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The China-India border dispute is the biggest obstacle to the development of China-India relations. The existing studies on the China-India border dispute do not pay enough attention to geographical factors and lack comprehensive analysis of multi-agent and multi-scale, so it is difficult to grasp the essential characteristics and overall situation of the China-India border issue. This paper proposes a multi-scale geopolitical analysis framework to analyze the competitive nature of contemporary China-India border dispute under the joint action of multi-scale and multi-agent. The main conclusion is that the contemporary China-India border dispute is a complex problem caused by multi-scale spatial superposition and multi-agent power game. On the global scale, the China-India border dispute is an important part of the strategic interaction be‐ tween the United States and India to contain China; At the regional scale of South Asia, China-India border dispute is a land blockade for India and its partner countries to restrict China's expansion of influence in South Asia; On the bilateral scale of China and India, India regards the China-India border dispute as a strategic fulcrum to seek land advantages over China, and tries to gain strategic advantages over China on both land and sea; At the national internal scale, the China-India border dispute is a competition between China and India in the border transformation mechanism; At the border area scale, the China-India border dispute is a competition between the two countries in terms of their ability to effectively manage border areas. The national inter‐ nal scale is the core scale that determines the China-India border dispute, but the possibility of the two countries reaching a reasonable compromise on this scale is still very small in the short term. The current situation of the global, South Asian region, and bilateral scale is not conducive to a rational solution of the China-India border dispute. The border area scale is the main focus of the China-India border dispute for a long time. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Border issues, such as sovereignty, territorial claims, and security, play a significant role in transboundary river management. Borders can act as physical barriers that impede cooperation and coordination, and disputes over ownership and control of river resources can exacerbate tensions and lead to conflicts. Transboundary river management is a complex and critical issue that has gained increasing attention in recent years. The management of rivers that cross international borders raises numerous challenges, including political, economic, social, and environmental concerns. Effective management requires the cooperation of all countries sharing the river basin, and it involves the development of legal and institutional frameworks that promote sustainable use, equitable sharing, and peaceful resolution of conflicts. This paper aims to explore the intricate relationship between India's persistent border disputes with China and their far-reaching implications for the management of transboundary rivers. Their unresolved territorial disputes have profound implications for the shared river basins, such as the Brahmaputra Basin, and pose significant challenges to the implementation of effective transboundary river management strategies. Through an interdisciplinary examination of historical, geopolitical, and hydrological factors, this study sheds light on the multifaceted dimensions of India's border disputes with China and elucidates their detrimental impacts on the use of transboundary river resources. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The South China Sea dispute is developing at an extraordinarily rapid pace with six states' overlapping territorial interest, abundant untapped natural resources and more than hundreds of geological features. The regional consensus opposes coercion and favors diplomacy, but China is out of step with both the regional consensus and international norms and has posed a serious threat to the Asia-Pacific security. With this backdrop, this paper, predominantly taking the geopolitical approach, takes a stand that the South China Sea is going to be the grand chessboard of the world. The study endeavors to project that the world will never get a better place to contain an undemocratic expansionist power like China than the South China Sea. The great powers, including the US, need to take a very strongly articulated South China Sea policy, as the world is getting tired of the ambiguous policy of China from the 'Peaceful Rise' to 'Covid-19'. At the same time, the paper sheds light on the importance of South China Sea in India's strategic gambit and how this complex, potential ground is important to India to turn the Chinese dominated Asia into a multipolar Asia. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

China-India relations are becoming increasingly competitive and volatile. The deep-rooted dynamic is the dysfunctioning of the previous interaction framework that had ensured relatively stable bilateral relationship for decades. This paper explores the main obstacles and dynamics of the current China-India relationship, including the border issue, economic relations and the Quad. It also shares some thoughts on what China and India should do to move forward the bilateral relationship. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Relations between India and China, two of the oldest living civilizations had been warm, friendly and cooperative for centuries. Both nations had established greater linkages through cultural exchanges and trade throughout history. Ancient trade and religious pilgrimages had been flourishing through the ancient silk route for centuries. After independence, the civilizational relationship gains new momentum and the spirit of 'Hindi-Chini Bhai Bhai'guided a new era of the Asian century. However, the brotherhood spirit started deteriorating after the Tibetan Uprising of1959, leading to a trust deficit and subsequent border disputes. In 1962, both the neighbours engage a brief war and stand to juxtapose in many regional and global issues. Over the years, Chinese has emerged as a major international player and India's China policy has undergone a dynamic change to balance the Chinese threat. In this background, the current paper is intended to highlight the dynamics of India's China policy and analyse the changing relationship between India and China over theyears. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The paper explains the varied interpretations of conflict, conflict resolution and boundary management. Using the multi-paradigm approach it examines the important causes of the conflict between China and India, especially the border conflict at Arunachai Pradesh. It reaffirms that Chinese diplomacy's forte is to discuss and lay out 'principles', and then Interpret them to suit Beeing's convenience, as in the case of the Panchsheel. India should not allow focus to diveit from the practical task of clarifying the Line of Actual Control to a conceptual enunciation of the principles dunngany future talks. The line of control clarification must remain the starting point to any negotiations. Failure to take a strong stand now will prove detrimental to Indian foreign policy interests in the future. It suggests some policy measures based on major theoretical models which may help preserve Indian interests in the long term. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the backdrop of the Covid-19 pandemic, the clash in the Galwan Valley (June 15, 2020) between the Chinese and Indian troops, that killed twenty Indian soldiers, is undoubtedly a watershed moment in India-China relations. While both the Asian giants seek to avoid war, India and China have sharpened the political rhetoric; meanwhile, troops from both sides continue to be amassed along the Line of Actual Control (LAC). The process of disengagement of troops and de-escalation of tensions have worked, albeit limitedly. Furthermore, the growing support of China to Taliban controlled Afghanistan (August 2021), will impact the course of Sino-India relations. The current stand-off between India and China marks the beginning of a new phase of relations where its repercussions will be felt in their immediate periphery and beyond. This article focuses on the strategic options for India. The transgression of China across the LAC will continue to cast its shadow over the relations between the two Asian giants. The earlier "spirit" and "connect" between the two nations stand broken and mending the same will test the institutions and leadership of both the countries. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

China's declaration of an Air Defence Identification Zone (ADIZ) over parts of the East China Sea has been discursively constructed as a threat to regional security by Indian commentators. The Indian government meanwhile has not released an official assessment of the Chinese ADIZ. Unofficial commentators extrapolate the threat into a possible Chinese ADIZ over the disputed border with India. This article examines how the Indian security community interprets and discursively constructs the ADIZ threat. Threat, identity and recommendations for response are constructed, drawing from national identity's contested concepts and ideational elements present within the Sino-Indian security equation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

India and China are two powers in Asia, having common borders but different sense of entitlements and vulnerabilities. China's global profile has become much stronger than India's. How India and China deal with each other will determine peace and stability in the Indo-Pacific region. The challenge for New Delhi is to factor its national self-interest and security into dealings with a rising China. India is threatened by Chinese assertiveness, given its outstanding boundary disputes with China, Belt and Road Initiative, uncritical Chinese support for Pakistan and China's increasing penetration into the Indian Ocean region. However, current Indian stance toward China is characterized by hedging, which has severe limitations dues to many structural constraints. The article argues that India should unhesitatingly increase its strategic engagement with America, Japan and Australia to strengthen the Quadrilateral. Despite some obvious differences, all four maritime democracies share a set of common strategic perceptions, which could deepen their security arrangements to manage China's growing assertiveness. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This essay traces the development of China–India studies from the mid-nineteenth century to the present in order to take stock of the field, which has witnessed a surge in publication over the past two decades. The assessment presented here weaves the main shifts in China–India political relations with the emergence of various strands of China–India scholarship, since the two aspects often intersect. The major lacuna in the field, this essay argues, is a framework needed to analyze the complex connections and the pertinent comparisons between China and India. It contends that research on China–India topics should ideally attempt to combine comparative and connective frameworks with analyses that transcend geographic, temporal, and disciplinary boundaries to address this lacuna. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

From China's perspective, border disputes, India's strategic cooperation with other major powers and security competition between China and India in IOR are the main factors shaping Sino-India relations. China believes that border disputes is difficult to resolve but largely manageable, India is wary of joining forces with US and other major powers to contain China, and the two countries can still seek coexistence in IOR even though India is concerned about China's growing influence in this region. China is implementing a counter-hedging strategy towards India that features active engagement with India on one hand and a certain level of security pressures on India on the other hand. To prevent these three problems from becoming more serious and exacerbating the Sino-Indian contradiction, China find it necessary to pay more attention on engagement with India and come up with more diplomatic resources and policy inputs in handling the bilateral relations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article focuses on the border dispute between China and India. A background of the incident in the Daulat Beg Oldi sector that happened on April 15, 2013 is narrated. The perception and sentiments of the Ladakhis, the people living at the Line of Control (LAC), include the proposal to reopen the old trade route through Demchok to Kailash Mansarovar. The proposed Border Defence Management Agreement, the infrastructure set-up by India and China, and the future of the Ladakhis are tackled.

In the past 60 years, India-China relations have oscillated between friendship, hostility and indifference. In recent times, both countries have started competing for global economic gains and political status. In light of these events, the objective of this article is to analyze various strategies used by China against India, and India's policy response to these strategies. The article evaluates the process of foreign policy decision making in India, and traces the historical evolution of India's foreign policy towards China. It then deconstructs China's foreign policy towards India, and provides the rationale behind its strategies. The article suggests that after initial engagement with India on the question of boundary disputes, Chinese foreign policy has undergone a dramatic shift since 2007. It specifically evaluates the twin Chinese tactics of military incursions and denial of legitimacy to the Indian territories of Arunachal Pradesh and Ladakh. Based on an analysis of China's previous boundary disputes resolution record with neighbors, these tactics are identified as an extension of China's new strategy for resolving such disputes. The article concludes by suggesting various policy options available to India to counter China's new strategy on the Sino-Indian border. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

An article is presented that reports on foreign economic relations between India and China and the countries' relationship in 2011. The article describes competition and partnerships between the nations, as well as their diplomacy related to issues of security, territory disputes, and trade. The article also discusses Indian views on China and their changing foreign relations. Information is provided on global changes, the United Nations (UN), and democracies, as well as on Indian Prime Minister Manmohan Singh and Chinese President Hu Jintao.

This article, by going through the literature in political science and anthropology, argues that historical outcomes, rhetoric legitimation of the nation-state project, and the post-September 11, 2001, war on terrorism have fueled the discussion whereby both regions--Kashmir and Tibet have something in common. It focuses on issues of collective rights, national identity, and state sovereignty in these two conflicts to ask what political solution exists for Tibetans or citizens Kashmir in today's changing world. Both of these post-WWII conflicts have been framed and defined by the two core states involved, India and China. Analytically, this article draws on anthropological and political work on the state to suggest possible non-violent, community-oriented solutions to these conflicts.