies matter, neither that argument nor this method has found broader application in European Union studies or International Relations. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper will discuss contending logics of appropriate political behavior operating in Renaissance Europe. Specifically, it will look at the supposed operating logic of Christendom ("raison de dieu" as I term it) and the powerful contending logic of dynastic familism ("raison de famille" in my terms). These logics operated at different strengths illustrated by an analysis of two ideal cases: 1) the politics of the Council of Constance in 1414-1418, and 2) the politics of the Treaty of London and England's effort to bring peace to all of Europe in 1518-1520. The exercise will show how powerful dynastic logics were, how weak the logic of Christian brotherhood was, and offer a new account of IR in early modern Europe. Further, the notion of logics of appropriateness or behavioral logics will be used to discuss the merging of constructivist methods with the English School approach to IR, something often called for but less often implemented. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper concerns the period prior to the expansion of European international society into Northern Africa. It utilizes a methodological approach that concerns the role of law in characterizing the nature of society and its development. This is an analysis that explores the role law plays in our understanding of historical processes in the development of Islamic Law, and in this instance, in Northern Africa. We approach a focus on law as an indication of complex changes occurring in the societies and states of North Africa during the early modern era. In the focus on the development and evolution of law, this study will explore the agents and institutions and potential links and influences with the wider Islamic world and the distinctive forms of international order that results. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper argues for a new approach to studying Europe’s external relations. It has become analytically indefensible to study Europe either as a model or an actor in isolation from the other, for two simple reasons. First, the EU’s ‘presence’ â€" that is, the perceptions others have of it as well as the effects it has on others â€" is now increasingly determined by the Union’s ‘actorness’: its ability to act as a coherent, autonomous and endowed agent in international politics (with a legal personality, diplomatic corps, and so on), and vice versa. Second, the new security environment enhances both the EU’s attraction as a model and the importance of both its policy role (actual or potential) over border security, migration, counterterrorism, energy dependency, trans-border crime, and its template for other regions seeking to reconcile economic free movement and human rights protection with adequate security controls. In short, a holistic inquest into the consequences of Europe assesses its impact on international politics both because of what it is â€" a model for other regions of the world â€" as well as what it does. Because it is doing more than ever in foreign policy (broadly defined), it is no longer safe to conclude that the EU influences international politics more because it attracts than because it interacts with other regions. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The paper support the usefulness of organizing hands on activities to involve students in “real” EU life and thus better engage them in studying it. It will revise different possibilities (simulations, field trips, students conferences etc) and by referring to concrete cases of activities organized by the University of Rome Tor Vergata it will discuss pros and cons and all the difficulties and benefits for each kind of event. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The European Union has increasingly defined itself in terms of how it differs from the United States, not least in its approach to foreign policy. Recent discussions and pronouncements regarding Europe’s preference for ‘soft power’ offer good examples of this tendency. However, as the EU strives to develop its capabilities and increase its stature as an international actor, one can discern parallels between the EU’s perception of its place and role in the world and that of the US in the early 20th Century. This paper explores these parallels. In the process, it compares and contrasts the development of ‘national’ myths, their respective visions of themselves and their place in the world, and the impact of these upon the shaping of their foreign policies. In both cases, each presumes the desirability of exporting their model to third countries or regions in an effort to replicate its own system. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The 1992 Maastricht Agreement gave hope to some of the more optimistic EU scholars, policy makers, and other observers that a new era of foreign, security, and defense policy integration among EU member states was near. After some fifteen years since the signing of the Maastricht Agreement it is appropriate to take stock of the extent to which European states have been able to forge an "ever closer union" in foreign, security, and defense policy.Integration in these areas has neither achieved what the most optimistic EU observers had anticipated nor has it failed as miserably as the most pessimistic had predicted. The results are rather mixed. Variation among EU member states regarding the level of support for closer integration in foreign, security, and defense policy persists, and as the prelude to the Iraq War in 2003 demonstrated, EU member states are not immune to a complete breakdown in their foreign and security policy objectives.Such shifts from periods of greater foreign, security, and defense policy coordination to more fractious periods is part of a broader research question in international relations. States go through periods of intense coordination in the realms of foreign and security policy only to see complete disintegration and breakdown at other points. What explains this variation? This paper looks at the nature of foreign, security, and defense policy coordination and breakdown between states and at these dynamics among EU member states in particular. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Since the end of the Cold war, the Atlantic order seems to be in a fundamental transition with an unclear destination. Especially 9/11 and the Iraq war crisis discovered one of the major challenges the United States are confronted with at the beginning of the 21st century: Europe. The process of European integration not only transformed internal European affairs between sovereign states, but also created a common European foreign policy. Most notably in this context is neorealism which argues, that the ESDP is an attempt to limit US-power in Europe and to balance American hegemony globally in the long run. Following this assumption, the dominant position of the United States in Europe will be at risk. But how will the U.S. respond to this challenge? From a neo-realistic point of view, the United States are expected to develop “anti-balancing” measures to remain the central power within the Western order maintaining the unipolar moment. But is anti-balancing inevitable? What about alternative responses? I will argue that the possibilities of the United States to respond the European challenge are discursively enabled and simultaneously constrained by dominant narratives about the meaning and consequences of the ESDP (what is the ESDP, what desires it in the future, how should the U.S. react). I assume, that these narratives fundamentally differ within the expert discourse on US-foreign policy and consequently a “spectrum of possibilities” emerges. The ambition of this paper is to illustrate the contingency of foreign policy by identifying different narratives and the “spectrum of possibilities” about how to respond the European challenge. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Islam has been a cultural and political force in Europe since the 1980s. Each Muslim nation has set up religious organizations with distinct characteristics in the migrant receiving countries. The diversity in the structure and strategy of such organizations stems from the socio-cultural positions and political relations of their country of origin with the host state. Moreover, ethnic and racial qualities as well as the religious-based political conflicts in the homeland are also influential on the success of Islamic associations in Europe. Some scholars like Carolyn M.Warner and Manfred W.Wenner consider the political organization of Muslims in Europe as ineffective and disorganized because of the decentralized nature of Islam in the first place. Based on this assumption, they claim that Islamic groups are not able to impose their goals on European and domestic policy, nor will they ever influence the policy of the host state in accordance with their self interests (Warner and Wenner 2006). I argue that the fact that Muslim communities are diversified with a variety of concerns and beliefs does not prove that they lack political impact as certain events like the veil affair in France made the state question and redefine laїcité, which has been the main principle of the French Republic (Kastaryano, 2004: 5). Further, they have the power to de/reconstruct the public opinion about Islam at most times through activities that are neither radical nor hostile to Western norms. Islamic organizations also unite in their reactions to counter forces as long as they have common interests despite their fragmented collectivity due to the diversity of nations and sects. Muslims in Europe gain political legitimacy both by benefiting from multicultural democracies and fruitful transnational ties. This paper will mainly focus on the transnational attachments of the Muslim groups and the universal values that they profit from in their search of social justice. Democracy, human rights, equality as humanitarian principles favored among Western societies can no longer be affixed specifically to European countries (Soysal 2002: 274). In other words, Islamic minorities in Europe take the advantage of these ideals when they demand social rights or erase the negative image of Muslim communities residing in European counties. Among such organizations Turkish Islamic associations deserve special attention because of their regular activities and struggles to build and maintain strong transnational connections with national/international organizations and institutions with similar interests. It is highly remarkable that Turkish Islamic groups operate mainly in the major European cities and their activities appear as urban movements that re/shape the public opinion and state policy in the host countries. In this respect, this civic action will be analyzed as an urban movement. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

GIVING THE DATA OF THE RESULTS OF THE INTERNATIONAL SUMMERS SCHOOL SIPAN THE PAPER WILL GIVE THE SURVAY OF THE IDEAS AND OPTIONS WHICH ARE STEMMING FROM THE EXPERIMENT. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

From 1815 through till 1939, defensive minded European great powers sought to preserve a political equilibrium in the European state system. From 1946 until 1991 the United States, also a defensive minded great power, sought to actively weaken and ultimately collapse its rival, the Soviet Union, and bring about a transformation in the distribution of power in the international system. The European experience is replete with shifting alliances, flexible non-ideological statecraft, and self-limiting behavior whereas the Cold War is characterized by its rigidity, ideological dimension, and zero sum result. European great powers and the United States both balanced against threats but they did so in radically different ways, so much so that one cannot fairly say that they were even engaged in the same endeavor. In essence, one set of states were generally defensive status quo powers, the other state was generally a defensive revisionist, if not a revolutionary, power. This paper asks why the United States behaved differently. The argument is that American strategic discourse is defined by an opposition to realpolitik and the balance of power that leads it away from equilibrium and towards a purpose driven foreign policy that seeks transformation of the international system. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

For several centuries, behavior on the international plane, whether as a private person or a State representative, has been defined by a rather narrow set of mainly occidental norms. In recent decades, this traditional code has shifted into an unknown direction due to globalization. Since globalization calls no longer for particularly occidental, imperial or modern norms but merely for human ones, international law is urged to reflect on its normative past located outside Europe. A subsequent challenge lies in selecting those ancestral norms that could coexist with what we regard nowadays as irreversible normative achievements of humanity (such as the presumption of innocence.) - The paper reviews in a first section international norms as occurring in the ancient Near East in the last two millennia B.C. and labels them as either sufficiently basic, surprisingly advanced or shockingly primitive. The same operation is then carried out for modern international law on the basis of a slightly altered classification (surprisingly basic, reasonably advanced or unnecessarily complicated.) The third section asks how those provisions that have passed the test of the previous sections can be integrated into a coherent legal system, always accounting for the factual, technological and ideological differences between the past and the current world. Issues covered include aspects of procedural law (such as contracts, force majeure, ne bis in idem, compensation and punishment) as well as questions more genuine to international relations such as treaties, State sovereignty, self-help, diplomatic immunity and the treatment of aliens. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Edmund Burke is an important classical thinker on international relations, with a coherent conservative position on the bases of international order in Europe in the eighteenth century. This paper will analyse Burke's views on intervention in a series of cases in the French Revolutionary period. It will demonstrate how his conception of the Commonwealth of Europe, and its social and cultural underpinnings, informed his theory of when and how fellow Europeans should intervene in cases of revolution and civil war. In particular, it examines Burke's concepts of vicinity and neighbourhood, drawn from Roman law principles, and illustrates how they bestow rights on the members of the Commonwealth. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Discourse analysis (DA) is widely used in foreign policy research in order to examine interactions between actors and structures (Weldes, 1996, 1999; Doty, 1996; Larsen 1997; 1999; 2004; Fierke 1998; Campbell 1998; Hansen 2006). However, no DA study has yet been conducted on foreign policy that applies a discourse analytical method that focuses not only on the social, historical and political influence on discourse but also on the features of language (Whetherell 1998). In this paper I argue for using a particular form of discourse analysis informed by conversation analysis and post-structualist discourse analysis which examines closely the social practices behind foreign policy. I reveal that the exploration of these social practices and thus the identification of the discursive strategies available to practitioners formulating foreign policy offer us a better understanding of identity formation. To demonstrate this analytical method and its added value, I will use the European Union’s current foreign policy vis-à-vis its Eastern neighbours as a case study. I will show how European Commission, Council officials and parliamentarians (co)(de)construct this policy area during research interviews as well as policy unit debates. I will also demonstrate how the four identified discursive strategies work to fragment a common European identity. These discursive strategies are: EU foreign policy vis-à-vis its Eastern neighbours constructed as a vocation for Europe (i); as defining the borders of Europe (ii); as classifying ‘Europeaness’ (iii); and the competing discursive strategy which focuses on the energy resources and supplies available through those neighbouring states (iv). ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Changes in the global distribution of power since the end of the Cold War and more significantly since September 11, 2001 have dynamically reshaped the way states, a viable community of non-state actors, and diverse segments of the global public use complex information channels that bridge their communications. Recent scholarship on public diplomacy sheds light on the unprecedented participatory power of non-state actors and publics in international politics, raising new questions regarding the who qualifies as a ‘diplomat’ and what constitutes the ‘public’. Non-state actors have exhibited the ability to steer agendas, communicate on a worldwide scale, and draw segments of societies to their causes. Both nations and firms are employing image projection and reputation management techniques from the private sector to transform themselves into ‘brands’. The changes are prompting new conceptions of diplomatic relations, underscored by foreign policy discourses within Europe, the Middle East and the United States. As methods of public diplomacy draw away from the state-centric tradition, this paper focuses on a new breed of agents who are challenging pre-existing notions of diplomatic action. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]