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The politics of international finance for coal power plants have intensified since the 2015 Paris climate agreement was negotiated. Over the past few years, Japan and South Korea have signaled their intent not to fund new coal projects overseas, leaving China and its Belt and Road Initiative as the 'financier of last resort.' In September 2021, China too announced its intent to stop providing finance for overseas coal projects. What accounts for their decision to cease financing overseas coal projects despite prominent differences in political systems, degree of internationalization of their financial systems, and economic size? Drawing on datasets of coal projects and financing supplemented by case material and interviews, this paper explores the dynamics of coal export finance and how the combination of international reputational pressures and declining demand for coal finance diminished the domestic support for incumbent coal exporters in all three countries. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The aim of this paper was to investigate the current status of read-across approaches in the Republic of Korea, Japan, and China in terms of applications and regulatory acceptance. In the Republic of Korea, over the last 6 years, approximately 8% of safety data records used for chemical registrations were based upon read-across, and a guideline published on the use of read-across results in 2017. In Japan, read-across is generally accepted for screening hazard classification of toxicological endpoints according to the Chemical Substances Control Law (CSCL). In China, read-across data, along with data from other animal alternatives are accepted as a data source for chemical registrations, but could be only considered when testing is not technically feasible. At present, read-across is not widely used for chemical registrations and regulatory acceptance of read-across may differ among countries in Asia. With consideration of the advantages and limitations of read-across, it is expected that read-across may soon gradually be employed in Asian countries. Thus, regulatory agencies need to prepare for this progression. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Breaking with discriminatory views and segregated education for children with disabilities, regions often referred to as Confucian Heritage Regions (CHRs) have been moving towards inclusive education. Although some of these regions have been at the centre of attention in global education recently, there is a lack of research and information about how they 'do' inclusive education. Considering that reinforcing legislative foundations is of foremost importance for its fulfillment, this study examines legislation on the education of children with disabilities in four neighbouring CHRs: the Chinese Mainland , Japan, South Korea and China's Taiwan. The core principles that frame such legislation were analyzed and cross-compared. The findings show that despite the common Confucian heritage that is attributed to them systematically in studies of inclusive education – which is often said to influence the way disability is perceived and dealt with – the four Regions treat inclusion differently in terms of legislation. While some CHRs are clearly influenced by e.g. the USA, others are trying to design a specific perspective on inclusive education. The authors argue that the complex example of these CHRs can serve as an important template for studies on both inclusive and comparative education. The article also calls for the careful treatment of inclusive education beyond an essentialist and somewhat simplistic perspective that could reduce certain regions to a monolith. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines defense industrialization in three leading arms-producing states in Asia - India, Japan, and South Korea - and how their experiences compare to China's recent defense industrial developments. It argues that despite decades of considerable effort and investments in pursuit of a techno-nationalist self-arming strategy, these countries have experienced only modest success when it comes to achieving such self-reliance. Most regional defense industrial bases lack the necessary design skills and technological expertise in order to truly innovate, and at best these countries act as 'late innovators' when it comes to armaments production. The experiences of these countries have lessons for China as it attempts to move into the first tier of arms-producing states. China has over the past 15 years made significant progress in modernizing its defense technological and industrial base. At the same time, China faces the same long-term challenges that currently confront other regional arms industries - that is, making techno-nationalism work at the later stages of innovation. This is particularly critical as China's defense industry strives to move from a basically platform-centric to an increasingly network-centric technological-industrial process. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

With the rapid rise of competitive space activities within Asia, this study examines the prospects for increasing international cooperation. After discussing relevant conceptual issues, it surveys the space policies particularly of China, India, Japan, and South Korea and examines the skewed patterns of cooperation seen at the international, regional, and bilateral levels. It then analyzes the historical, technology, and political factors that have impeded, especially regional, space cooperation in Asia to date. The study concludes that expanded regional space cooperation is an unlikely near-term outcome, but the paper also argues that the risks entailed in the current situation are growing and that US policy initiatives could make a difference in helping to lead countries out of this dead-end. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The scale of development and deployment of open source software (OSS) in the three Northeast Asian countries-China, Japan, and South Korea-is large enough to be noticed at the global level. OSS has redefined the dynamics of software markets in the three countries and has brought significant structural changes in their software industries. Governments have played a pivotal role in the development of OSS industry in the region. Governments in the three countries have also created impetus for continental collaborations in OSS projects. This paper examines the roles and contributions of governments to the OSS initiative in the three countries in terms of a number of technology visions and goals. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper traces the development of the Six-Party process through to the joint statement by the parties on September 19, 2005, considers the subsequent decision by North Korea to stage a nuclear test in the context of the apparent stasis of the process, and then reviews the international condemnation that was the result of those tests. North Korea's decision to return to the talks is then discussed in light of the policy issues that must be solved if the September 19 principles can be realized in practice. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Organized economic cooperation among China, South Korea (Republic of Korea) and Japan has been difficult due to the "Asia Paradox" and different interests. However, the digital age is fostering cooperation and interdependence among the three countries. As a result, it is time to explore new areas and methods of cooperation. Therefore, this study focuses on and analyzes the possibility and impacts of digital trade cooperation among the three countries in the Fourth Industrial Revolution. Applying a tripartite cooperation model, this study analyzes the relative advantages of the three countries in digital trade and the "benefits" and "costs" of establishing a Digital Trade Agreement (DTA). The research indicates that the power basis for establishing an equal relationship exists. However, the "cost" of establishing a trilateral DTA is higher than the short-term "benefit," providing insufficient motivation to develop a trilateral DTA in the short-term. Nevertheless, this study suggests that in the long run, due to new opportunities and crises, the three countries will still seek to pursue a DTA in different ways. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Transboundary particulate matter (PM) pollution in Northeast Asia has raised tremendous concerns in China, South Korea, and Japan, leading to a proliferation of publications in recent years. This article summarizes the existing knowledge on the source-receptor relationship (SRR) of transboundary PM pollution between China, South Korea, and Japan with a focus on approaches, current understanding, and limitations. We found that eastern-, northern- and northeastern China are the most contributing source areas within China to PM pollution in both South Korea and Japan, but it remains debatable whether China contributes more PM pollution to South Korea or Japan than those countries themselves. Considerable differences have been reported in the estimations of China's relative contributions to receptor countries, and higher estimations were usually obtained from studies that focused on short time periods, used outdated emission inventories, and had few or no international collaboration. China's contributions range from 26% to 56% for South Korea and from 13.6% to 53.9% for Japan if the analysis periods are limited to one or several years and the receptors are limited to an entire country. We attributed these differences to the discrepancies in the analysis periods, analytical approaches, modeling settings, definitions of source and receptors, and international collaboration. We also demonstrated that current SRR studies face the challenges from data quality issues in PM measurement data and emission inventories, limited temporal and spatial scales in modeling, and limited analytical perspectives concerning the allocation of environmental responsibilities. Suggestions for future research are provided to address these challenges. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses the political and economic conditions of nations within the Southeast Asia and Pacific region. It explores the tension within China between domestic problems and foreign economic expansion, the effects of North Korean leader Kim Jong-un on relations with South Korea, and the aftermath of the March 2011 earthquake and Fukushima nuclear plant meltdown in Japan. Also investigated are Australia's economic alliance with U.S., New Zealand's budget, and the Southwest Pacific.

When the subprime-induced financial crisis broke out in the U.S. housing sector in the summer of 2007 and mushroomed into a global financial crisis by September 2008, it was widely believed that the Asian economies, especially the 'big four'-Japan, China, South Korea, and India-would remain largely immune from the worst of the crisis. However, this assumption has proven to be false. All four countries have felt the negative impact of the financial contagion-albeit differently. Whereas China and India have been moderately impacted, Japan and South Korea have experienced heightened financial instability, sharp economic contraction, and a deep recession. What explains the big four's vulnerability to the crisis, and why have Japan and South Korea been affected more negatively than China and India? How have the four countries responded to the crisis, and what can they do to further insulate their economies from the vagaries of the global financial markets? In this article, the author addresses these interrelated issues. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study compares the patterns of women's employment in four major Asian economies: China, India, Japan and South Korea. It illuminates how the heterogeneous characteristics of political regimes, institutional arrangements and societal values are manifested in the employment system and human resources of each country. It also reveals the varying cultural, social and institutional forces that prevail, despite similar outcomes of women's employment. The contribution adds to existing knowledge of women's employment through the comparison of four major Asian countries which remains under-explored. It also contributes to the theoretical debates of gender and employment by adopting an interdisciplinary analytical framework that incorporates socio-cultural, politico-economic and institutional perspectives. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

South Korea is a middle power in a region where its scope of action can rise and fall quickly and diplomatic flexibility is needed. Neither realist responses to threats nor idealist trust in integration meet its needs for adjusting triangular ties with China and Japan, as their relations become the principal great power divide in Northeast Asia. Its optimal choice is as a facilitator biding its time when tensions over both security and national identity clashes are intense, while preparing for opportunities. Four conditions would give it a favorable environment: forward-looking foreign leadership; security challenges brought under some control; subsiding preoccupation with national identities; and its own strategic planning with care not to overreach. Multiple possibilities emerge if it can rebuild ties with Japan as part of a triangle with China as well as one with the United States and also synchronize ties with China to other ties. Even amidst recurrent tensions, the core East Asian triangle offers Seoul a chance to take advantage of changing dynamics in the world's most ascendant region. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article analyzes the two bilateral fisheries agreements signed between China and Japan in 1997 and China and South Korea in 2000 for the conservation and management of the shared fisheries resources of the Yellow Sea and the East China Sea (China Seas). A review of the management regimes of the agreements will illustrate their significance and constraints and emphasize the importance of regional cooperation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

There has been much discussion regarding the possible decline and weakening of national systems of human resource management (HRM). Yet, culture and institutions are often cited as the major stumbling blocks to this outcome. Such constraints may dissipate in the analysis, particularly if 'regional clusters' are considered where geographic and cultural closeness and 'openness' to similar economic pressures exist. In such cases, it might be postulated that convergence in HRM will occur. We argue that China, Japan and South Korea represent such a cluster. This article examines these countries, to see if a degree of convergence is taking place and if it is towards an identifiable 'Asian' model of HRM. A model of change is presented that distinguishes between levels of occurrence and acceptance. Details of the development and practice of HRM in each country are then set out. The article ends with a discussion and implications section and a brief conclusion. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The preferred flesh colour was surveyed in Japan, China and South Korea to investigate the influence of cross-cultural effects. The three groups of observers exhibited common factors, i.e. geographic environment (large cities in temperate Far East Asia), race, age and knowledge of image technologies. The mean lightness (L*) of flesh colour accepted by 50 per cent or more of the observers in each country was in descending order China > Japan > Korea, with a significant difference. Similarly, the mean values of CIELAB hue angle, h[subab], and chroma, C[subab][sup*], were in descending order Korea > Japan > China, and the Chinese mean values were significantly low. Differences between the preferences of male and female observers were common to all three countries. The results suggest that the preference for fresh colour is determined not only by memory colour but also by cultural factors. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]