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This paper explores the contemporary relationship between international student migration and diaspora formation. It argues that international students have been largely absent from recent discussions of 'knowledge diasporas', where migrants' 'home' states attempt to harness and co-opt the skills and knowledge of their émigrés. This is surprising, given students' evident role in knowledge circulation and exchange. In this paper, we foreground the significance of international students but also explore their relationship to diaspora formation from a different angle. We argue that some states are increasingly engaging in (sometimes seemingly contradictory) policies designed to "obstruct" overseas diaspora formation, and these policies centre on their international student populations. Through a number of case studies and drawing on the secondary literature, we demonstrate the ways in which states are strategising to repatriate international students following their studies overseas. More broadly, we argue, this represents an alternative to popular notions of brain circulation and knowledge diasporas, chiming with a far more long-standing concern with 'brain drain'.

How and why did Russian education go from the enthusiastic liberalization in the early 1990s to the restoration of a Soviet-style system in the new century? Attempting to answer this question, the authors reassess and advance a theoretical model that they initially proposed fifteen years ago. While most research on education in transitional societies focuses on either institutional or ideological changes, this paper addresses both kinds of transformation from a unified theoretical perspective. In this context, the authors show how ideological tendencies that were registered already in the textbooks of 1990-1992 (nationalist orientations were emphasized side-by-side with a rehabilitation of the Soviet past) have unfolded into a full-scale conservative and neo-imperial ideological reorientation manifest in a radical revision of the history curriculum and in the content of the newly introduced religious education. Overall, the paper advances theoretical and conceptual framework for examining educational change in the context of lengthy social and political transformations. It is especially relevant to comparative studies of cases where such transformations include religious resurgences and state-controlled desecularization.

This paper argues that a prestige-humiliation dynamic is a systems-level force that shapes state behavior. Connecting psychological factors to structural realism, we observe the following: the more powerful a state becomes, the more it could seek to overturn past humiliation through aggressive prestige-seeking acts. This is done to reassert its power and status to erase past humiliation and achieve prestige even at the expense of others. Three historical examples will be discussed: Nazi Germany's erasure of the Treaty of Versailles, China's Century of Humiliation, and the North Atlantic Treaty Organization's expansion into Eastern Europe against Russia. The paper will then define face-saving behavior, allowing a competitor to preserve prestige and avoid humiliation as a way to deescalate tension. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Following the civil war in Russia, many Russian people ended up in exile. Amongst many other challenges, they were faced with the unique threat of losing their national identity. The key defenders of Russianness were the traditional institutions of identity construction. Youth movements also assisted them in this work, through the use of the Scout method of education. This paper hypothesises that Russian Scouts were originally oriented towards constructing an imperial type of nation, which was aimed at expansion. In exile, they would continue to reproduce this brand of Russianness; however, they would change their approach by adding new characters, inspired by the White ideology. Following emigration, under the influence of these symbols, a new identity was created, the 'White Russian'. The first part of the article describes the context in which Russian Scouts existed. The second part analyses the construction of national identity within Russian Scout organisations.

The paper deals with particularities of political and legal consciousness of young people in view of a region against the background of the general standpoint of the Russian citizens and Russian youth in questions of the political and legal spheres. The opinion of the young people and citizens of the country as a whole is evaluated based on the results of authors' sociological questionnaire surveys conducted in Jewish autonomous region and questionnaire surveys of the population of Russia conducted by Levada-Center and the Public Opinion Foundation. The political and legal consciousness in a social relations subject is formed under the effect of the entire complex of factors and is determined by the historical, political, economical and other conditions of the subject's life activity. In it, both the emotional and the rational, experience and traditions, moods and stereotypes are interweaved. While performing a number of regulatory, communicative etc. functions, the political consciousness is a kind of indicator that allows understanding, estimating the place and role of this or that subject (population as a whole, a social group, an individual) in politics. Legal consciousness is the most closely associated with the political one. It reflects political and economical interests, knowledge and evaluations of the laws, standards, social relations regulators accepted in the society.

In the epoch of globalization it is urgently important to draw attention to the problem of the formation of national self-awareness of school students. Numerous researches in the Russian Federation show that there is a tendency of cultural level decreasing, according to which a great many school students are not aware not only of the world's cultural heritage, but have a vague idea of their own (national) culture. The authors examine the role of foreign languages learning in the formation of national self-awareness of students in High schools. Language, as it is, reflects the culture and history of the nation. Therefore it can be declared a unique source in the process of national self-awareness formation of school students. The cross-cultural approach and the cross-cultural comparative approach in teaching EFL let both, teachers and students, consider human problems from the standpoint of two or more cultures that contribute to the comparative-contrastive analysis of native culture phenomena and compare the native culture with the culture of the target language. Drawing on literature of teaching and learning EFL, multicultural studies, as well as personal international teaching and learning experience, the authors examine the teaching and learning techniques focused on these approaches and present the authentic model of the formation of students' national self-awareness based on the integration of teaching the language and local lore in EFL classes. The paper discusses issues and practices of the studied model and offers general recommendations for High schools faculty.

The analysis of the dynamics of the governance of religious diversity in Southeastern and Central Eastern Europe and Russia provided in country studies in this special issue reveals that the countries of the region share several common tendencies but also exhibit significant divergences. This contribution compares the experiences of post-communist transition in religious diversity governance in the countries covered in the special issue. I assess the degree to which liberal regimes of religious diversity governance have been achieved or abandoned. I explore the explanatory factors behind the diversity of regimes in the region and the internal dynamics that these regimes have undergone throughout the post-communist period. I also compare policy issues related to the governance of religious diversity and the subsequent policy approaches adopted to tackle those challenges. The papers in this collection seek to explain a recent turn away from pro-diversity policy orientations by examining the influence of religious nationalism and the securitization of religion. In the conclusion, I argue for the need to consider additional factors related to post-communist transition in analyzing outcomes related to religious diversity governance. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The analysis of a sample of prescribed history textbooks in the Russian Federation (RF) show there has been a visible ideological shift in interpretation and emphasis of historical narratives. It signals a pronounced exercise in forging a desirable new identity, nation-building and a positive re-affirmation of the greatness of the present Russian state (Zajda, 2012). It also represents a clear denial or another form of 'characteristic amnesia', as certain controversial issues are either ignored or not discussed critically. Instead, it suggests an existence of the nexus between ideology, the state, and nation-building, as depicted in historical narratives of the more recent prescribed and approved by the Ministry of Education and Science school textbooks. It also demonstrates that the issue of national identity and balanced representations of the past continue to dominate the debate surrounding the content and pedagogy of history textbooks in the RF. For Russia, undergoing an all too-familiar process of nation-building, the three most significant issues defining an ideological re-positioning of the politically correct historical narratives are--preferred images of the past, patriotism and national identity. The paper concludes that competing discourses and ideologies will continue to define and shape the nature and significance of historical knowledge, ideologies and the direction of values education in prescribed history textbooks in Russia.

The paper analyses how the formal aims of citizenship education, as declared in legislation and policy documents, have changed since the end of the 1980s in response to the transformation of the political scenery in Finland and the Russian Federation. One central question framing the analysis of Finnish citizenship education is whether nationally-based citizenship is becoming obsolete because of Finland's latest involvement in the European integration process. In the Russian case, the aim is to investigate whether nationality has become more strongly linked to the Russian state since the breakdown of the Soviet empire. The study also examines whether nationality has acquired new meanings because of the political transformations of the last two decades in Finland and Russia. The study's findings illustrate that Finland is both forsaking the strong link between the state and the nation, and returning to the pre-independence cultural concept of the nation. These changes allow Finland to move in the direction of a multi-level conception of citizenship. Nevertheless, for Finland national citizenship remains the nucleus of other citizenship and identity layers. In contrast to the recent developments in Finland, the discourses of state integrity and national unity have become more prominent in Russia. Russia seeks to attach citizenship to the state-wide national space by encouraging state patriotism and strengthening the position of the Russian language. (Contains 12 notes.)

Examines the place of national imagery and the experience of the nation in childhood. Draws a comparison between such experiences in Iceland and Kamchatka, Russia. Describes ways in which these experiences become resources for expressing a distinct national identity. (EV)

Asserts that Russian society and Russian schools are going through a profound crisis. Maintains that the best approach to solving social and educational problems is to restore and develop national principles and group cohesion. Criticizes the United States and Japanese educational systems and calls for Russia to follow its own path. (CFR)

Between 2011 and 2016, the Kremlin altered its strategy to maintain elite coherence and shore up social support. The papers presented in this volume argue that these changes in formal rules, informal practices, state policy, and ideational narratives constituted a second authoritarian turn since 2000. In comparison to the first regime shift in the mid-2000s this strategic change combined tactics designed redefine the Kremlin's core support and construct electoral majorities that could deliver victories in the 2016 national parliamentary election and the 2018 presidential election. While the outcome of the 2016 election suggests overwhelming regime success, these papers raise important questions about the long-term efficacies of these strategies, their unintended consequences, and the contradictions that are evident in social attitudes. In the context of the growing literature on contemporary autocracy, these papers present a strong case for increased focus on social attitudes and behaviors as well as the ideational and informal elements of the state's mechanisms to maintain regime stability. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Discusses influences on the development of Russian nationalism. Describes the development of an intelligentsia and its relationship with both peasants and rulers. Addresses the influence of French and German political and religious thinkers. Emphasizes that the Napoleonic wars provided both a Russian patriotic bond and exposure of Russia's elite to the realities of peasant life. (DK)

This paper, based on the corpus of the news from TASS and UKRINFORM between February 24 and March 5, 2022, investigates different concerns of the two media platforms regarding conflict discourses, and analyzes their different naming strategies of social actors from the perspective of critical discourse analysis (CDA). It is found that Russian and Ukrainian media attempted to construct different national identities for each other through distinct discourse strategies. The Russian TASS named Ukraine a security threat while including Donbas as Russia's in-group member. It also utilized out-group discourse strategies to exclude western countries, such as the United States, from its friend circle. The Ukrainian media discourse from UKRINFORM, however, grouped Ukraine itself together with western countries allied with the United States while stigmatizing Russia and excluding the Donbas region. The current research shows that the politically driven principle is commonly used in the media discourses from TASS and UKRINFORM as the representative national media of the two countries. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper considers the role of Russian print media and government in forming and publicizing nationalist sentiment through a content analysis of newspaper coverage of ethnic conflict in Stavropol in 2007. It shows that though the government officially pursues an inclusive multicultural approach (which I call associative nationalism), newspapers owned by Kremlin-loyal business holdings printed quite nationalist and sensationalist versions of the events in question. I argue that this is a passive promotion of a dissociative type of nationalism on the part of the Kremlin, which works against its stated purposes of bringing together all those in the Russian territory into a united national identity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Since the beginning of the XIXth century the relations of dependency and inter-dependency between the Iranian monarch and foreign officials became an integral part of Iranian political life. During the Iranian Constitutional Movement (1905–1911) nascent Iranian nationalism harshly condemned the Qajars as tyrants and lackeys of foreign powers. Muhammad 'Ali Shah (r.1907–1909), the first Qajar sovereign who had to share his powers with the representative assembly, was quickly discredited by his political opponents as despot and Russian puppet, an accusation that seemed to be proved when the deposed Muhammad 'Ali returned to Iran from his exile and launched a military campaign. This study represents an attempt to shed more light on the relations between Muhammad 'Ali and Russian officials, especially in the context of his return campaign of 1911. Relying mostly on unpublished Russian archival sources, this paper proposes a critical assessment of Muhammad 'Ali's link with Russia, avoiding the habitual reductionist scheme of 'patron-client' relations and putting more emphasis on the role of agency in Russian foreign policy in Iran as well as the proper intentions and ambitions of the Qajar princely elite. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Life has profoundly changed for Ukrainian citizens since the beginning of the Russia–Ukraine war. While millions have fled Ukraine as refugees and displaced persons, others have remained in their cities to take up arms, volunteer, and/or shield for safety. Despite the devastation at all levels of society caused by Russia's ongoing attacks, Ukrainians' expressions and practices of nationhood have endured and even evolved in light of their country's war‐torn reality, as is especially evident in the country's bomb shelters. As hegemonic theorising in nationalism studies often centres on the territorial state and its institutions, this paper instead considers the experiences of ordinary individuals who hold important colloquial and vernacular knowledge. Specifically, the project examines the everyday lives of Ukrainians at—or below—the grassroots within bomb shelters in the heavily attacked cities of Chernihiv, Kyiv, and Kharkiv to reveal how Ukrainian nationalism has manifested and even been (re)produced amidst the conflict. In demonstrating that nationalism has served as both a sentiment and expression of self, the findings emphasise its significance in the current conflict as a motivating and unifying force in Ukrainians' everyday lives. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Is Russia a neoimperial or postimperial state? In this paper, I compare two interpretations proposed by political commentators Marcel Van Herpen and Dmitri Trenin. Van Herpen holds that the Russian empire is literally being rebuilt, whereas Trenin believes that Russia is just ceasing to be an empire. I argue that, contrary to popular belief, the current war against Ukraine cannot be interpreted as an attempt to restore the Russian empire. This is because being an empire requires a universalistic ideology that can be accepted by other nations. Meanwhile, the ideological foundation of the current war is an obviously nationalistic conception of the "Russian world." Polish historians Andrzej Nowak and Włodzimierz Marciniak brilliantly argued that it was Russian nationalism that had previously led to the collapse of both Imperial Russia and the Soviet Union. Under this interpretation the current war in Ukraine can be seen not as the rebirth but rather as the dramatic end of Russian imperialism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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After years of upheaval in Russia, Putin's arrival on the political stage constituted an important turning point for the country, as the new President successfully rebuilt a strong central government and gained the support of the Russian people. This paper lays out Putin's domestic and international strategies for rallying distinct and seemingly conflicting forms of nationalism: 'ethnic' and 'imperial' nationalism. The paper shows that at the domestic level, Putin branded his regime as the ultimate representative of ethnic Russians, building a quasi-nation-state that gave voice to traditional, conservative Russian nationalists. Yet by targeting specific international interests, Putin simultaneously revived Russian imperial nationalism in ways that complemented, rather than antagonized, ethnic nationalist interests. Ultimately, I argue that Putin has gained Russians' support in part by mobilizing diverging, and inherently conflicting, nationalist trends. Yet the President's persisting popularity masks a troubling failure to cement long-term support for the Russian state. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In recent times, the world has seen an explosion of episodes of forced migration. Whether another state has led the attack, such as Russia's invasion of Ukraine or by its own state such as Myanmar, ousting the Rohingyas, this international political reality of forced exit can neither be denied nor ignored. Consequent to the international political reality, some states have tightened their borders as they hold nationalist concerns against immigration of such kind. Their concern stems from the philosophy of nationalism which claims the protection of borders and sovereignty in light of the influx of refugees and the burden on the state. This paper aims to elaborate on the interaction of political and legal philosophy related to Liberalism and Nationalism. I put forward the hypothesis that the current reality of international politics - the influx of victims of forced migration such as refugees should be rethought with the application of the philosophy of liberal nationalism. Liberalism and nationalism are two very different moral and political philosophies. Liberal claims protect individual freedom, advocate open borders, and promote equality of all before the law and consent of the governed. Nationalist philosophy promotes the interests of the state, and advocates devotion to the state, its ideology, culture and ethos. In the context of forced migration, the ideas of these disunited philosophies can be utilised to balance and accommodate the concerns of refugees, states and citizens. For this, I will examine the philosophies of liberalism, nationalism and liberal nationalism, which present an inclusive form of nationalism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Following the February 24th, 2022, Russia‘s invasion of Ukraine, the rumours erupted that the Western Balkan countries are the next area of serious security concerns. Indeed, this region consisting of six states has witnessed much turmoil and civil wars during Yugoslavia‘s disintegration. After two decades of peace, the fuse in Ukraine has inspired nationalist efforts in Serbia, and Bosnia-Herzegovina as if the time is coming to resettle disputes, regardless the bitter experience from the wars of 1990s. The European Union (EU) and almost all European countries except Belarus, joined the condemnation of Russia‘s aggression in Ukraine and imposed harsh sanctions against Russia. Serbia, found between EU perspective which it aspires to join and Russia‘s friendship or ally in the Balkans, reluctantly condemned the aggression. One of Serbia‘s primary reasons for such a ―balanced‖ politics between the EU and Russia, is her opposition to Kosovo‘s independence, with some Serb politicians making aggressive and threatening statements. While Kosovo is still under the protection of NATO-led KFOR, a more real threat of destabilization and war emerged in Bosnia-Herzegovina where the Serbs have 49% of the territory, makeup 30% of the total population, have their own Republic, and are warning for secession to join Serbia. In this paper, we investigate the past lessons, current threats, and consequences of resuming potential destabilization on national lines in the Western Balkans which recently have been fuelled and are influenced by similar claims of Russia against Ukraine – that Russians and Ukrainians are one people. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The late 1980s and early 1990s were characterized by the sudden rise of nationalist movements in almost all Soviet ethnic regions. It is argued that the rise ofpoliticalnationalism since the late 1980s can be explained by the development ofculturalnationalism in the previous decades, as an unintended outcome of Communist nationalities policy. All ethnic regions are examined throughout the entire history of the USSR (49 regions, 1917–1991), using the structural equation modeling (SEM) approach. This paper aims to make at least three contributions to the field. First, it is a methodological contribution for studying nationalism: a “quantification of history” approach. Having constructed variables from historical data, I use conventional statistical methods such as SEM. Second, this paper contributes to the theoretical debate about the role of cultural autonomy in multiethnic states. Finally, the paper statistically proves that the break between early Soviet and Stalinist nationalities policy explains the entire Soviet nationalities policy. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Comprehensive national defence is a security concept, which is based on whole-of-society involvement, therefore the will of society to defend the state is a precondition for it to be effective. The will to defend the state is a moral commitment arising from national identity. However, Latvia's ethnic structure is setting specific circumstances for this security concept, due to the polarization of views among the Latvian and Russian-speaking communities. This paper addresses the question of how linguistic distinctions affect willingness to fight for a country and expands knowledge on identity patterns in an ethnically diverse society. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

A national football team is perceived as symbol of the national identity. One of the elements of European national identity is race. At the beginning of twentieth century on the Old Continent, most of the state teams' players were light-skinned, likewise the other citizens of their countries. Nevertheless, since the 1930s it has been observing the growing process of appearance of dark-skinned players in subsequent national football teams. The paper explores the emergence of the dark-skinned football players in European national teams (UEFA members). It considers all the 39 cases of the dark-skinned pioneers in European national teams – from Andrew Watson (Scotland, debut in national team in 1881) to Ariclenes da Silva Ferreira 'Ari' (Russia, debut in 2018). Based on them, the text distinguishes the seven waves of this interracial transnationalism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Abstract: Ethnic minority nationalism has always been one of the most important subfields of nationalism studies, yet it lacks the consideration in illiberal settings. Limitations of civil liberties and restrictive legislation have undoubtedly affected the existence and the ways to express minority nationalism when it is considered a threat to authoritarian government, which is the case of the contemporary Russian Federation. The paper provides a methodological framework that helps to investigate ethnic minority nationalism when its direct articulation is restricted. It argues that the combination of a cultural nationalism approach and complexity theory can be a fruitful way to explore minority nationalism in an illiberal nationalising state using the case of Russian ethnic minorities. It also argues that the complex context of authoritarianism and market economy creates tipping points towards the growing importance of ethnic minority identification as a basis for social solidarity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

How can one explain the recent fascination with sport as a tool of government policy in Russia?  This paper argues that sports policy in Russia is an essential part of policies to encourage nationalism and one which borrows heavily from the Soviet past.  Based on the analysis of meeting transcripts available on the Kremlin website and other materials, this paper argues that there are five key mechanisms by which the Kremlin uses the Soviet sport legacy to promote nationalism. This use of sport has implications for the popular reception of Putin’s regime. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The ongoing conflict between Russia and Ukraine has had a profound effect not only on the warring countries but also on diasporas that are related to them. Bringing together theories of diasporic identities and new media, this paper explores how Ukrainian diasporic 'selves' are affected by the ongoing conflict with the focus on the role of social media in the formation of their national and ethnic identities. With a series of in‐depth interviews conducted in Europe and North America, this study identifies the functions of social media in diasporic self‐understanding, representation of national culture and online commemoration and mourning. The findings reveal that social media provide diasporic subjects with a space for the negotiation and performance of ethnic and national identities. Within this space, however, they experience ongoing contestation that makes 'new' diaspora members more prone to relate to the radicalised discourses on national history, explanations of the conflict and Ukrainian monolingualism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Using materials gathered during fieldwork carried out in Russia in 2008 and 2009, this paper examines the ‘Day of Stavropol’ krai 2009’ celebration and links it to debates on ethnic relations, identity and nationalism in post-Soviet Russia. It is argued that celebrations, festivals, parades and other ‘spectacles’ are significant, yet often overlooked, influences on ethnic relations. Although authorities at national and regional scale play a prominent role in governing ethnic relations, it is often the case that they revert to Soviet-era practices – such as the ‘folklorization’ of ethnic groups – and produce a narrative that proclaims the ‘eternal harmony’ of ethnic relations. Given widespread ethnic tensions that exist in Russia, such a representation of ethnic relations is far from the reality lived by people in everyday life. Thus, this paper explores how citizens' understandings of ethnic relations relates to that portrayed by state authorities. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

For several years, various nationalist groups and the Russian state have been competing over nationalism as a political concept and for popular support to nationalist claims. This paper analyzes the relationship between the state and anti-government, ethnocentric nationalistic groups that gather annually in an event called “the Russian March.” Emphasis is on the change in that relationship that happened in 2014, when the state added efforts to channel and mobilize the nationalists to its previous repressive and controlling measures. The article conceptualizes the competition over the nationalist argument in contemporary Russia as a case of dissentful and consentful contention in hybrid regimes, and shows how the dissentful nationalists have been forced to make way for the more consentful ones. Until recently, the room for maneuver for the radical nationalists was relatively wide. The events in Ukraine, however, divided the nationalists, and since 2014 radical nationalists have faced increased state repression. At the same time, pro-government nationalist actors have strengthened, and new players have appeared in the field. These developments tell us not only about the Kremlin’s diminished tolerance for dissentful contention, but also about the importance of the nationalist argument in Russian politics today. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The relevance of the problem under study is associated with the actual situation which is characteristic for the present-day Russia and pertaining to the results of the state youth policy being carried out, the level of formation of national and civil consciousness of the Russian young people. The objective of the paper consists in detailing the philosophical bases, meanings and values of the Russian culture that can be used in organizing the upbringing and educational activity of the Russian youth. The leading approach to studying this problem was the culturological one acting as the methodological basis of studying the problem of upbringing of the national and civil consciousness in the Russian young people. The main results of the research have shown that the questions of upbringing of the contemporary Russian young people's civil and patriotic consciousness are understudied. There are only few works of social and pedagogical focus that consider these questions pointedly and productively. The research demonstrates the necessity of introducing the relevant modifications (amendments) concerning the Russian youth to the state social policy. It has to be clearly oriented to organizing the focused and consistent social and pedagogical activity which is aimed at shaping the national and civil consciousness of the rising generation on the basis of meanings and values of the Russian culture. The resulting materials are both of theoretical importance for further exploration of this range of problems and of practical importance for elaboration of objectives, provisions, and content of various state and public projects and programs pertaining to the civil and patriotic upbringing of the rising generation (children, adolescents, young people) and using them within the country's system of education at all levels (pre-school, school, professional, and further ones). [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Pacifism in Russia has historically been weak due to several factors, among which the scares development of civil servative ideology of the maiority of their citizens and the authoritarian nature of their different governments and regimes stand out. Despite the previously described facts, this region has also made surprising and valuable contributions to the cause of peace throughout history, which are worth rescuing and are depicted in this article as precedents of the present day local peace movement. Later on, this paper introduces and describes the current struggle of peace groups both in Russia and Ukraine, emphasizing how activism against the War in Ukraine is particularly complicated in the repressive context of nationalism and war-mongering exaltation in these countries, as well as in an international scenario of crisis of pacifism and boom of narratives that promote the rearmament of the West for fear of the military and economic development of Russia and China. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The ongoing Russo-Ukrainian war, euphemistically called the "Ukraine crisis," draws attention to its ideological underpinnings that include a historically informed Russian hegemonic view of Ukrainians as "younger brothers" who should be both patronized and censured for improper behavior. The paper examines a particular aspect of this superior attitude as embedded in ethnic stereotypes - both "vernacular", primarily in folklore, and ideologically constructed, in both cultural and political discourses. In both cases, the structure of stereotypes reflects the dominant position of one group and subjugated position of the other within a more general paradigm of relations between Robinson Crusoe and Friday. A peculiar dialectics implies that a "good" Friday can be civilized and assimilated and become almost equal to Crusoe - "almost the same people", in a popular Russian parlance about Ukrainians. Yet, a "bad" ("wrong") Friday should be strongly reviled and thoroughly demonized as a complete evil, manipulated allegedly by hostile ("Western") Robinsons. The paper argues that the Russo-Ukrainian relations cannot be normalized until Russians learn to see Ukrainians as neither "good" nor "bad" but just different eas all the people around. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Nationalism and revolution have generally been held to go together. Many nation-states have had their origins in revolution, from the Americans in the 18th century to a host of Third World nation-states in the 20th century. Generally, both modern revolutions and modern nationalism have the same origins, in 18th century Enlightenment thought. But this paper argues that, despite this common origin, the principles of revolution and nationalism are divergent, and can set one against the other. Revolutions emphasise freedom and equality; nationalism emphasises integration and unification. These principles can clash, though not inevitably and not always. The paper examines the 1789 French Revolution, the 1848 revolutions and the 1917 Russian revolution. It shows that in the first two cases, revolutionary aspirations came up against and were eventually displaced by nationalist aims. In the case of 1917, revolution paradoxically, and unintentionally, institutionalised nationalism. These examples show that, though linked at some high level of modern thought, revolution and nationalism express different and at times divergent strands of modernity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The study explores the conflict between Russia and Ukraine where the overall aim is to comprehend the impact of the armed conflict on the education sector and education from a securitization perspective. The development of the crisis from a securitization perspective in eastern Ukraine is shown to directly influence the educational conditions for children. In several areas near the conflict zone, military installations close to schools are a cause for security concern. The military installations are possible targets meaning that children are exposed to danger during school hours. The study also focused on how children and young people play a significant role in conflicts. In their vulnerable position, they become subjected to various types of socialization processes aimed at preserving the defense interests of the Ukrainian State, while regional and global actors are trying to reduce conflicts in the region through efforts advocating democracy and peace education. The study also highlights nationalistic tendencies on both sides of the conflict and the role that patriotic training as well as patriotic education take in fostering an active citizen through identity construction. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article offers an account of how digital-media communication enables the negotiation of nationhood from the bottom up. It explains how conservative understandings of national belonging can be challenged and co-constructed in the process of public communication over a given discursive event. Using a discourse-historical approach and multimodal critical discourse analysis focused on Manizha's performance on the Eurovision Song Contest, the author shows the role of race, gender, citizenship, and origins for the construction of a sense of national belonging in the Russian Federation right on the eve of the full-scale war with Ukraine. The author argues that despite the commonly shared racialized understanding of Russian nationhood and the state-imposed conservative values that shape it, there was a dynamic toward a more inclusive understanding of national belonging that was advanced by some popular celebrities and picked up, bottom-up, by minority groups and liberal-minded RUnetizens. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]