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This paper explores Western European hegemony and power. The focus, however, is not European hegemony over other parts of the world but over non-European immigrants INSIDE of contemporary Europe itself. The paper is a case study of recent Danish legal, educational, and political attempts to better the integration of particularly Muslim immigrants in Denmark. My focus is on how Europe is constructed through these discourses on Muslim immigrants - and how the immigrants in turn are often constructed as alien to European values and norms. By denaturalizing the concepts which these discursive representations rely on (the citizen, the European, the immigrant, etc.), I tease out the silencing or forgetfulness of these representations (for example that Europe is complicit in creating a world of inequality). And based on a close textual reading of the law, the political initiatives, the mandatory civic courses for immigrants, etc., I argue that non-European immigrants in Denmark are kept in a state of eternal Diaspora inside of Europe - despite an official rhetoric of integration. The ambition is to unpack and politicize the Euro-centrism which informs discourses on Europe and which naturalizes the idea of Europe as a moral, acting subject under extreme pressure from Muslim immigrants. Finally, I discuss the theoretical implications of my study which transgresses the national (Danish) and speaks to the construction of regional or international identities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

A number of international institutions such as the Council of Europe, the IMF, the EU, the OECD and the World Bank, have recently developed strategies and mechanisms to deal with corruption in states. This paper investigates how such institutions cooperate and sometimes compete in promoting their anti-corruption policies in East and Central Europe. It argues that the anti-corruption issue is somewhat unique because, none of the institutions that deal with it were specifically designed for this task. The paper discusses how international institutions have found ways to cooperate by carving out somewhat separate tasks, based on their perceived comparative advantage. By doing so, a hierarchy has emerged and some of the global institutions have allowed the EU and Council of Europe to lead their common efforts. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The international role that could be played by such a controversial polity as the EU has been hotly debated. From now, the debate has been mainly articulated between three main roles, which are, the Civilian power , Military power and normative power . To handle such a critical issue, this paper will draw on Ole Waever’s work on security, and from this perspective study the EU’s international identity through the link between security, integration and identity. Instead of having different kind of roles, Waevers proposes a distinction between three levels where the EU plays three different roles as a security actor. Based on the constructivist claim, that identity and action are inextricably related, and an approach to the construction of identity that is one which stresses the role of narrative structures within the process, this paper will try to identify a ‘constitutive story’ told for ‘Europe’ about EU’s international identity. In this framework, the first part will establish that EU’s identity is recognized by others, and identified as an actor by acting. It gains identity from without. Thus, the two next sections will focus on EU foreign policy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Constructivism in IR, moderate and radical versions alike, suffers from a superficial understanding of language: Looking only at argumentation and content (what is being said), it overlooks that reality is also being constructed below the surface of texts: it does make a difference, how I say something. Style matters! The proposed paper will point to the crucial role metaphors play in this regard: Metaphors create reality by projecting everyday life-worlds onto international relations. They make sense of and give meaning to strange material phenomena such as the fall of the Berlin wall or the WTC-towers. My paper will come up with a method of analysing metaphors that builds on two strands of literature: post-structuralist theories of discourse on the one hand and sociology of knowledge on the other. In order to illustrate how the method works on the empirical ground, it will be applied to the discourse on EU-enlargement, showing that and how enlargement-metaphors construct European identity. Against this background the paper will finally reflect upon linguistic mechanisms of identity construction more generally. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Scholars of world politics increasingly recognize the Eurocentric nature of theorizing in International Relations (IR). Yet they continue to lament the impossibility of any "inter-civilizational dialogue" taking place, not to mention the transformative impact it could have. Obstacles range from issues of language to translation to terms of debate to the unequal power relations that frame these exchanges. This paper argues that "inter-civilizational dialogue" occurs daily, intimately, substantively, and self-consciously. Fashion offers one such site. A sure sign of "modernization" for non-Western peoples, for example, is to change from "traditional" to "European" dress. Similarly, postcolonial revolution compels the reverse, as Gandhi and Nehru "disrobed" from Europe when they decided to fight for India's independence. Indeed, any area key to human relations (e.g., eating, speaking, singing, courting, and so on) demonstrates easily what scholars who fixate on "discourse" seem to have such a hard time grappling with: that is, the fluidity of border crossings from one civilizational domain to the next, and back again. Specifically, this paper will examine Karl Lagerfeld's 2009 fashion exhibit in China accompanied by his short film, "Paris-Shanghai: A Fantasy.". [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper argues for the benefits of bridging the debate between rationalism and constructivism to European foreign policy analysis. It is suggested that European Foreign Policy is driven by two interdependent forces, which are defined as security and normative considerations. Security policy is, in this paper, regarded as predominantly driven by intergovernmental and rationalist processes whilst norms are the focus of a communitarian and constructivist approach to European Foreign Policy. The predominance of these two processes is however constantly in a flux, depending on the foreign policy issue at hand and the behaviour of the actors involved. Many regard rationalist and constructivism approaches to foreign policy analysis as opposites. This paper seeks to argue otherwise.The EU is here seen as both an arena and an actor. Foreign policy makers are perceived to be acting along a continuum, moving from the logic of consequentialism to the logics of arguing and appropriateness, as they are been socialised into the foreign policy processes. It is however argued that this movement can in some cases be reversed in which actors move back to favouring a rationalist logic of consequentialism depending on the foreign policy interest at play. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper aims to present a heuristically useful model to analyse the European political cooperation. It is observed that the convergence between the theoretical fields of European Studies and International Relations since the 1990's enabled a greater understanding of political integration not only in Europe. This progressive theoretical convergence in both fields allows the ontological generalization of premises to the development of an analytical model for the study of political integration. In this sense, by outlining a heuristically model to analyse the European political cooperation, this paper offers the first step to observe similarities and differences between political integration processes beyond Europe. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Based on a questionnaire that was administered to 75 defence policy actors in France, Germany, the UK and in Brussels, this paper explores the beliefs system of European defence actors with a view to identifying the main points of convergence and the main fault lines that structure the European security and defence policy (ESDP). This paper's focus on social representations addresses two research questions. First, what do ESDP actors think about ESDP? Second, can we classify their preferences in terms of sociological factors that structure the ESDP domain? ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

With the advancement of the eastern enlargement of the EU in the early 2000s, some experts and advocates of the European social model began labeling enlargement as the “Trojan horse” against Europeanization, for the Americanization of Europe. According to them the idea of the European social model would be seriously challenged after enlargement because the candidate countries from the formerly communist region had developed more liberal regimes in the course of their post-communist transformation, and were practicing a rather different brand of social partnership. Based on such concerns, the EU decided to include special requirements and recommendations for the strengthening of the forms of negotiations among the social partners in candidate countries. This paper reveals four major venues for change of the existing tripartite institutions in accession countries: (1) emphasis on a new philosophy of social dialogue as social governance rather than a more narrow “social peace” and interest intermediation mechanism; (2) broadening the scope of participants in social dialogue, development of social dialogue beyond the existing tripartite structures, as a broader civic engagement; (3) development of autonomous and multi-level social dialogue among the organizations of employees and employers, without the participation of the state, and especially in regard to the lower sectoral and regional levels; and (4) development of the capacity of the social partners to participate in social dialogue at the European level. The concluding section of the paper critically evaluates the development of social dialogue in the new EU member states, and addresses the issue about the extent to which their “revised” structures of social dialogue are able to contribute towards the sustainability of the European social model in an era of increased neo-liberal pressures. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper's aims are twofold: First, to chart - using current studies, ethnic minority surveys and scenario-based population projections (which are ongoing) - the ethno-religious makeup of western Europe in 2025 with particular attention to Muslim populations. Second, to sketch out the implications of these changes for international politics. Constructivist approaches in IR stress the importance of intra-state identity conflicts in determining foreign policy outcomes. The paper moves on to consider scenarios for European foreign policy based on survey-data derived assumptions about non-European immigration, immigrant integration patterns, ethnic minority residential segregation, immigrant voting and dominant party coalition behaviour within states. While the most likely outcome of demographic developments is a polarisation between 'native' ethnic groups, with their secular outlook, and 'immigrant' minorities (especially if Muslim) who are more religious, other outcomes are possible. For instance, one cannot rule out the emergence of a trans-ethnic cleavage uniting moral traditionalists of all faiths against the secular mainstream - a development which characterized American society in the post-1968 period. These domestic scenarios would in turn point toward divergent foreign policy identities - especially with respect to the Muslim world and the general 'war on terror'. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper is intended to set the framework for the entire panel by tracing in broad strokes the place of Asian studies in the field of (post)communist studies and in comparative politics writ large. During the first two decades after World War II studies of China and Japan were commonly carried out within the unifying theoretical framework of modernization theory. The decline of modernization theory in the 1970s, however, led to a more attenuated relationship between specialists of Asian countries and the broader field of comparative politics. In the post-Cold War era, in spite of the common challenges faced by reformers in (post)communist Asia and Europe, there have been even fewer lines of intellectual communication and integration across Asian studies, the study of postcommunist Europe, and the field of comparative politics writ large. A handful of noteworthy exceptions notwithstanding, students analyzing transitions in postcommunist Europe have not taken advantage of the rich empirical analysis coming out of scholarship on Asian countries embarking on reform. Similarly, Asian studies remains comparatively insular, ignoring potentially insightful analyses coming out of transitional settings that emerged out of the former Soviet bloc. This paper argues that a broader, more refined field of comparative (post)communism needs to do a better job of comparing the experiences of Asian and East European reforms, and that this will also help reinvigorate the lines of communication between both fields and comparative politics writ large. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines the on-going constitution and enactment of the ethos of the European Union as expressed in its foreign relations, through a reading of the collected speeches made by the High Representative of the EU's CFSP, Javier Solana. I argue that in the articulation and enactment of the subject of Europe, Solana is pushing at the limits of the traditional mode of differentiation of the nation-state, trying to balance a logic of identity necessary for the production of any sovereign subject with one of difference, desiring to imagine a more inclusive form of political community. In doing so, as I show in this paper, a set of contradictions emerge that can be seen as structural by-products of the ethos that is being enacted.The emerging ethos of the EU, as expressed by Solana, inevitably opens to a set of impossible relationships, which in turn make this ethos highly unstable and always at risk of violently folding back upon itself. As a community-building project, the logic of identity can never be completely renounced and a logic of difference can never be fully embraced. Solana's discourse of Europe could be seen as exemplary of a struggle that many Europeans face in the desire for building a new type of political community, one characterized by being more inclusive, that, I argue, nevertheless ends up having to affirm an exclusionary logic of identity. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper critically assesses the concept “‘civilian’/’normative’ power” and intends to clarify what it entails from the perspective of the South Caucasus. This research aims to fill in the gap in the existing literature on the EU as a “‘civilian’/’normative’ power”, which a) provides a self-centered narrative and/or b) justifies that the EU is a normative power by referring to its functions. The paper argues that the narrative and the functions of the EU hardly help to evaluate the EU’s ‘civilianness’/‘normativity’. In the meantime, only by doing this can the difference between the EU and the US supposedly as a “‘non-civilian’ and ‘non-normative’ power” â€" as suggested by the academic literature - be sustained. Moreover, since the concept ‘power’ presupposes an agent-object relationship it cannot be understood if only conveyed through the EU’s internally-driven discourse and automatic mirroring of the latter in the academic literature. A policy-recipient perspective is needed to test whether, to what extent and in what way the EU is a “’civilian’/’normative’ power” as compared to the US. The South Caucasus serves as a case-study for this purpose. The paper suggests that the US can justly be called a “‘civilian’/’normative’ power” if looked at from the South Caucasus, even if its way of conducting policy is different from that of the EU. Nonetheless, provided the EU’s (potential) proximity to the South Caucasus and in case of unequivocal good-disposition of all the actors in Armenia, Azerbaijan and Georgia towards the EU, the leverage of the Union will grow. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper argues that the concept ‘interiorization’ (Poulantzas, 1974)provides us with a subtler understanding of the interrelated spatial fixesof the contemporary IPE that overcomes the more or less Kautskian/Leninistand Supranational/Intergovernmental dualisms that continue to characterisethe field. With regards to the economic structure, the concept allows usto grasp how it is possible for European capitalism to be subsumeddirectly within the social relations of US capitalism whilst stillmaintaining independent bases of competition. With regards topolitico-ideological structures, the concept allows us to understand why atransnational neo-liberal hegemony at the same time is a distinctly UShegemony, whereby the US state increasingly displaces externalities on therest of the world, including Europe, without this undermining theconsensual aspects of transnational relations. In a concluding section,the paper also demonstrates that the concept of interiorization is centralto the (terminal?) crisis of European social democracy: A Europeanbourgeoisie ‘interiorized’ with American capital is increasingly alienatedfrom European social formations and as a result is not amenable to theclass compromises which social democracy presupposes. This in turnundermines the capacity of social democracy to perform a ‘politics ofmediation’ over a wide range of cleavage structures. This undermining isdangerous as it has been essential to the very essence of European (socialand Christian) democracy in the post World War II period (cf. vanKersbergen, 1995). ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The starting point for this paper is twofold. On the one hand, the authors have recently been involved in a study on European integration and border conflict transformation, which established conditions under which integration and association can have a desecuritising effect on border conflicts. One core condition was an image of the EU as a positive force in world politics. On the other hand, both authors have been involved in the debate on normative power Europe and have argued that this concept is better seen as a discursive self-construction imbuing the integration project with new force and establishing an EU identity against Others, rather than an objective analytical concept. In this paper, we explore the degree to which this self-construction of the EU is shared by others in international society, and in particular in conflict areas. Our basic hypothesis is that the EU's chances to act as a mediator, or to transform conflicts through association agreements and other forms of partnerships, largely depends on this acceptance of the notion of normative power Europe. The paper uses the cases of Cyprus and Israel/Palestine as examples, but also draws from a wider set of cases. Its aim is to develop a theoretical framework with which the basic hypothesis can be studied, to discuss initial examples, and to draw out the political and normative consequences from the relationship between normative power Europe and conflict transformation, especially in light of our earlier criticism of the EU's self-construction. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The high number of undocumented migrants in almost all immigration countries adumbrates the limited success of states to channel migration in primarily legal tracks. Only recently political scientists acknowledged this reality and dealt with undocumented migration, both on national level as well as an issue of intergovernmental and multinational governance. Wayne Cornelius and colleagues were engaged in pathbreaking reseach on the question of migration control. They diagnosed policy gaps, i.e. the failure of migration control policies due to a variety of factors, in almost all immigration countries (Cornelius et al. 2004). The gap hypothesis can be considered as the status quo in scholarship on migration control and the state. A point where authors differ, is more of a moral question: Some advocate for human rights of all migrants, including those without legal status, others prioritize state souvereignity and surveillance of migratory movements, which may end up in combatting undocumented migration.In the paper, I am going to contrast this mainstream political science perspective with another strand of discussion, currently developed in some European countries, i.e. Italy, France, or Germany. There, anti-racist theorists and political scientists also question the nation state’s capability of controling its borders, but they stress the productive power of the migrants themselves. It is assumed that undocumented migrants are counteractors to the state, their unauthorized movements take an existence â€" and legitimacy â€" beyond the state (“autonomy of migration”). The contribution to the panel on “Gender, migration, and the state”, however, argues against simplifications on various levels: While the first strand of scholarship focuses on state policies only, the second one tends to praise a (masculinized?) autonomous subject and opposes ‘migrants’ and ‘the state’. By relating to feminist IR scholarship on global restructuring (e.g. Chang/Ling, Marchand/Sisson Runyan), I am going to argue for a more differentiated concept of ‘migration as wilful practice’ (Eigensinn). This concept takes into account the social embeddednes and the agency of migrating subjects. The limits, both of a state centred perspective as well as of a migration centered perspective, lie in the missing link of a gendered subject. These gendered subjects are neither autonomous nor bound to state regulations or patriarchal family ties. Hence, the paper aims at contributing to an engendered and critically reformulated political science and IR scholarship on migration control. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The agent-structure debate was a debate entered into in the 80s and 90s, but has now silenced. This is largely the case also within constructivism, despite it being the approach that introduced the concept of the mutual constitution of agents and structures. This paper claims that the lack of attention to this fundamental theoretical aspect is diminishing the potential contributions the so-called "bridge building project" between rationalism and constructivism can make to contemporary IR. Today, the project has no metatheoretical fundaments common to both approaches, and is based largely on methodological inventions and theoretical pragmatism. Thus, there exist no theoretical bridge building, and the pragmatic-methodological approach leads to theoretical inconsistencies. Taking as the substantial point of departure the recent International Organization special issue "International Institutions and Socialization in Europe", this paper identifies four concrete problems arising form the lack of theoretical clarity. These are the problem of combining an exclusive use of positivism with constructivism, the conceptualization of mechanisms, the exclusion of interpretative approaches and the rationalist dominance. These problems contribute to the notion of the project as a bridge over troubled theoretical waters. The paper shows how one could approach these problems through revisiting the insights from the agent-structure debate. Values and facts could be reconceptualized as mutually sustaining, mechanisms could be seen as processes and not one-time influences and structures consist of both material and ideational aspects. This new approach might open the ground for a more theoretical coherent and resilient bridge building project. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The European Union’s effort to stabilize its near abroad cannot meaningfully be detached from the United States’ policy of maintaining a strong presence in post-Cold War Europe. The United States has bolstered EU efforts: with the intervention in Bosnia beginning in 1995; likewise with the intervention in Kosovo in 1999; and the decision to enlarge NATO â€" made by and large by the United States in the face of widespread European scepticism â€" created the security framework for the subsequent enlargements of the EU. Conversely, the United States has frustrated the EU policy process: notably so by insisting on the compatibility of the CFSP and ESDP with NATO and US designs. This paper will assess the ENP in light of American designs for European security. Did the ENP evolve in transatlantic harmony or was it a source of transatlantic tension? What is the current status of the ENP in relation to predominant issues such as energy security and missile defence? And, finally, looking ahead, is the ENP compatible with US long-term planning for Eurasia?The first part of the paper will trace the development of the ENP and investigate the points at which Atlantic policy-makers were in dialogue. How did the ENP anticipate American reactions, and how did American policy-makers receive the policy initiative? To what extent was the ENP perceived as something new (distinct from past neighbourhood policies) and also compatible with NATO partnership programs?The second part of the paper provides a snapshot of current affairs and notably two security issues that are at the forefront of transatlantic relations. One is the question of securing reliable supplies of energy for Europe. This was on the NATO Riga summit agenda and is built into the ENP by virtue of its relationship to transit countries such as the Ukraine and to alternative suppliers in the Caucasus. The second is the question of missile defence where the United States outside of multilateral forums seek to develop an American capability in Central Europe. Amidst Russian protests and European concerns, is the ENP a bridge between Russia and the EU?The third and final part of the paper looks to the future and notably the way in which American security planners foresee the United States’ engagement in Eurasia. The Pentagon recently created a new African Command, complementing the Central Command and the European Command (under which NATO falls). What is the logic of this new arrangement? Can the ENP serve as a kind of mechanism facilitating a transatlantic division of labour along geographical lines? If so, are the European states willing to do so? ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Scientific realism has a hard time finding a home. As well as the current gaps meaningfully connecting it to IR, there are looming lacunae in the interface between scientific realism and mainstream perspectives on European integration. This paper focuses upon the key understandings which emerge once the theoretical assumptions of European integration are subjected to the principles of scientific realism. One possible consequence is an ability to probe far more deeply into both the generative mechanisms of European integration and the unobservable structures of the EU itself than various atomistic or idealist views. The paper then suggests that scientific realism has the capacity to launch a robust critique of the underlying assumptions of European integration theory. Indeed, it may be uniquely capable of shedding light on the one issue that continues to bedevil European theorists of all stripes: the reality of the unobservable, which in this case includes the underlying political structures, social processes and economic relations instantiated for half a century. Europe’s success has also been its undoing: integration is still regarded as too ‘virtual’ to be of much ontological interest or epistemological value. Scientific realism however can help move integration debates away from current epistemological quagmires and toward a clearer idea of the independent dynamics of European integration. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Issues about minority-majority relations and about the co-existence of different identity groups have been a permanent feature in the political discourse of individual states and regions (particularly in Europe). Questions regarding ethnic heterogeneity continue to be at the centre of contemporary governance at different levels. Wars continue to be fought over issues that appertain to ethnic minorities, and individuals are still discriminated against on the basis of their distinct identity, membership in an ethnic group, or simply because they are different â€" racially, linguistically, religiously, or culturally. Questions about inclusion and exclusion, prospects for fostering one identity over the other, the apparent inability to think about multiple identities, and competition in the political, economic, or social sphere, continue to touch upon, if not centre on, the existence of ethnic minorities. This is despite the fact that so much scholarly effort has been invested in studying and comprehending minority issues, and despite the fact that mechanisms have been brought about in the contemporary international community â€" at different levels of governance â€" to provide for a peaceful co-existence of different identity groups and their members. The paper will attempt to analyse the discrepancy between various institutionalised attempts to manage peacefully ethnic heterogeneity and minority issues, and the continuing tensions and conflicts between different identity groups and their (political) leaders/representatives. Using the theoretical concept of international regimes and knowledge of negotiations, particularly about the role of (structural) fairness in negotiations, the paper will address the issue of conflict management in cases of complex social conflicts. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Hospitality is rarely discussed as a concept in international politics though it can be seen as an obvious practice of ethics in this context. Yet hospitality is full of contradictions and aporias. This paper argues that such aproias require what Derrida calls 'negotiation', the non-rule governed, context-specific practice of oscillating between equally imperative injunctions before deciding in a way that tries to close least toward difference. The paper examines the EU's discourse of an ethical foreign policy of hospitality through enlargement between 1999-2004. It suggests that an illustration of what might have been possible through negotiation, perhaps, is a reconceptualisation of Turkish accession to the EU. While the current debate on Turkish accession differs over whether Turkey is European enough for entry, this paper argues that a negotiation of hospitality could mean Turkey is allowed entry precisely as different, as other, as not European.While the debate on Turkish accession is rarely made in ethical terms, reconceiving it as a matter of ethics, hospitality and negotiation could lead to an accelerated accession for the EU's Turkish other. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Competing perspectives on the role of the European Union (EU) as a foreign policy actor disagree on whether the EU could (and should) be a successful military conflict manager on the international security arena. Essential to the debate of whether it could be successful is the question of what would constitute success in this new sphere of EU foreign policy. Having undertaken extensive analysis of the institutional framework and policy processes of the Common Foreign and Security Policy (CFSP), and the European Security and Defence Policy (ESDP) within it, the existing literature has yet to agree on a shared notion of success in this realm. In effect, a theoretical framework in which to evaluate the success rate of ESDP military conflict management missions has yet to be developed. This paper therefore discusses how to define and evaluate success in this area of the ESDP and provides an analytical starting point for how to determine different degrees of success in EU military conflict management according to a set of internal and external success criteria. In this way, the paper seeks to advance Foreign Policy Analysis, the study of the CFSP and the ESDP, whilst adding also an EU specific dimension to the existing theories of military intervention and conflict management. The purpose of this undertaking is to inform the current debates concerning whether, when and how the EU should engage in military conflict management beyond its own borders. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The European Union's Common Foreign and Security Policy (CFSP) and the European Security and Defence Policy (ESDP) encompass enormous resources. In addition to the member states' own military and civilian capabilities and assets, a number of other instruments have been created at the EU level, such as EU Special Representatives and the European Development Fund. Moreover, EU diplomatic initiatives, trade promotions, disarmament and non-proliferation efforts and environmental policies are all instruments that can be employed by the union. However, these institutions, capabilities, resources, instruments and policies each have their own structure, logic and rationale. While some of them work well together, many others do not and may even work counter to each other. This paper argues that the EU must better coordinate all elements of the CFSP and ESDP in order to effectively employ the instruments and capabilities of the Union in a global world. EU policy vis-á-vis Macedonia will be used as an example to illustrate the need for better coherence and why Europe must become more skilled at coordinating and combining analyses and strategies in the CFSP and ESDP, between EU institutions and between member states. The issue of coherence is complex and exists at many stages and on many levels. The paper will outline a model for improving coherence in the CFSP and ESDP by drawing on EU trade policy as a blueprint. The EU has successfully negotiated with one voice for many years during bilateral talks with other countries and in organizations such as the WTO. The paper will conclude by discussing what role the position of an EU Foreign Minister and an EU diplomatic service would play in establishing more coherence in the CFSP and ESDP. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The paper discusses how the external conditions of foreign policy-making for small EU member states changes with changes in EU institutions and decision-making procedures. The introduction of the paper presents the research problem and the structure of the argument and briefly clarifies the concept of small states and to which extent it is applicable in the study of European Union politics. It is argued that the EU constitutes the most important context for small member state foreign policy-making. Based on this argument, the paper discusses, first, the general implications of European integration for small state foreign policy-making, and, second, the specific implications of EU enlargement. The final part of the paper briefly sums up the findings and concludes the analysis. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article presents the conference paper "The International Politics of Failing States" prepared for presentation at the "46th Annual Conference of the International Studies Association" held in Honolulu, Hawaii from March 1 to 5, 2005. The paper discusses the securitization of failed states with evidence from the U.S., Great Britain and Germany. The author says that the failed states discourse assists to create a bridge between development and security policy.

Studies of relations between the United States (US) and Europe tend to take US foreign policy as a given, and proceed to examine those areas in which the US and Europe or the European Union (EU) have found common ground or are in disagreement. However, the inputs to these US foreign policy outcomes have received relatively little attention. This paper focuses on one foreign policy input in the US side of US-Europe relations: the role of state and local governments in shaping US foreign policies in areas that are of concern to the Europe and the EU. The objective is to answer three questions. Which aspects of US-Europe relations have an important local government dimension? How do local governments try to influence US-Europe relations? In which policy areas do key local governments share views that are more closely aligned with European positions than with US foreign policy? The results will provide insight into two broad international relations themes. The first is the extent to which non-state actors (like subnational governments and international organizations) are eroding the sovereignty of nation-states. The second is to add the US-EU case to the growing body of literature on the influence of state and local governments in US foreign affairs. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper begins with an overview of human rights protections in Latin America, Europe, and South East Asia. Next, the evolution of human rights in Africa in the early 1980s and the late 1990s is discussed, followed by an examination of the impact of domestic conditions, regional and international pressures, and cultural concerns on the instrumental calculations of state actors. Finally, African human rights developments are contrasted with those in other regions with the variance explained by a combination of domestic, regional and international factors. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The new democracies of Czech Republic, Hungary, and Poland have been at the forefront of integration into West European intergovernmental organizations since the fall of communism. Cooperation among Czechoslovakia, Hungary, and Poland began in the post-communist era at the 1991 summit in Visegrad, Hungary. Although states in the West encouraged cooperation, particularly as a condition for membership in the EU and NATO, national security priorities of the Visegrad states diverge due to historical experiences and geostrategic location. The three states share a common insecurity from being positioned throughout history between great powers that have pursued expansionist policies from time to time. Although the foreign policy agenda of Czech Republic, Hungary, and Poland have been quite similar since the fall of communism, each state maintains different policy priorities and different traditional perceptions of external threats. Moreover, the three states have experienced varying degrees of security anxiety from the end of the bipolar system. The breakup of the USSR, the dissolution of the Warsaw Pact and COMECON, the wars in the former Yugoslavia, and the velvet divorce of the Czech and Slovak republics have had direct implications on security, trade, and foreign relations for each state. In neighboring East European states, military bases that once housed Soviet troops are currently being offered to the hegemonic power of the U.S. for troop redeployment consideration, and the U.S. military already has a presence as a NATO force on the Taszar air base in Hungary. This paper will examine the security postures of Czech Republic, Hungary, and Poland since the Visegrad Summit in 1991. What are the competing exogenous pressures that affect the security policies of Czech Republic, Hungary, and Poland? To what degree does cooperation impinge upon the security priorities and the sovereignty of Central European states? Can these states achieve relative gains vis-a-vis neighboring states and increase their influence with competing regional powers, or can shared norms and values from regional cooperation increase absolute gains and increase regional stability? In order to evaluate the security concerns, collective security, neoliberal institutionalism, and realism will be introduced as frameworks of analysis. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The United States currently plays a key role in shaping the European security enviroment and future agenda. But the events of 911 and the war on Iraq have raised fundamental questions about what role the United States sees for itself in Europe and in Europe’s role in the world. This paper examines developments in the Bush Doctrine and assesses the likely way forward in US policy and the impact this will have on transatlantic relations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Debates in security studies in the U.S. and Europe have drifted almost completely apart. In Europe it is common to present the theoretical landscape in terms of, say, critical security studies, the Copenhagen School, traditionalism and feminism. In the U.S. it is more common to see the major debate within security studies as being the one between offensive realism and defensive realism! Previously, almost all theoretical inventions in IR were made in the U.S. Currently, distinct theories are widely associated with places like Aberystwyth (Critical Security Studies), Paris (Bigo’s Bourdieu-inspired work) and Copenhagen (securitization). The new European approaches differ not only from security studies in the US, they also stand apart from most work done in other parts of the world. Are these theories peculiarly ‘European’ and if so, why? The paper aims at explaining the emergence of these European security theories. The explanation draws partly on the political context in the different regions, and partly on features of the intellectual fields, International Relations and Security Studies. The theories are also assessed briefly as to their relevance and usefulness. To what extent are they bound to local, European problems or relevant to the issues that are addressed elsewhere and vice-versa for the theories that flourish in the U.S. and the periphery respectively? Can they travel to the other parts of the world in a helpful role? [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In 1990 with the Soviet threat waning, NATO set out deliberately to enhance its political dimension. The Allies also adopted a new political mission; namely, the creation of a Europe whole and free. Thirteen years later Europe is, on the whole, unquestionably more democratic,and cold war divisions have receded significantly. New institutions exist, including the Euro-Atlantic Partnership Council, the Partnership for Peace, and the NATO-Russia Council. NATO,itself, will have grown to twenty-six members by 2004. Yet, recent tensions within NATO over Iraq have once again led to predictions of NATO’s imminent demise. Even U.S. Ambassador to NATO Nicholas Burns acknowledged that these differences had put a serious strain on Trans-Atlantic Ties. This paper will examine the state of NATO’s political dimension today. Questions to be addressed include: Can the shared values that were so frequently invoked as NATO’s foundation during the 1990s continue to sustain the transatlantic relationship? Or will the absence of a clearly defined common threat prove fatal to a sense of true solidarity amongst the Allies, as some realist scholars argued during the early and mid-1990s. What impact are NATO’s newest members and the Prague invitees having on the Alliance? Is NATO at risk of becoming a sort of toolbox to which the United States goes for support rather than a genuine alliance? [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The recent crisis in the transatlantic relationship is the next stage in the dialectics of power that have characterized the relationship between the United States and Europe since the end of WWII. This time however the crisis has been deeper than anything seen before and this paper will seek to account for this in a broadly Gramscian framework. Three things are new this time: the determination of the United States to assert its authority within a less multilateral framework; the refusal by key European countries not to be coerced; and finally the post-Cold War context within which this is happening which makes the United States less willing to co-operate with Europe and Europeans less willing to be subordinated to the US. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper will examine four fundamental questions concerning US allies and partners in Europe: How is the United States perceived by elites/public opinion? Why does this matter -- how do these countries figure in US interests? How can consequences for the United States be measured? What can/should the United States do to influence the impact on US interests [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Notions such as 'states-system' and 'international system' are central to IR. Yet, they have been neglected in our study of conceptual history. This paper focuses on the 17th-century debate about the status of the Holy Roman Empire as a political unit. During that time, several key figures of political philosophy such as Althusius, Pufendorf and Leibniz attempted to theorise the Empire and, in the process, the term 'states-system' was employed as a category of analysis. Althusius pioneered integration theory and proposed federalism as a description of the historical and legal formation of the Empire. Pufendorf did not find any relevance in the existing categories and argued that the Empire was "a monster", but almost a 'states-system'. Leibniz rejected Pufendorf's solution and claimed that the Empire was a federal union. In conclusion it is argued that, although they were discussing the same object, the three thinkers substantially differed in their analyses because of their own commitments to distinct philosophical systems. All three contributions are extremely relevant to the understanding of both IR as a discipline and our current political reality. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This chapter focuses on the formation of modern regions as a precursor to the discussion of their transformation in later chapters. It defines regions as geographically clustered subsystems of states within larger international systems/societies. It stresses the extent to which the existence of regions depends on both how distance matters in relation to interaction capacity, and on the prevalence or not of empires in the system. It looks at the formative processes of contemporary regions by identifying four different routes by which today's regions came to be: the unbroken self-making of Europe, and for the rest, various types of encounter with Europe involving different degrees of disconnection between today's regions and their earlier history: repopulation, colonization/decolonization and encounter/reform. The chapter then looks at the development processes of modern regions since decolonization using regional security complex theory to capture strategic interaction, and international society to capture socio-political structures. Since both of these perspectives are statecentric, differences in type of state are an important part of the analysis. The paper concludes by looking at how this combination of formative and developmental processes is likely to play out in relations between the regional and global levels of the international system/society over the coming decades. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Why does Europeanization - the process of adopting European rules - advance in some countries, while it stalls in others? What explains different European trajectories of candidate states, all of which have so much to gain from joining the European Union? This paper seeks to explain foreign policy choices of EU candidate states by putting forward an identity based theoretical framework. I argue that the process of Europeanization in candidate states is best explained by analyzing their identity politics, specifically the presence of the "European idea." In candidate countries where the European identity is a widely shared social value, the inevitable short-term costs of Europeanization - economic, social and political - will still be worth the price of admission because becoming "European" trumps other domestic political concerns. In contrast, in countries where the European idea is limited to elites, or to other subsections of society, and is not broadly shared, pro-European groups will find it hard to forge cross-cutting coalitions needed to sell Europeanization and its costs to the society at large. To illustrate these theoretical insights, I compare Europeanization in Croatia and Serbia, the two Balkan states with similar regional status, shared legacies of communism and ethnic war, yet quite different European trajectories. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper seeks to expand the theoretical concept of a Middle Eastern Regional Security Complex (MERSC) (Buzan and Waever 2004), based on the literature e.g. on security, regional integration, development and global governance towards a Euro-Mediterranea ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper problematizes the relationship between multiculturalism, foreign policy and diaspora politics. It is focused on how domestic choices of particular multicultural policies have impacted on foreign policy options in contemporary Europe and how suc ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This explorative study of foreign deployments examines international and domestic factors that drive European governments either to deploy troops abroad or to abstain from a deployment. Since governments are restrained both by public opinion and conditions at the international systems level, those factors may exert a considerable influence on the governmental decision regarding troop deployments.Being a part of foreign policy analysis, foreign deployments as a unit of analysis have only hesitantly moved to the focus of academic research, particularly deployments of European countries. The study compares 14 deployments between 2000 and 2006 and analyzes the respective engagements or non-engagements of the German, French, British, Spanish, Austrian and Polish armed forces. All cases will be analyzed with respect to international systems variables such as alliance membership and alliance alignment, state actor level variables such as professionalization of the armed forces and historical ties towards the leading nation, and individual level data such as public opinion. The paper aims to explore the systemic, actor specific and individual conditions of European troop deployments abroad in order to develop a middle range theory that may predict whether a country will participate in future deployments or not. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The post-Cold War era has been characterized by a dramatic expansion of the international security agenda to include "new" wars, the role of non-state actors as security threats, the concept of "human" security, security aspects of globalization and development, and other trends, all of which add to the traditional security agenda. Although the US and Europe generally agree on the importance of these issues, they also show an increasing amount of divergence regarding whether military force is an appropriate solution. And when both sides do agree the need for military force, as in the interventions in Iraq (1991) and Kosovo, they often dispute other aspects of these operations, such as their multilateral dimension, the role of strategic bombing, protection of civilians, and so on. The increasing involvement of the EU in security affairs, largely through its European Security and Defense Policy, suggests this trend may intensify. Accordingly, this paper explores nature of such divergence and its implications for transatlantic security relations. It notes in particular the limits of several contending explanations drawn from realism (differences in power and interests) and liberalism (differences in historical experience and cultural/institutional development), and focuses instead on processes associated with learning-by-doing to explain the emergence of a European approach to international security. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The concept of Europeanization is of very recent import in the field of foreign policy analysis, despite having been discussed at length in the public policy literature. In this paper, I will ask the question of whether this concept has any purchase to explain the foreign policy of Italy in the post-cold war era. In particular, what has been the top-down impact of Europe on Italian foreign policy? What, on the other hand, the bottom-up contribution of Rome to a European foreign policy? Via an analysis of the style, tools and objectives of Italy's foreign policy; an examination of the attitudes and discourses of policymakers both in Rome and Brussels; and some counterfactual thought-experiments I will argue that the Europeanization of Italian foreign policy has been variable over the period considered due to, on the one hand, domestic political factors and, on the other, the incentive for Italy to consider its relation with Europe in increasingly opportunistic and instrumentalist terms (either as an area of national projection or as a cover). ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

If small European states are to make the most of their expanded room for manoeuvre they need to think systematically about their new strategic possibilities and how to take advantage of them. If they do not, they risk to be stuck in the dependence of the past. Thus, the changed conditions for small state foreign policy in Europe both enable and necessitate the creation of small state grand strategies. Taking its point of departure in the recent literature on small European states, this paper explores, which goals small states may pursue in their grand strategies, and which means may most effectively allow them to implement their goals. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

As a collective actor the EU currently provides the largest amount of aid to development. While financial institutions that operate in this policy field have grown in number and type, with varying outcomes in scope and impact, the World Bank is to date the major multilateral lending agency. In spite of the absence of an EU seat in the Bank's Board, there is evidence that cooperation among EU EDs is already in place, less formal than in the sister institution of the Bank, the IMF, but, according to some, more effective relative to outcomes in decision making. At the policy level, instances of cooperation between the EU and the Bank have increased enormously in the past 15 years, notably in the cases of Europe and Central Asia since the early nineties, to be followed by MENA countries from 2000s and, last, by the prominent surge in cooperation to reduce poverty in Sub Saharan Africa. Based on empirical evidence from on-site and phone interviews, as well as on previous theoretical work on the EU's foreign policy role at the World Bank, this paper will investigate the twin themes of consistency and effectiveness of the EU's performance in the areas of action of the Bank, both at the decision-making and implementation levels. Last it will identify the main factors and causal mechanisms behind the variation in these outcomes, advancing elements towards an overall explanatory framework of the EU's performance at the Bank, and of its impact on the policymaking of development. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

A huge worldwide wave of cross-border bank acquisitions occurred in the 1990's. Europe and Latin America provided the most active game boards on which bank acquisitions played out, in terms of value and number of acquisitions, but countries in Asia, the Middle East and other regions also saw significant levels of bank sales to foreign buyers. Financial economics had traditionally analyzed bank acquisitions from an efficiency perspective, arguing that banks are driven to exploit the efficiency gains obtained through buying other banks. But I argue, with support from recent studies in banking finance, economics and international politics, that these waves of bank privatization and acquisition are driven largely by political dynamics at the national and international levels. The more controversial forms of FDI involve industries of strategic interest, of which banking is one. Banks are at the center of modern economies. Banks are monitored and governed by national and international organizations established for that purpose and they lobby these organizations. Banks are also "privately monitored" by investors and other interested parties. In short, banks and financial systems operate in a complex web of politics. Governmental actors are pulled and pushed toward banks and banks' power. They are pulled by banks' ability to deploy liquidity in productive ways, and pushed by the perceived need to regulate and monitor banking activity. I propose that cross-border bank acquisitions, driven by "closeness" between countries, could be examined through a multilevel tobit model examining the predilection for a bank in one country to buy a bank in another. I propose to modify and extend the "gravity equation" model from international economics to explain the broad variation in cross-border bank acquisitions. Through this model, I suggest that "closeness", measured in legal, political economic, cultural and spatial terms, promotes cross-border bank acquisition. Closeness is theorized to decrease transaction costs. This paper sketches a preliminary hierarchical linear tobit model utilizing longitudinal datasets of national, bilateral and international factors for OECD countries. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Traditionally, the historiography of the academic discipline of IR, ever since its institutionalization (1919−), has been divided into three great debates. As a legacy of these debates the 'behavioralists', or those who believed in the methods of the natural sciences, left their mark on the field in the 1950s and 1960s. Although the positivistic approach is not anymore prevalent within the discipline, there's a clear indication that the IR theory has, even today, an exaggerated interest in the scientific explanation. This article will argue that the scholarly study should lean more on 1) historical analysis and there should be room for research agenda that is less focused on 'presentism', i.e. on contemporary history and current policy issues. Secondly, too much emphasis is put on Eurocentrism: important research topics outside the Occidental world are hence disregarded. As a result a distorted image emerges of how the modern international system came about. Perhaps more importantly, this state of affairs, to which the 'English school' has paid attention on its part, limits the understanding of classical concepts such as the balance of power, sovereignty, or even diplomacy reducing them exclusively to the domain of European states system. The aim of the paper is thus to examine the mutually beneficial interplay between history and IR theory by analyzing the 2) interstate relations in the Ancient Near East during the Late Bronze Age. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper investigates the effects of referendums on news coverage of the European Constitutional Treaty (ECT) and on the emergence of a trans-national media discourse. In order to do so it draws on the content analysis of sixteen daily newspapers from France, Spain, Italy and Britain. Results show that referendums affected both the visibility of the ECT and the quality of coverage. They also suggest that by increasing the salience of EU issues, referendums can lead to the development of a trans-national public sphere. The 'domesticisation' of EU affairs and the 'polarisation' of political elites at referendum time are examined as possible explanations for these patterns. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines developments in EU Member States’ counter-terrorism policies in the last decade. Most EU initiatives to develop a common European capacity to prevent terrorism from the mid-1990s have aimed at improving cooperation among the Member States. Concerned onlookers still wait for these efforts to produce intended results. While these problems can be attributed an unwillingness to suspend the sovereign prerogative in national security matters, another related reason is arguably that the Member States have very different national counter-terrorism legacies. Previous empirical research on counter-terrorism within the EU only gives some guidance as to whether this would be a reasonable claim. First, it has yet presented few comparable indicators of Member States’ counter-terrorism policies. All previous studies draw on case studies or, at best, comparative case studies, rendering longitudinal systematic comparison within and across polities difficult. Second, most previous research has primarily focused on an overly narrow conception of counter-terrorism policy. Urging the need for systematic studies in this area, the objective of this study is to develop a conceptual framework and an analytical method to study counter-terrorism policies of EU Member States. We proceed in two steps. First, we define counter-terrorism policy as a two-dimensional concept combining Member States’ positioning on (a) counter-terrorism ambitions and (b) civil rights ambitions. Striking a balance between these core values is the most critical challenge in the liberal democratic response to terrorism. Second, we estimate all Member States’ positioning in this two-dimensional space over time (1996-2006) by resorting to paneldata obtained from various EU bodies following key conventions related to counter-terrorism cooperation in Europe. These data will enable us to analyze the correlation between the fight against terrorism and the civil rights ambitions of the Member States. Adjacently we will be able to show how national experiences of terrorism affect cohesion and diversity among EU Member States. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper discusses the progress made in the course of 2006 in terms of institutionalised cooperation among European states in security policy. With new or expanding operations in Afghanistan, Lebanon and the DRC, 2006 qualifies as a pivotal year in terms of operational engagements for the European armed forces. This expanding European military engagement in the world is complemented by major institutional and conceptual developments. What remains missing is a sound appreciation of strategy in its military sense, namely how to achieve political effects through the application of military force. The conceptual confusion about strategy manifests itself in the operations European forces undertook in terms of a malfunctioning or haphazard politico-military interface and corresponding schism between ends and means. Elements of military strategy can be identified, but a number of problems in conceptualization as well as implementation persist. The argument concludes that institutional progress and a rising engagement of troops deployed overseas risks to remain fruitless without strategic reflection on how to wield the military tool as an instrument of policy. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper discusses the possible place of the Organisational Theory in the European Studies literature.Specifically, it makes three contributions to this literature: first, it presents a general framework to apply theStructural Contingency Theory branch of the Organisational Theory to European integration. Secondly, it arguesthat some well-known theoretical approaches to European integration can be placed in this framework asapplications of the Structural Contingency Theory. Thirdly, from within the framework in question, the paperapplies Donaldson's SARFIT model to the European integration process for the first time in the literature. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The paper deals with the main factors that influence joint Russia-Europe interactions in short and middle term perspective. It suggests several points to be further discussed. It starts from the point that contemporary Russia presents a political entity, which is not entirely compatible with western international society in cultural, institutional and structural terms. It is for this reason that the existing grounds for cooperation may have too little in common for the emergence of any joined political culture. On the other hand, Russia is already entering into the globalizing world so a balance between possible extremes can be build if domestically appreciated. Being a military power, Russian State needs to have economy that could be compatible with both its security needs and the security needs of its international partners. For the moment, however, Russian economy is, to a degree, closed within itself so a need for a more open economic space with Europe and the US could create strategic incentives. The worrying tendency, however, is that civilizational gap between Russia and Europe is, in fact, growing wider while it also could be bridged in the years ahead. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]