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AbstractSouth Korea implemented many-pronged educational reforms, notably to transition from heavy reliance on a high-stakes standardised test to more diversified assessment for university admissions. Nonetheless, this effort created another arena of competition towards meritocratic credentials—such as academic publications. The South Korean government, in 2014, prohibited high schools from documenting students’ extracurricular accomplishments earned outside schools. This paper analyses the impacts of these reforms. We queried large-scale bibliographic databases with prestigious high schools’ names in South Korea and retrieved publications where high school students were granted authorship between 2001 and 2021. We examine associations between school types, research topics, and the status of scholarly venues. We also show the number of papers from Korean high schoolers rose until the mid-2010s but declined after the 2014 intervention. Our findings suggest that diverse adaptive strategies can evolve as long as meritocratic ethos persists. We discuss further implications beyond the context of South Korea. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study examines the contribution of university educators toward prefiguratively creating tomorrow today in the higher education classroom. Educators often teach for peace and social justice through a variety of normative pedagogical frameworks. Yet, this linkage of pedagogy and prefigurative politics in university classrooms is frequently under-examined. Moreover, such research has not yet been conducted within the context of Korea. Hence, this paper investigates – through a qualitative case study methodology – the varied approaches to pedagogy for social change in Korean universities today, including but not limited to: (a) democratic pedagogy, (b) critical pedagogy, (c) peace and social justice pedagogy, and (d) decolonial pedagogy. The paper examines these intersectional pedagogies through the lens of prefigurative politics, which is understood as a form of praxis that attempts to (re)construct through education a more just society. Findings indicate challenges and opportunities that Korean university educators face today in teaching for social change in higher education classrooms. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

AbstractRecent studies have documented the profound effects that democratic backsliding generates on various realms of governance. However, foreign policies remain an exception in this trend despite the notable emergence of non-traditional foreign policy positions backsliding governments around the world took in recent years. To address this gap, this paper examines South Korea’s policy toward Japan during its recent period of democratic backsliding, focusing on the making of the Comfort Women Agreement in 2015. The case study reveals that the Park Geun-hye government (2012-2017) pursued a policy position that defied social and institutional constraints. The paper suggests that this case represents how democratic backsliding can destabilize foreign policies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

AbstractThe process of deinstitutionalisation gained momentum in the late 20th century, driven by disability rights movements and increased awareness of the harms of institutionalisation. This paper provides an overview of deinstitutionalisation in South Korea, focusing on the transformation of large disability residential facilities since the 1970s, with efforts towards promoting independent living. Current debates highlight conflicting perspectives among stakeholders. Advocates, primarily disabled individuals, support accelerated deinstitutionalisation for its benefits in autonomy, social integration, and improved quality of life. However, oppositions from families and service providers express concerns about care gaps and the need for specialized support for people with higher support needs. The paper underscores the importance of establishing a consensus on deinstitutionalisation objectives and proposes multidimensional alternatives, including legislative reforms, expanded community services, and improved facilities. Fostering social agreement is identified as pivotal for successful deinstitutionalisation and the well-being of disabled individuals. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

AbstractThe United States has tightened its technical embargo against China since the Sino-US rivalry began in the mid-2010s, especially in the semiconductor sector. It also has repercussions for China’s relations with US allies such as South Korea (or the Republic of Korea, ROK). As China’s technical growth is securitized, Sino-ROK collaboration in semiconductor technology becomes politicized, according to a securitization-politicization nexus derived from securitization theory. Under the pressure from Washington, even Korean semiconductor businesses may be forced to ‘choose sides’. However, Seoul’s pragmatic approach to Beijing prevents the politicization of Sino-ROK technological ties. While demanding security guarantees from Washington, Seoul is unwilling to enhance ties with the US at the price of those with China. Among three scenarios figured out in this paper, South Korea is likely to consolidate its ties with China in semiconductor industry in some form of ‘smart’ collaboration Ceteris paribus, and this is also in the interest of Beijing. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper investigates whether government support for small and medium-sized enterprises (SMEs) in an emerging economy creates their reluctance to grow, which is analogous to the Peter Pan Syndrome. We test our hypotheses by regression analyses on a sample of 2,779 firms from a unique Korean Innovation Survey dataset from 2005 to 2007. Our empirical results show that SMEs tend to hinder their growth as they approach SME eligibility thresholds beyond which public support ceases. Such a tendency intensifies as SMEs grow closer to the employment-size-contingent SME eligibility threshold and as they receive more public support. In addition, the likelihood of the Peter Pan Syndrome is conditioned by both firm- and industry-specific characteristics. As government support for SMEs based on size-contingent eligibility criteria has a detrimental side-effect, other merit- or effort-based criteria should be considered. It is also desirable to reduce the opportunity cost involved in graduating from SMEs. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

What can public attitudes towards the integration of co-ethnic migrants teach us about social integration in newly diverse societies? Research finds that South Koreans prefer co-ethnic migrants from culturally similar or desirable origins, but it says little about the integration of migrant groups. Existing data and qualitative studies suggest considerable barriers to fully incorporating otherwise preferred migrants. Focusing on integrating North Korean migrants in South Korea – a relatively privileged migrant group that enjoys substantial resettlement support but encounters barriers to full integration – this paper addresses the research gap by testing competing explanations of migrant incorporation. Informed by Intergroup Threat Theory (ITT), the study examines how threats defined as realistic or symbolic shape native attitudes toward these migrants. Using a conjoint survey experiment to measure preferences for economic, political, and social integration, we find South Koreans favor North Korean migrants with extended residence in South Korea, which is a marker for diminishing realistic and symbolic intergroup threats. Conversely, migrants signaling stronger affiliations to North Korea or lacking diverse social ties in South Korea fail to alleviate intergroup threat concerns and consequently face discrimination. Our findings offer insights into integration policy and contribute to the migration and citizenship literature and contemporary Korean Studies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The emergence of online teaching has brought new opportunities to computer coding education. In this paper, we examine how the move online is generating a new kind of dynamic within computer programming classes on an online EdTech platform in South Korea. As the platform seeks to solve some old problems within large-scale programming classes, such as machine dependency and labor-intensive operation, its online classes face unique challenges arising from temporal and spatial separation. The new environment requires that class participants coordinate their actions and relationships with other members, which means technical adjustments and human adaptations. Instructors, students, and managers form a distinctive three-party relationship as they respond to the tricky problems of online teaching, such as the time delay between audio and video transmission. The automation of evaluation labor by the platform also influences the human relationship as well as educational efficiency. Our study suggests that the most challenging task in online EdTech experiments would not be to move classes online completely, but to rearrange roles, identities, and relationships within the class. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Social work education is a major institutional mechanism for providing trained and capable professionals who can ensure the profession's accountability to public interests. In many countries, through enacting laws and issuing policies, the state plays an important role in shaping the training and preparation of professional social workers. Despite the significant role of the state in shaping social work education, this topic has attracted little attention in the literature. Informed by an historical institutionalism perspective, in this paper, we examine how the state shapes social work education in South Korea, a systematic introduction which is rarely found in the English literature. Looking at its development process, we suggest that social work education in South Korea has been shaped by and positioned as an institutional mechanism to support the development of its welfare regime. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper, using the case of South Korea, empirically examines how university students in EFL countries understand the neoliberal emphasis of English and EMI, and interpret and respond to different language ideologies. The findings demonstrate that many South Korean English language learners are caught up in a nexus of conflicting language ideologies influenced by the neoliberal promotion of English and the increasing socioeconomic polarization within South Korea. On the one hand, their investment in English language learning is largely driven by the belief that English is essential for their socioeconomic advancement. On the other hand, many perceive that the role of English as an important resource and a major criterion to measure one's academic and professional abilities is not objective or fair. Finding calls for a more critical approach to understanding the adoption and implementation of EMI in higher education. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]