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Using information gathering and manipulation as a way to connect early American diplomacy and state capacity, this essay argues that in the wake of the American Revolution, the United States engaged Great Britain in an ideological competition to define the American republic through contested information. Jefferson’s efforts to combat British disinformation without state backing in Europe during the 1780s led to the creation of a state-supported instrument to challenge disinformation abroad: the Contingency Fund. In particular, the harnessing of this resource—which facilitated American diplomats’ information gathering overseas during the 1790s—to executive power better enabled early U.S. policymakers to confront foreign rivals by projecting American influence beyond the republic’s borders.

Стаття присвячена аналізу позиції Держави Кувейт щодо загарбницької війни Російської Федерації (РФ) проти України, а також реакції кувейтського суспільства та ЗМІ на повномасштабне вторгнення РФ в Україну. Автор розглядає передумови формування офіційної позиції Кувейту щодо війни в Україні й простежує особливості публічної комунікації офіційного Ель-Кувейту в цьому зв’язку, а також фіксує факти гуманітарної та фінансової допомоги Україні, підтримки України на рівні міжнародних організацій тощо. У статті надається прогноз еволюції офіційної позиції Кувейту щодо національно-визвольної війни України. Його побудовано на попередньому зовнішньополітичному досвіді Емірату, а також моделюванні переваг і загроз, створених війною на європейському континенті. У роботі окремо оцінюється рівень підтримки України з боку громадянського суспільства Кувейту, його роль у формуванні позиції держави, а також реакція резидентів Кувейту, які складають переважну більшість населення Емірату, на війну в Україні. Обґрунтування оцінки здійснено завдяки аналізу гуманітарних ініціатив громадян та резидентів Кувейту на підтримку України. У статті наведено результати моніторингу кувейтських ЗМІ на предмет висвітлення вторгнення РФ в Україну та визначено ступінь їхньої незалежності. Зокрема автор аналізує інтенсивність, зміст та характер повідомлень про Україну в кувейтських ЗМІ з 24 лютого 2022 року. Сукупність представлених позицій держави, суспільства та ЗМІ Кувейту формує уявлення про рушійні сили, ключові елементи та межі можливостей українського треку зовнішньої політики Кувейту. Водночас розуміння зазначених факторів дозволило б скоригувати майбутні завдання та інструменти української дипломатії в Еміраті, особливо в період боротьби України проти російських загарбників. The article deals with the analysis of the position of the State of Kuwait on the war of aggression of the Russian Federation against Ukraine, as well as the reactions of Kuwaiti society and the media to the fullscale Russian invasion of Ukraine. The author has examined the preconditions for the formation of Kuwait’s official position on the war in Ukraine, and outlined the peculiarities of public communication of Kuwaiti government, as well as listed the facts of humanitarian and financial assistance to Ukraine, Ukraine’s support at international level, etc. The article has predicted the evolution of Kuwait’s official position on Ukraine’s liberation war. It has been based on Kuwait’s previous foreign policy experience, and modeling the benefits and threats created by the war on the European continent. The paper has assessed the level of support for Ukraine by Kuwaiti citizens, their role in shaping the state’s position, as well as the reaction to the war in Ukraine of foreign residents, who make up the vast majority of Kuwait’s population. The assessment has been substantiated by analyzing the humanitarian initiatives of Kuwaiti citizens and residents in support of Ukraine. The article has demonstrated the results of monitoring the Kuwaiti media broadcasting the Russian invasion of Ukraine, and determined the degree of their independence. In particular, the author has assessed the intensity, content and nature of reports about Ukraine in the Kuwaiti media from February 24th, 2022. The combination of the following notions – the state, society and media of Kuwait – forms an idea of the driving forces, key elements and limits of the Ukrainian track of Kuwait’s foreign policy. In turn, understanding these factors could allow us to adjust the future challenges and tools of Ukrainian diplomacy in Kuwait, especially during Ukraine’s fight against Russian invaders.

During World War II, publishing was an important element of the war effort for both the Allies and the Axis powers. Wartime propaganda and cultural diplomacy relied primarily on books, magazines and the daily press. The exiled governments in London, including the Polish government, undertook a major effort to translate, publish and promote numerous books and pamphlets that would appeal to British readers and thereby help to sway public opinion. This paper focuses on translation as an important aspect of wartime publishing that has not yet received much scholarly attention. It offers a contribution to research into the role and place of translations in wartime publishing by discussing the Polish government-in-exile's translation and publishing campaign. Drawing on various archival sources, it demonstrates that publishing translations was an important part of wartime cultural diplomacy and led to the development of extensive state-private networks that brought together exiled governments and British publishers. By analysing this material in a broad cultural context, the paper highlights the historical, ideological and political relevance of translation studies research to wartime publishing and censorship.

When states face international terrorism, their response almost automatically lies in the area of foreign policy. As such, actors in foreign policy making play a key, yet understudied role ...

This article discusses Romania’s burgeoning development aid policy to the post-colonial space. By leveraging its expertise in petroleum extraction to forge a strategic relationship with India in th...

Pocos acontecimientos políticos suscitaron el nivel de expectativa y preocupación y la diversidad de posiciones diplomáticas a lo largo y ancho de América Latina, como la guerra entre Argentina y Gran Bretaña entre abril y junio de 1982, por la soberanía de las islas del Atlántico Sur. No obstante, pese a las simpatías iniciales que en un momento despertó el reclamo argentino en latinoamericana, las particularidades políticas e intereses de cada nación y el mismo rumbo que iba tomando el conflicto, transformó considerablemente la posición que al respecto tenían diversos grupos políticos en cada país. El presente artículo centrará su estudio en los cambios en el caso colombiano, más específicamente en las variaciones que tuvo el discurso periodístico de la derecha tradicional colombiana frente al desarrollo del conflicto., Few political developments aroused such level of expectation and concern and the diversity of diplomatic positions throughout Latin America as the war between Argentina and Great Britain between April and June 1982, for the sovereignty of the islands in the South Atlantic region. However, despite the initial sympathies that the Argentine claim aroused at one point in Latin America, the political particularities and interests of each nation and the very direction that the conflict was taking considerably transformed the position that various political groups had in each country in this regard. This article will focus on the changes in the Colombian case, more specifically on the variations that the journalistic discourse of the traditional Colombian right had in the face of the development of the conflict., Dossier: A 40 años de Malvinas., Instituto de Relaciones Internacionales

This article reflects the main findings of the ‘White Paper on opportunities and challenges in view of enhancing the EU cooperation with Eastern Europe, Central Asia and South Caucasus in Science, Research and Innovation’, which was released in April 2012, from a science and technology (S&T) internationalisation policy perspective. In the ‘Internationalisation of R&D from an S&T policy perspective’ section of this article, the ongoing discourse on internationalisation of research and development (R&D) is discussed from an S&T policy perspective. In the ‘S&T cooperation between the EU and Eastern Europe as well as Central Asia since the early 1990s’ section, the development of S&T cooperation between the EU and EECA is described as a historical snapshot since the early 1990s. In the ‘Recent S&T internationalisation efforts of Eastern European and Central Asian countries’ section, special emphasis is given to the current EECA countries' dispositions towards R&D internationalisation. For a structured overview, the EECA region is disaggregated in three subregions, namely, (a) Russian Federation, (b) Eastern European countries (without Russia) and (c) Central Asian countries. To better position the R&D internationalisation policies of the region under scrutiny within the overall state-of-the-art of S&T, the ‘Current state of S&T in the Eastern European and Central Asian countries’ section compares main S&T indicators of the EECA countries. The ‘The White Paper recommendations in the light of international S&T cooperation policy objectives’ section finally condenses the major recommendations elaborated during the White Paper consultation process and puts them into the context of international S&T cooperation policy. The question is raised on what international cooperation can contribute to improving S&T in the EECA region and which approaches are deemed most adequate to support this. The analysis shows that most recommendations suggested in the White Paper directly target the S&T policy (delivery) system, which is put into an explicit actor's role. Science diplomacy is the identified predominant driver for deepening international R&D cooperation with the EECA region. The main instruments used are international dialogue, exchange and learning platforms, which are supported by the European Commission according to the EU's subsidiarity principle. Other S&T internationalisation policy objectives play a role too, especially if a more regionally differentiated perspective is taken into account.

A World of Paper: Louis XIV, Colbert de Torcy, and the Rise of the Information State, by John C. Rule and Ben S. Trotter. Montreal & Kingston, McGill-Queen's University Press, 2014. xvii, 829 pp. $49.95 CAD (cloth). A welcome addition to the growing corpus of books on the history of information in early modern Europe, A World of Paper by the late John Rule and his former student Ben Trotter elegantly expands our understanding of diplomacy during the reign of the Sun King. The authors ask new questions of documents in the archives of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs and draw on a vast amount of scholarship on bureaucracy. Rule and Trotter use the methods of scholars like Eric Ash, James Cortada, Jacob Soli, and Cornelia Vismann to bring the study of information within the purview of diplomacy. Questioning just what is "modern" about bureaucracy with the help of contingency theory, the authors analyze Jean-Baptiste Colbert de Torcy's foreign affairs department during the latter part of Louis XIV's reign to show both that this ministry was highly specialized and organized by 1715 and that this system is not so different from bureaucracies of our time. The idea of strict barriers between patrimonial and bureaucratic systems already questioned by many scholars (esp. Peter Burke) is shown to be even more problematic in this close study of one of Louis XIV's major ministries. Moving away from Weber's idea of bureaucracy as a machine, the authors emphasize complex human activity and changeable, but sometimes routinized task-based work, as the driving forces in Torcy's department. Throughout the work the authors embrace contingency theory, which posits that organizational effectiveness reaches its pinnacle when structures are specialized to match the needs and size of the organization. They adopt this theory as a means of introducing flexibility in bureaucracy studies so as to avoid using evidence about the period between 1661 and 1715 as "an index of modernity" (p. 30). The book is a long one, and almost half of the printed pages are dedicated to comprehensive notes. The text could have been split into multiple monographs (a biography of Torcy, a prosopography of the commis, and a study of the foreign ministry's portfolio) yet as a whole it is a testament to the life work of Rule. It is premised on the idea that administrative history should not judge the past by a Weberian "idealized rationality" but rather focus on the "actual workings of power" (p. 32). For Rule (1929-2013), the book is the culmination of decades of work, but it is also a publication that reflects Trotter's contributions and research (pp. xiv-xv). Rule and Trotter carefully map out the history of the foreign office under Louis XIV as a bureaucracy in motion, one that depended on unique, skilled individuals as much as it was shaped by the institutional, social, and economic structures of the regime. The title of the book refers to the great waves of paperwork that streamed into and out of the foreign secretary's chambers at Versailles, or later in Paris at Torcy's private residence. Discussion of the ministry's materiality and its inner workings animate this book even more so than the professional biographies of the clerks or ambassadors working under Torcy or his father Croissy. The "things" of ministers, clerks, and diplomats--their mail, horses, pens, gifts, and residences--open up a new appreciation for just how an ancien regime ministry functioned from day to day. Things move, and so Rule and Trotter describe the movements inherent in diplomacy, explaining the importance of equerries and the relais de poste, not to mention the complications of a mobile court. …