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This paper attempts to compare interactions between social changes and the integration of nationalism and multiculturalism in the context of music education by focusing on the ways in which the governmental politics of mainland China and the United States have managed nationalism and diversity in school music education. This paper also explores the ways in which music education, in response to different sociopolitical contexts, relates to the teaching of both musical and non-musical meanings in the dual context of nationalism and multiculturalism, and discusses some of the challenges facing music education in music classrooms today in these two nations. This paper argues that the interplay of tensions in the current wave of nationalism and multiculturalism seen in both mainland China and the United States show the enduring nature of state ideologies in a dynamic, contentious process of social construction.

In her book on the national cosmology of Hutu refugees in Tanzania, "Purity and Exile," Liisa Malkki argues that in the modern age of nation-states, culture and identity are conceived in fundamentally territorial terms. Thus, being "out of place" disrupts and threatens national identity which attempts to appear pure, whole and natural. The "[v]iolated, broken roots" of displacement "signal an ailing cultural identity and a damaged national identity". This theory of diaspora, of communities outside of their "original" place, the place they call their homeland, is the fundamental basis upon which this study rests. This paper examines the way one diasporic community negotiates the local boundaries of its host country and community, and constructs and expresses a national identity and national cause outside of the territory that defines it. Like the refugees of mass violence in Malkki's study, the community presented here, Tibetan refugees in Nepal, also defines itself in light of a specific history of violence and subjugation. The force of the violence experienced by individuals, and collectively experienced by members of the community produced profound trauma and a particular way of constructing their identity as a group whose cultural and physical survival is at risk, threatened from the outside. The purpose of this paper is to examine the local conditions of Tibetan refugee life in Nepal, and discover how this community constructs its identity as Tibetan. The author's research finds that they seek resources outside of their host nation, from an international network of Western supporters, and eventually define themselves globally. However, the certainty of belonging for exiled Tibetans is ultimately challenged. While the Tibetans embraced the Western aid workers and sponsors as "second parents," ultimately, intermarriage with westerners, for example, was feared and seen as challenging the natural order of national identity. (Contains a bibliography.)

The purpose of this paper is to review ethnic diversity, national unity and multicultural education in China with graduate students in a multicultural education course and pose some questions for discussion. China is a rapidly developing multiethnic country facing several challenges, including pollution, growing income inequality and low political participation of ordinary citizens. These can threaten social stability. In addition, China must address ethnic conflict, particularly in urban, autonomous and border regions. The Chinese government is advocating national unity education in the school and college curriculum to help address these some of these issues. Multicultural education could provide a framework for addressing social, economic, political and educational inequalities in China. Excerpts from different sources provide information on relevant issues. The instructor could distribute this material to students to read before the lesson, and/or, use his/her own material. Teachers in China and other countries should: (1) avoid teaching a hidden curriculum; (2) understand the characteristics of a culturally assaultive classroom; (3) learn how to prepare a multicultural curriculum; (4) set objectives while using a multicultural education model; (5) involve parents in the education of children; and (6) work on changing their attitudes. Some ideas for teaching multi-culturally are listed in seven Tables. (Contains 7 tables.)

This paper examines the ways in which the ethnic minority group the Tujia in Enshi, China, engages with heritage tourism, as a complex project of designing authenticity. Authenticity is taken as part of the chronotopic phenomena of identity making: the complex interplay of multiple, nonrandom timespace frames of discourses and semiotic performances which condition and offer new potentials to the meanings of authenticity. We show ethnographically the chronotopic nature of the local production of "authentic" heritage for tourism in Enshi. This leads to a historical grounding of the Tujia in China's nation-building and state politics of multiculturalism, which uncovers the anxiety of inauthenticity experienced by the Tujia in Enshi with their own minority status and cultural heritage, as well as their strategic chronotopic incorporation of both "authentic" and "inauthentic" aspects of local identity practices into a new order of authenticity afforded by heritage tourism as a form of new economy. Through such practices, we argue, the Tujia in Enshi chronotopically shift away from the periphery towards a new and reconfigured center of meaning-making, although this reappropriation of authenticity still must be understood within the "cunning of recognition" scheme, i.e. within the constraints of late modernity.

The paper reviews Asia-Pacific higher education and university research, focusing principally on the "Confucian" education nations Japan, Korea, China, Hong Kong China, Taiwan, Singapore and Vietnam. Except for Vietnam, these systems exhibit a special developmental dynamism--still playing out everywhere except Japan--and have created a distinctive model of higher education more effective in some respects than systems in North America, the English-speaking world and Europe where the modern university was incubated. The Confucian Model rests on four interdependent elements: (1) strong nation-state shaping of structures, funding and priorities; (2) a tendency to universal tertiary participation, partly financed by growing levels of household funding of tuition, sustained by a private duty, grounded in Confucian values, to invest in education; (3) "one chance" national examinations that mediate social competition and university hierarchy and focus family commitments to education; (4) accelerated public investment in research and "world-class" universities. The Model has downsides for social equity in participation, and in the potential for state interference in executive autonomy and academic creativity. But together with economic growth amid low tax regimes, the Confucian Model enables these systems to move forward rapidly and simultaneously in relation to each and all of mass tertiary participation, university quality, and research quantity and quality.

This article examines Jardine Matheson & Co.'s (JM) response to the riots, strikes, and boycotts that the Chinese people, particularly the workers, engaged in from 1925 to 1926. The occurrence was widespread and lasted for a considerable amount of time. spreading from the south to other regions. The British were a prime target of protests, strikes, and boycotts. JM became one of the British companies that were immediately impacted by the disaster as a result. JM's business's shipping, port, and manufacturing sectors were severely disrupted and destroyed.JM suffered a large loss because of the riot's property damage. JM was also required to comply with the workers' requests for pay increases. To defend JM's position and business interests in China, JM reacted to the incident because of the circumstance. Therefore, qualitative research methods and library research were utilized to examine JM's response to episodes of riots, strikes, and boycotts that happened throughout the time covered by this paper. Primary sources for the study included letters, reports from the London Foreign Office (FO371), meeting materials and minutes from the JM Company, and British business organizations including the China Association. While secondary sources are the results of earlier research, including books and journals. Both sources were used in the creation of this article. The results of this study are expected to add to the corpus of additional knowledge in the study of modern Chinese history. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper discusses the need to develop new approaches to the problems of intercultural communication under modern conditions. The established theories were formulated in the mid-20th century in a specific historical context and for specific purposes; today they are outdated. The ongoing globalisation, changing global balance of power, increased mobility of the ever-growing masses of the world population, mainly in the spheres of tourism, education and labour migration, call for new concepts and theoretical frameworks. Cultural globalisation revived interest in national cultures, creating a desire to preserve national traditions, lifestyles, characteristic features of everyday life and even those of the worldview. This process is stimulated by the opposition between increasing globalisation and attempts to uphold national identity. Thus, most nations today find issues related to national identity increasingly important and sensitive. The clash between the two opposing vectors - cultural standardisation, on the one hand, and a kind of cultural nationalism, on the other - leads to a growing number of cross-cultural misunderstandings and conflicts. This study relies on a variety of sources, including the results of a survey of Russian and Chinese students studying at the Lomonosov Moscow State University. The discussion of the need to design new approaches to intercultural communication is illustrated by the experiences of Chinese students studying at Russian universities and Russian academics teaching Chinese students. The number of Chinese students is steadily growing, but Russian educational institutions are not prepared to handle this increased inflow. Students, in their turn, are not prepared to integrate into an alien culture. Apart from the need to develop new principles and techniques for cross-cultural studies, the paper also emphasises the importance of providing practical information and advice in various forms - the Internet, guidebooks, induction courses to help international students to adapt to the Russian education system and everyday life. Of great importance are professional advancement courses for the Russian faculty teaching students from China, which would offer them an introduction into Chinese education traditions, behaviour patterns and mentality. Some other ways of addressing the current issues in integrating Chinese students into the Russian world are suggested. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Geosul is the property of Geosul and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Previous studies on cyber politics in China have highlighted the antagonistic relationship between the state and society, either emphasizing on how the state controls online opinions or how the Internet politically empowers individuals. Recent studies went further to reveal the possibility of collaboration between the state and certain online groups. Following the new line of research, this paper presents a case study of the "Little Pinks" and argues that the heterogeneous cyberspace could spontaneously generate netizen groups that may well align and cooperate with the authoritarian regime. The Little Pinks is a group of influential young Chinese netizens who are nationalistic-oriented and readily defend their government online. Although Chinese authorities have attempted to guide and mobilize them, they are at most allies, but never a subsidiary of the government. They have demonstrated astonishing organizational capability in collective actions, which is derived from the vibrant fandom culture in the Chinese cyberspace. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

We conducted on a questionnaire survey for the current college students' civic awareness from four aspects of equality consciousness, national consciousness, freedom consciousness and public consciousness. Survey data was analyzed with the SAS® statistical software, the results shown that some of our country's College Students with a strong national consciousness, and their patriotic feeling is deep at present. They identity the consciousness of equality, but their awareness of fighting for rights is not strong. They have a sense of freedom, but some students are not clear about the relationship between freedom and law. Their enthusiasm to participate in public affairs is not high. Their awareness of social morality is not comprehensive. The reason is that the influence of traditional culture and the political development can't keep up with the development of economy and the systematic citizenship education is lacked. Finally, we put forward a method of improve the civic awareness of Contemporary College Students in this paper. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Chinese scientists working during the early twentieth century are often understood as radical modernizers. A close examination of research practices in biology at the time, however, complicates such a view. Influential biologists in Nanjing examined in this paper appropriated traditional styles, concerns, and knowledge as crucial constituents in conducting and communicating biological subjects, such as plant taxonomy, comparative anatomy, and goldfish evolution. This paper shows that the prioritized study of those species collected within China was crucial in sustaining traditional styles and knowledge essential to modern biology. As biologists reinterpreted classics, poems, Confucian morality, and historical texts, incorporating them into a scientific life, they changed what it meant to be traditional and scientifically modern at the same time. Particularly, these trends shaped a predominant focus on indigenous species and taxonomic science over experimentation in Nanjing, forging a direction that ran counter to an experimental turn in biology in the wider world. Emphasis on the importance of indigenous species for science, however, added to a full-blown scientific nationalism during the Nanjing Decade (1928-1937), when territorial and economic sovereignty became major concerns for the Guomindang government. With expanding research programs and communities, biologists increasingly presented species within China as potent symbols for national sovereignty in classrooms, at customs, and for museum display. By showing ways of appropriating indigenous species in these scientific and cultural activities, this paper exposes intricate associations between biological things and scientific nationalism in Republican China. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper attempts to compare interactions between social changes and the integration of nationalism and multiculturalism in the context of music education by focusing on the ways in which the governmental politics of mainland China and the United States have managed nationalism and diversity in school music education. This paper also explores the ways in which music education, in response to different sociopolitical contexts, relates to the teaching of both musical and non-musical meanings in the dual context of nationalism and multiculturalism, and discusses some of the challenges facing music education in music classrooms today in these two nations. This paper argues that the interplay of tensions in the current wave of nationalism and multiculturalism seen in both mainland China and the United States show the enduring nature of state ideologies in a dynamic, contentious process of social construction. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper aims to provide a detailed explanation of how the promotion of different nationalist discourses in China entails distinct repercussions on both government and regime legitimacy, looking for the rationale of governmental appeal to both affirmative and assertive nationalism within the context of general legitimacy crisis suffered by communism in the last years. Through the analysis of case studies including the return of Hong Kong and Macao under Chinese sovereignty and the success of Beijing's bid for hosting the 2008 Olympic Games, this paper regards the rise of affirmative nationalism as beneficial for the legitimacy of both the Jiang government and the CCP regime as a whole. However, the increasing relevance of assertive nationalism, discussed with reference to the Diaoyu dispute with Japan, and the diplomatic crisis with the US after the bombing of the Chinese embassy in Belgrade and the unauthorised landing of a US surveillance plane on Hainan, has put a challenge on Jiang's government, since it has been effectively used by the leftist wing of the party for gaining more leverage within the CCP with regard to the reformists. At the same time, assertive nationalism has reinforced regime legitimacy, providing effective ammunition to criticise the liberals. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper is a critique of the Chinese Communist Party's (CCP) pragmatic retrieval of traditional precepts, arguing for a fuller re-embrace of the traditional Chinese mores as a way to resolve the crisis afflicting China today. It begins by addressing Beijing's current sweeping offensive against a corrupt officialdom, contending that in order to restore moral rectitude China needs to transcend the prevailing secular temperament and reabsorb the ancient sacred ethos anchored on Tien. The next criticism is Beijing's stoking of ethnic and cultural pride to coalesce a fragmented country. If committed to a harmonious world a unified China ought to be founded on Confucian universalism in lieu of the prevalent ethnocentric nationalism. Finally, for a comprehensive response to a looming ecological disaster, the case is made for China to undertake a fundamental realignment in worldview, from the present anthropocentric to the ancient anthropocosmic view of the world. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper focuses on the relationship between the 2008 Beijing Olympic Torch Relay mega-event and contemporary imaginings of China's geopolitical position and the Chinese national geo-body. The performance of China's territorial presence at the international and domestic scales drew both support and resistance. Chinese media coverage of the spectacle reiterated tropes of geopolitical struggle and national unity. While these tropes resonated with some Chinese audiences who have been primed to recognize the Chinese geo-body through banal nationalism, Chinese citizens' satirical online comments reveal that some rejected the stilted ideological representations of the relay. Further, protesting groups' high-profile disruptions of the relay mega-event outside of the national territory of the host country worked to undermine the relay's international reception. Drawing from analyses of Chinese and international media sources and Chinese Internet satire, this article suggests that the scripted nature and geographical extent of mega-events compromises the geopolitical and nation-building aspects of such events in both neoliberal and postsocialist contexts. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The rise of stability preservation to dominance in the political order coincided with a highly charged debate over "universal values" and a closely related discussion of a "China Model". This paper analyses the critique of universal values as a "wedge issue" that is used to pre-empt criticism of the party-state by appealing to nationalism and cultural essentialism. Taking freedom as a case. in point of a universal value, it shows that, while, more developed in the West, freedom has an authentic Chinese history with key watersheds in the late Qing reception of popular sovereignty and the ending of the Maoist era. The work of Wang Ruoshui, Qin Hui and Xu Jim display some of the resources liberals now bring to "de-wedging" universal values, not' least freedom. They share a refusal to regard `Western" values as essentially hostile to Chinese. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper analyses the China-Myanmar 'comprehensive strategic cooperative partnership' in the framework of China's diplomacy in the post- Cold War era and concludes that the partnership has no 'significant negative impact' on regional relations. China pursues its partnerships with Myanmar and other states to create a 'stable' and 'harmonious' surrounding environment, itself a 'major' prerequisite for China's peaceful development. The author argues that China has not focused its diplomacy on Myanmar at the expense of other states; rather, he notes that in fact China established a 'comprehensive strategic cooperative partnership' with three other ASEAN states (Vietnam in 2008, Laos in 2009, and Cambodia in 2010) before it did so with Myanmar in May 2011. The article argues that the scope and depth of China's partnerships with states such as Vietnam, Laos, and Cambodia are actually above that of its partnership with Myanmar. It also argues that Myanmar's strong nationalism will prevent China from, for example, building a base on Myanmar's soil. The author also asserts that China does not seek to use Myanmar as an ally to weaken or dilute ASEAN or its unity on the South China Sea issue. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper explores how nationalist narratives from Taiwan grappled with incorporating their 'island frontier' into conceptions of a Chinese unitary state. In the post World War II era, after the Chinese Nationalist government-in-exile re-established itself on the island of Taiwan, US-dominated scholarship strategically framed Taiwan as a convenient substitute for the study of China. This framing went hand in hand with the re-sinicization project on the island vigorously pursued by the Nationalists after they took control over the island after the collapse of the Japanese Empire. The Nationalist agenda emphasized the historical connection between the island and mainland China in order to politically create an imagined, and imagining, national community across the Strait. This paper critically investigates how continent-based nationalist narratives have sought to incorporate offshore islands into their unitary framework. It does so by deploying the concepts of geobody, geomancy, geochronology, geosymmetrical analogies, and regional demarcation to explore the geographical ideas on the construction of the postwar national imaginary. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In China, the Miao ethnic group has been known for its long and tragic history. This image, however, was formed only during the modern era. Using a historiographical approach, this paper reviews and analyzes the process through which the Chinese Miao emerged as a modern ethnic group. Specifically, it focuses on the transition from "Miao" as a blanket term for non-Han ethnic groups in southern China during the pre-modern period to "Miaozu" as a modern ethnic group, originally constructed in the context of the emergence of Chinese nationalism at the beginning of the 20th century in the context of the domineering "Other" of Han culture and eventuating in the official recognition of fifty-six "minority nationalities" (shaoshu minzu) in the 1950s. Based on this study, this paper then goes on to a theoretical discussion on the question of alterity in the formation of ethnic groups. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article compares Chinese nationalism of the 1990s with the historic beginning of modern Chinese nationalism in the 1910s and argues that they are two different nationalisms. While the post-imperial May Fourth nationalism of the 1910s arose in a poor and backward China to seek wealth and power for the nation, the 1990s saw the resurgence of nationalism rooted in China's late communist authoritarian prosperity. Following a Weberian framework to examine nationalism's connections with material interests, political power and cultural orientations, the paper finds that the Chinese nationalism of the 1990s reversed all the radical features of early 20th century developmental and cosmopolitan nationalism, as it defended the Chinese model of development, endorsed political authoritarianism, and sought sources of legitimacy and identity in traditional Chinese culture. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Purpose - The Chinese government has increasingly turned to industry policy as a means of promoting rural development. These industry policies have not necessarily led to an improvement in rural incomes nor to the achievement of other social and environmental goals. This paper examines ways of designing these policies to achieve better rural development outcomes. Design/methodology/approach - The approach adopts a detailed micro-level analysis of industry policy through the window of the cattle and beef industries. Intensive fieldwork and interviews are conducted with all segments of and participants in the industry in all major beef production and consumption regions. A series of normative analyses examines issues of integration, scale of development, regionalism and specialisation. Findings - Industry policy is a powerful mechanism by which to influence regional and rural development. Improving development outcomes requires that central and local government goals converge and that regions in inland China are well integrated with other regions and sectors of the economy. Large-scale development projects must be carefully designed to avoid displacing individual households from industry development. Originality/value - By crossing institutional, geographic and industry segment lines in a comprehensive manner, the research will aid Chinese decision makers concerned with rural development in the design of their industry development policies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this paper, I analyze several early-twentieth-century attempts to reprint, edit, and annotate a Northern Song dynasty (960-1127) construction manual, the Yingzao fashi (1103), each one revealing an aspect of the project to define Chinese architecture. As manifested in the research on the Yingzao fashi by a number of Chinese scholars and architects, the project to reconstitute and understand the text was closely connected to broader intellectual issues in early-twentieth-century China: nationalism, philological scholarship, and modern historiography. The Yingzao fashi was rediscovered in 1919 by politician and scholar Zhu Qiqian, who saw it as an important text that provided crucial knowledge of the tradition of Chinese architecture. It also became a central document in the construction of a modern Chinese architectural history by Liang Sicheng, Lin Huiyin, and Liu Dunzhen, which was founded on a historiography strongly influenced by the European Enlightenment tradition. Interest in the Yingzao fashi declined in the latter half of the twentieth century due to a Communist cultural policy germinated at Yan'an in the 1940s. The reappearance of the Yingzao fashi in the early twentieth century played a much broader intellectual role than the book originally had as a manual of construction and administration. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Explores the history of modern botany and modern science in China. Overview of nationalism in China; Status of its science during the World War II; Relationship between science and politics during its cultural revolution.

Discusses the role of newspapers in transmitting nationalism into rural China from 1820-1929. Culturalism during the Manchu Dynasty; Preservation of the 'Shanxi Daily News' in archives; Introduction of Western-style newspapers into Chinese news network; Circulation of modern-style newspapers; Role of news in the formation of rural nationalism.

This study aimed to reveal the relationships between a Chinese influencer’s “kimchi” video content on YouTube, news reports about it in portals, and online nationalism, which will help explore how the issues of history and traditional culture in portal news reports are conveyed and understood. The results demonstrated that the correlation of nationalism and the Chinese Northeast Project, and responsibility frames was the largest in the Naver portal. The more the origin and pride of kimchi are emphasized, the more the kimchi issue is attributable to the Chinese Northeast Project, which is one of China’s policies. This is the responsibility of China and affects anti-Chinese sentiment in Korea. As Chinese government officials accelerate this issue, it is ultimately amplified to develop into public opinion. On the other hand, the correlation between the anti-Korean sentiment and conflict frames in the Baidu portal was the largest, which means that shifting the responsibility for conflict between Korea and China tends to enhance anti-Korean sentiment inside China, resulting in enhanced cohesion of the Chinese people. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Research on public opinion and foreign policy in China has focused on nationalism as the driver behind public support for the use of force. However, nationalism is just one of many potentially significant factors that can increase support for military deployments. In this article we build a mediation model to test the relative effects of psychological predispositions, foreign policy attitudes, perceptions of the opposing state and calculations about the likely outcome of the conflict on support for China sending naval forces to the disputed Diaoyu/Senkaku Islands. We find that dislike of the Japanese government and a belief that China would be victorious in a conflict with Japan are both powerful predictors of support for the use of force. Nationalism and militarism directly increase support but also indirectly increase it via different pathways. Nationalists are more confident in a Chinese victory while militarists have a stronger dislike of the Japanese government. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The broadening of liberal economic policies will trigger the democratization of China. This argument repeated in studies finds their expectations thwarted daily by news of the intensification of the power of the Communist Party of China over the society. The paper analyzes the determination of the national identity based on national humiliation as a strategy to disseminate the legitimacy of the Chinese political elite from a perception of nationalism as essential for maintaining the stability of the regime. It studies the formation of national identity, the constitution of groups within the political elite of China, and the elaboration of the Comprehensive National Power concept. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Recent public opinion polls conducted in Europe and the United States show increasingly negative views of China. Does the Chinese public hold similar views of "the West"? Conducting a two-wave survey in China, we found great divergence and asymmetries in Chinese public perceptions. First, Chinese views of European countries and the US diverge sharply, despite these countries being typically grouped together as "the West" in mainstream English and Chinese discourses; the Chinese viewed the US much more negatively than Europe. Second, whereas the Chinese reciprocated American antipathy, there was an asymmetry in public perceptions between China and Europe, with the Chinese expressing much greater favourability towards European countries than the other way around, though the degree of favourability still varied by country. Analyses of respondent attributes also yielded insights that both confirm and challenge some of the conventional wisdom regarding age, education, and party membership in Chinese public opinion. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

For all the popular interest in "wolf warrior diplomacy," scant attention has been paid to the internal logics and mechanics of representative communications, notably the intersection with grassroots cyber-nationalism. Centring the connections between official and unofficial actors, we situate Chinese diplomatic communications within the domestic nationalist cyberspace cultures that demand and nourish the "dare to fight" orientation of formal Chinese diplomacy on the international stage. We argue that there is a synergistic interaction between officials and popular nationalism that creates bottom-up incentives to adopt a "wolf warrior" posture, distinct from simultaneous top-down pressures from the central leadership under Xi Jinping to appropriately represent China's "confident rise." We show through case studies involving MoFA spokesperson and archetypal "wolf warrior" Zhao Lijian, that this interaction extends to sharing unofficial content and ideas in a mutually reinforcing cycle that facilitates a harder edge to diplomatic communications. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

China's recent termination of strict COVID-19 control necessitates taking a booster vaccine shot as a precaution against the pandemic as quickly as possible. A large body of research has examined people's attitudes toward and intentions for the booster shot. However, most studies failed to explore how China's sociopolitical context has shaped their attitude regarding the booster jab take-up. The current study utilizes data from a national survey adopting quota sampling to analyze the Chinese public's medical and non-medical considerations to determine their intention for the third dose of the COVID-19 vaccine. The study found that thanks to China's initial successful lockdown policies, personal risk and benefit perceptions did not dominate their views regarding booster vaccination. Instead, respondents' gender, nationalism, endorsement of the zero-COVID policy, self-efficacy regarding vaccination, and perceived infection severity were the major factors underlying their booster shot intention. The situation highlights how the politicized context of China's COVID-19 control has impacted people's plans to practice preventive behaviors. It is necessary to offset the negative consequences. One strategy is to educate the Chinese public with more medically relevant information to help them make rational choices regarding vaccination and other protective measures. On the other hand, such education can utilize this nationalistic mental status to enhance the persuasion effect. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Movimento (0104754X) is the property of Movimento, da Escola de Educacao, Fisica, Fisioterapia e Danca and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This work argues that writer Emmanuel John Hevi's works, written half a century ago about China's likely influence in Africa are still relevant today. Using relevant qualitative data and a constructivist analysis this paper argues that although Hevi was wary of China's influence because of the specific context in which he was writing, Africa would do well to keep his argument in mind and adopt from China only that which can aid the continent's development and spurn that which cannot. Constructivism has been used here to help explain the intersection of Chinese and African identities and interests as the main unifying factor in a growing China-Africa relationship. Hence, it is suggested that the West does not share such depth of identities and interests with China which has hugely influenced Western suspicions of China's growth and incursions in Africa. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper discusses the leading role of Chinese educators in English Language Teaching (ELT) for young learners. English is a global language. ELT for children becomes especially popular in China when English was officially considered compulsory at primary school in 2001. National identity is the presentation of cultural identity, and alien culture helps children understand native culture from the outside perspective. Culture sensitive applications are required to be made in ELT by teachers. Educators' excellent presentation and students' well-established practice lead to full production, bringing the active intake from the passive input. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The ambiguous development trend of cultural globalization brings both opportunities and challenges to China’s cultural development. English major in colleges and universities, a discipline of cross-cultural education, should look at the cultural communication of the target country dialectically based on the national consciousness of the home country. Since the end of the 20th century, administrators and scholars have paid attention to critical thinking, critical cultural awareness, and critical skills in cross-cultural communication, which are important components of the cross-cultural meaning system. Therefore, all these are collectively referred to as critical cross-cultural literacy (CCCL). On the basis of the research paradigm of systemic functional linguistics (SFL), a language is a semiotic system that creates meaning. Thus, to help students construct and improve their individual CCCL repertoire, teachers need to guide them to critically study and analyze the discourse purpose of the textbook author as well as their language methods and strategies to enrich their meaning potential. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In post-THAAD period, anti-Hallyu sentiments in China have never faded out, exemplified by outbursts of anger from staunch nationalists. Social media has been considered by scholars as a force for fandom nationalism, meaning that the nation is an idol for online nationalists to love. Worshiping different idols from the nationalists, K-pop fans in China appear to take on the self-effacing ethos, while, their enthusiasm towards Hallyu has never been incinerated. This study sets out with how Chinese K-pop fans behave as deliberate consumers of Hallyu despite the authorities' informal tamping down on South Korean media products and domestic nationalists' constant outpouring of anti-Hallyu sentiments. After conducting digital ethnography on Weibo, this study finds that consumerism is political and employed by China's K-pop fandom as a unique form of fan activism, while it also works as a safety valve for them to negotiate with the nationalists without undercutting the ideology. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Existing research shows multiple articulations of national identity by Hong Kong's people since the handover in 1997. An issue of contention is whether the dichotomy of China as the "other" vis-à-vis Hong Kong's local identity still prevails in the context of top-down renationalisation and new developments in transborder spatiality. While the existing literature has illustrated Hong Kong people's steady growth of pride and affinity for national symbols, re-examination of three representative surveys (2006, 2008, and 2010) demonstrates that resistance to these cultural icons is also growing. Furthermore, while previous studies have revealed that a "cultural-economic China" is more welcome than a "political China," the three surveys mentioned above indicate that even the former is meeting growing local resistance. The otherness of China hence should be re-visited in light of the ambivalence of Hong Kong identity. The theoretical and social implications of this sense of the otherness of China are also significant. Specifically, this article argues that the ambivalence of Hong Kong people's articulation of national identity is closely connected to the uneasiness generated by encounters between China and Hong Kong in recent years: controversies and contentions arising from national education, the transborder flow of population, and the provision of goods and public services for non-locals. In this paper, I shall look at the development of local and national identities in some states of contested equilibrium. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Facing the new era, we should re-examine and understand the theory of "the pattern of unity in diversity of the Chinese nation" put forward by Fei Hsiao-tung from the historical and cultural perspectives, which will bring us many new insights. The Chinese national consciousness of unity can be understood as "Ge" (格), while "Ju (局) as "layout" and "distribution", which means in the same spatial scope and form of "Ge", how the units within the Chinese nation are laid out and distributed. Under such "Ge" and "Ju" viewpoints, people and goods, nature and society, culture and technology, China and the world, can be connected and integrated so that a reciprocal community with "being together" could possibly come true at last, and cultural self-consciousness, consciousness of the others' cultures and mutual cultural consciousness are inevitable. On this basis, it is meaningful to discuss the ultimate goal and state of construction of a community with a shared future for mankind and the world of "Great Harmony". [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The research aims to explore the changes of national identity among Chinese international students in the odd social context of the global pandemic. By conducting semi-structured interviews with 10 Chinese undergraduate and postgraduate students in a prestigious university located in London, UK, the study provides evidence of Western neo-racism against Chinese students and the rise of Chinese nationalism. More significantly, it is found that Western neo-racism and Chinese nationalism have a push and pull effect on the national identity enhancement of Chinese international students. The participants revealed that bottom-up popular nationalism is more than a shadow of top-down state nationalism in China, and is more influential on students' national identity formation. The research also discusses the implications of these findings, limitations and future research directions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The purpose of this paper is to examine the phenomenon of the Korean Wave (hallyu) in China and explore its implications for the Korea-China relationship. As a cultural phenomenon, hallyu had a significant bearing on the perception of Korea by Chinese people. Korean TV dramas, films, and pop music served as a special window through which Chinese audiences gained an understanding of Korean society and formed a sense of cultural familiarity towards Korea. It also helped generate cultural synchronization between the two countries. As an economic phenomenon, it stimulated collaboration as well as competition between the Korean and Chinese cultural industries. Collaboration in the production and distribution of TV shows and films continues to be widened and diversified. Finally, hallyu served as fertile soil for cultural politics, as it was often entangled with disputes in other realms of the Korea-China relationship, including such issues as cultural heritage, history, and nationalism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Focusing on three influential contemporary Chinese political fantasy novels, this article contextualizes the stories in the complex spectrum of contemporary Chinese political thoughts and interprets them in light of the rivaling tendencies among the Chinese intellectuals since the 1990s, regarding the issues of rising nationalism and political authoritarianism, the possibilities of fascism and federalism, the role of a strong, centralized state, and the relevance of liberal democracy in China. The article calls attention to fiction as an expression of political thought and concerns, and argues that these novels present a pessimistic and chilling view of China's political future, in contrast with the optimistic tone of novels of the same genre in the early 20th century, and also challenge an earlier cult of the Western model of liberal democracy. An earlier Chinese-language version of the paper appeared in the website "Democratic China", http://www.minzhuzhongguo.org 12/8/2010, entitled "Zhengzhi huanxiang xiaoshuo zhong de dangdai Zhongguo sixiang: jiedu Huang Huo, Zhongnanhai zuihou de douzheng, he Shengshi, Zhongguo 2013" [Chinese Political Thought as Reflected in Political Fantasy Novels: Interpreting Yellow Peril, The End of Red Chinese Dynasty, and A Flourishing Age: China, 2013] [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

China's Northeast Project (NEP), also known as the "Research Project of Northeastern China," has unleashed national sentiment among many Korean people. Even if it originated in purely academic research, the NEP poses a grave political challenge to contemporary Korea. The Korean response to the NEP can be broadly categorized in two ways: The first is that while negative perceptions of these moves by the Chinese have prevailed in Korean society, the Korean government has been very cautious in expressing criticism of the NEP due to national interests with the Chinese government. The other point is that as time has progressed, a series of Korean self-reflections on the complex nature of nationalism in response to the NEP has emerged. With the analysis of these self-reflections, this paper attempts to address an inter-subjective nationalist perspective of history as a solution that recognizes "mutual recognition of national identity" in considering the prevailing reality of Northeastern Asian nationalism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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The development of sports in China since the nineteenth century has been influenced to varying degrees by imperialism, nationalism, Maoism, and postcolonial thinking. This paper explores these ideologies from three angles: (i) Mao's early thinking regarding physical culture and sport; (ii) the development of sports under Mao's socialism and the Cultural Revolution; and (iii) China's breakthrough in the post-Mao era. In sum, sport remains connected over time with the idea of "imagined Olympians" and of a response to the "Sick Man complex." The advent of postcolonial thought has opened the possibility of more diverse understandings of sports in China. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper looks at how Hong Kong theatre is expressing the city's relationship to globalization and its own position within a changing international framework. The performances feature the city responding to challenges of globalization and nationalism by resorting to various means of global connectivity. The impact of globalization on presenting the ultralocal, the national, and the global on stage will be examined. These are responses to internal factors such as Hong Kong theatre history and conventions, as well as reactions to external factors such as the resumption of sovereignty over Hong Kong by the People's Republic of China in 1997. Hong Kong theatre dexterously negotiates the conflicting claims of localism, nationalism, and globalism to create a unique Hong Kong identity as a capitalistic Special Administrative Region within the communist People's Republic of China. Vignettes of the Chinese diaspora can also be found, with people converging in and diverging from Hong Kong, trying to respond to calls for modernity and globalism without loosing Chinese identity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]