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This paper explores Chinese efforts to join the ranks of the East Asian developing economies of South Korea, Taiwan, Hong Kong and Singapore. It describes Chinese efforts to emulate the Japanese model of industrial management rather than American management schemes, and it notes the compatibilities between certain legacies of Maoist socialism in China's state enterprises and the Japanese model. In particular, the paper traces the development of the Chinese employment system in the state sector. Compatibilities include indications that the Chinese workers could become company men, that they prefer paternalistic managers, that their work responds to appreciation, and that they do not regard management and worker interests as necessarily conflictual. Granted the evolution of greater autonomy for Chinese state enterprises, the paper concludes that an organization-oriented system can develop within Chinese state enterprises and that a shift to a market economy need not be accompanied by a marketoriented employment system. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

An introduction is presented in which the editor discusses various topics within the issue, including the older adults' pathway to retirement in South Korea, the nutritional deficiencies at older ages, and the relationship between urbanicity and dementia in China.

In this paper I examine two ways in which the past manifests as central to Japanese visual aesthetics. Although distinct, both are manifestations of an attitude that places value on the past, characterizing Japanese (and, to a large measure, East Asian generally) aesthetic thinking. The first is situated in action, with the use of models inherited from past masters in the creation of art, exemplified in the practice of pictorial and calligraphic copying, and the way of tea. The second is situated in objects and values identified with patina and antiqueness. The attention given to the past in art practice, appreciation, and theory is a point of contrast with Western art theory. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

As states jostle to attract and entice others by deploying a range of innovative strategies, a ‘soft’ power competition era looms possibly in the Asia-Pacific. This paper argues that reflecting on this period of competitive policy innovation provides a valuable opportunity to re-assess the theory and practice of Joseph Nye's ‘soft’ power, given its conceptual and empirical frailties: how theoretically precise are the policies commonly described as projecting ‘soft’ power? To do so, it undertakes a comparative evaluation of Japan's and China's ‘soft’ power strategies. By paying close attention to the theory–practice linkage, it illuminates the disparities in their understanding of Nye's ‘soft’ power. Rather than a one-size-fits-all concept, ‘soft’ power strategies with distinctively Japanese and Chinese characteristics are emerging, bringing different advantages and weaknesses. The proverbial magic mirror would conclude that by more closely matching Nye's formulations and displaying a less competitive streak, Japan appears the ‘softer’ power. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Since the late 1990s, China, Japan, and South Korea – the core states in Northeast Asia – have gradually engaged in various initiatives and institutions for regional cooperation. Such initiatives extend from summitry to functional cooperation in finance, environmental protection, logistics, and other areas. Furthermore, the three countries have shown their willingness to vitalize cross-border economic activities by concluding commercial arrangements. Given these evolutions, this article seeks to address the following questions: what features are found in trilateral cooperative initiatives and how these features are evaluated in terms of ‘regional governance’? The paper advances two propositions. First, regional cooperation in Northeast Asia can be characterized as weak neoliberal orientation and intensive business involvements in cooperative projects in state-directed policy networks. Second, regional governance in Northeast Asia has gradually intensified the nature of regulatory governance in which the governments of the three countries sought to harmonize standards and regulatory systems through trilateral cooperation. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

In contemporary East Asia, political rivalry between China and Japan is often discussed. However, little has been done to systematically analyze the bilateral relationship and possible conflict escalation. In this paper, I employ the multiple-hierarchy model of regional politics offered by power transition theorists, in order to examine the recent Sino–Japanese relationship. After examining the effect of the factors suggested by the theory, I conclude that China's rise does not pose immediate destabilizing effects on regional security because the relative rise of China's capability is at best moderate. I also argue that the dyadic relationship has been pacified by several factors such as interest similarity and defense-dominant geography, in spite of China's overall rise. Finally, I offer some policy recommendations suggested by the theory-driven analysis. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

China–Japan relations are frequently analyzed either in the light of disputes about different interpretations of history, the consequence of a strategic power shift in the Asia-Pacific resulting from the rise of China or as a conflict between Chinese and Japanese national identities. This paper argues that bilateral relations should be assessed on the basis of a comprehensive approach. It concludes that the current state of bilateral relations can be understood as the result of identity crises of the political systems in Beijing and Tokyo. Owing to the rapidly changing environment in East Asia and their inherent conservative natures, both political systems' perceptions and policies lag behind present realities. This renders it difficult for them to effectively address important domestic and international problems and consequently affects bilateral relations negatively as it complicates the accurate redefinition of the representation of ‘self’ and ‘other’ with regard to foreign relations. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Historical controversies continue to plague northeast Asian politics today, with Chinese and Koreans protesting Japanese history textbooks and Japanese politicians' visits to Yasukuni Shrine, and Koreans protesting Chinese claims that the ancient Kingdom of Goguryo was Chinese, not Korean. Yet, there is little empirical research exploring what, if any, impact historical beliefs have on threat perception and foreign policy preferences in northeast Asia today. On the basis of surveys of Chinese, Japanese, and South Korean university students, this paper explores the relationships among beliefs about the past, perceived threat in the present, and foreign policy preferences for the future. Results and their implications for northeast Asian security are discussed. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

During the reform era, the Chinese government has been carrying out strategic industrial policies modelled on those in post-war Japan and South Korea, in the hope of transforming its highly fragmented manufacturing sector into one that comprises a small number of internationally competitive big businesses. Using the evolution of the Chinese steel industry structure from the late 1980s to the early 2000s as a case in point, this paper finds that the Chinese government's consolidation attempts have, by and large, not been very successful. The disappointing policy outcome is interpreted by a detailed examination of the industry policy mechanism in China. It is concluded that the institutional framework of the Chinese state differs from its counterparts in Korea and Japan in some fundamental aspects. Among these, the fragmented and uncoordinated Chinese bureaucracy contributes significantly to the inefficacy of policy implementation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

China and Japan used to have good energy cooperation before China switched into a net oil importer in the mid-1990s, but the recent years have witnessed an increasingly intensive competition between the two countries over petroleum supplies. While many saw such competition as inevitable with China's growing energy demands, the paper argues that the energy relationship between the two countries was never separated from political and strategic concerns, and heavily affected by the concern of ‘relative gains’, as suggested by the neorealists. Like the case prior to the mid-1990s when the non-energy factors underpinned the Sino–Japanese energy cooperation, the key factors that prevented the two from continuing energy cooperation today also lay in political and strategic aspects. Being two regional powers in East Asia, China, and Japan need to recognize the fact that their lack of energy cooperation due to mutual political distrust will not only impair their own energy security, but may also have negative implications on regional stability. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Several problems in Strobilanthes Blume (Acanthaceae: Ruelliae) are clarified as a result of collaboration between Chinese and western botanists. Examination of pollen has permitted clear delimitation of four morphologically similar species, Strobilanthes szechuanica (Batalin) J. R. I. Wood & Y. F. Deng, S. labordei H. Lév., S. wakasana Wakasugi & Naruhashi and S. wilsonii J. R. I. Wood & Y. F. Deng, the latter described for the first time in this paper, although first collected more than a hundred years ago. A key is provided to help distinguish these species. The globose, echinulate pollen found in several species from China and Japan and assigned to the genus Championella by Bremekamp is shown by SEM photography to be distinct from other pollen hitherto regarded as the same. Three new species, S. abbreviata Y. F. Deng & J. R. I. Wood, S. lihengiae Y. F. Deng & J. R. I. Wood and S. vallicola Y. F. Deng & J. R. I. Wood are described. S. austinii C. B. Clarke ex W. W. Sm. is lectotypified to show that it is conspecific with S. lamiifolia (Nees) T. Anderson, a species demonstrating trans-Himalayan links. New combinations are made for four species as the authors recognize only a single genus, Strobilanthes within the Strobilanthinae as defined by Bremekamp. S. gongshanensis Tsui and S. aenobarba W. W. Sm. are shown to be only varieties of S. inflata T. Anderson. Illustrations are provided for all new species. © 2006 The Linnean Society of London, Botanical Journal of the Linnean Society, 2006, 150, 369–390. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper considers whether an alliance can have a reassurance effect on a third-party. It uses hypotheses derived from balance-of-power realism and a revised version of balance-of-threat theory called balance-of-malevolence theory. Using the revised 1997 US–Japan Defense Guidelines as a primary case, Chinese reactions are found to provide greater support for balance-of-malevolence theory. Side-evidence from Japan's decision in the early 1990s to begin deploying troops overseas to participate in humanitarian and UN peacekeeping operations, and its dispatch of naval ships to the Indian Ocean in the wake of 9-11, confirm the centrality of Chinese concerns about Japan's disposition as a military power and the reassurance value of the US alliance and other ‘containment frameworks’ such as UN peacekeeping. This also suggests that the demonstration effect of benign overseas deployments can be effective in overcoming negative attributions about a state's disposition as a military power. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The United States today dominates the globe and many regional geographical subsystems in an unprecedented way, maintaining a hegemonic order that is in no way similar to the ‘anarchy’ assumed in realist analyses. The global system today is not simply unipolar; it is a hegemonic system that is increasingly globalized, in which the basic concepts of realism (anarchy, self‐help and power balancing) provide little guidance or understanding in explaining state behavior. This paper describes the US hegemonic system, analyzes the roles of China and Japan within this system, and examines how the Bush administration's plans for missile defense might transform the system. The conclusion points to some critical implications from this analysis for realist interpretations of international politics. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

In this article, we examine the YouTube channel Railways Explained and its video on the Jakarta–Bandung High-Speed Railway (JBHSR). By stressing tensions among China, Indonesia, and Japan surrounding the JBHSR project, the video, we argue, managed to divert the audience's attention away from its Eurocentric representation to a socially constructed Asian drama. Drawing upon Foucauldian poststructuralism, we then demonstrate how the Asian drama, narrated through three forms of otherness—ideological (Japan/Indonesia vs. China); developmental (Japan/China vs. Indonesia); and a geopolitical imaginary (the West vs. Asia)—revealed the perpetuation of Eurocentric hegemony in the knowledge of science and technology. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Complementary and alternative medicine (CAM) has been one of the popular strategies for health promotion. Traditional East Asian medicine (TEAM) is one of the most popular CAM practices in the world and there are suggestions that its holistic utilization is important for users to gain its effects for health promotion. In this context, this study investigates the extent to which TEAM users in East Asian countries utilize various modalities of TEAM holistically. It provides a model that explains cross-national differences in the extent of the holistic use of TEAM between China, Japan, Korea and Taiwan. Using the 2010 East Asian Social Survey, regression models specify the relationship between the holistic use of TEAM and the geographical location (country). The presence of TEAM doctors who hold the comprehensive and exclusive practice rights over TEAM is found to be conducive to the holistic utilization of various TEAM modalities. Thus, Taiwanese and Koreans use TEAM more holistically than Chinese and even more so than Japanese. The result suggests that the manner in which TEAM is institutionalized affect the extent to which TEAM users utilize various TEAM modalities together and potentially the health promotion effects of TEAM. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The signing of an eight-year private trade agreement between the People's Republic of China (PRC) and Japan on 16 February 1978, envisaging exchanges between 1978 and 1985 of goods worth US$10 billion each way, and the conclusion of the Sino-Japanese treaty of peace and friendship on 12 August 1978, laid the foundation for the PRC's Japan policy in the period after the fall of the Gang of Four.[1]
Under its present pragmatic leadership, the PRC appears to have been relying more and more heavily on the West and on Japan for capital and advanced technology for the realization of its 'four modernizations'. Japan's role in the PRC's modernization programme is certainly significant. After the first loan of 300 billion yen for 1979-83, the Japanese Prime Minister Yasuhiro Nakasone promised in his PRC visit in March 1984 a second loan of 470 billion yen ($2.08 billion) for 1984-90.[2] Similar perceptions of the Soviet threat have also contributed to the development of Sino-Japanese relations. It was reported that when Hu Yaobang, general secretary of the Communist Party of China (CPC), visited Japan in November 1983, he compared the PRC and Japan to rival heroes in a Chinese classic tale and stated: 'When they fought, both sides were weakened. But when they were united, they were invincible.'[3] Invincibility may be an exaggeration, but the complementarily of the two economies and the vast potential of their cooperation will obviously affect the power balance of the Asia-Pacific region, and in the future perhaps that of the world. This article intends to trace the evolution of the PRC's Japan policy since the fall of the Gang of Four, analyse the achievements and problems of the bilateral relationship, and assess the implications for the Asia-Pacific region. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article draws on prospect theory to explain the variation of China's risk propensity during the 2012–14 Diaoyu/Senkaku islands disputes with Japan. China's initial reference point 1.0 regarding the disputed islands was the 'shelving agreement' 'shelving the sovereignty dispute and a tacit acceptance of Japan's de facto exclusive control. So after Japan's 'nationalization' of the Diaoyu/Senkaku islands, China was clearly in a domain of losses. China was thus highly risk-acceptant by intensifying maritime and air patrolling, engaging in provocative behaviors, and suspending crisis management mechanisms. Meanwhile, China's reference point evolved. Discourse analysis of Chinese official statements and media coverage indicated that regularized patrolling or joint control became China's reference point 2.0. As it started to act from a domain of gains, Chinese behaviors turned risk-averse by scaling back patrolling and resuming negotiations over crisis management mechanisms. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Global pandemic realities of the last couple of years have not improved the ability of China and Japan to face history on sober, non-zero-sum terms. In 2002, Vogel presided over an East Asian conference that examined the war known in Japan as the Japan-China War of 1937-1945 and in China as the War of Resistance Against Japanese Aggression. Google Scholar Crossref Search ADS Google Preview WorldCat COPAC 4 Vogel, Ezra F. 2019. [Extracted from the article]

This article takes a comparative approach that looks at the rise of Japan and China during their ascendency and challenge to the hegemonic state within the international system, and the subsequent racial threat perception that both countries experienced. Engaging the English School of International Relations, it focuses particularly on the legacies of differentiation within international society. It contends that, given the English School's emphasis on the concept of international society that likens that relationship among states to a social one, it is fruitful to examine how social differentiation occurs within a domestic setting and to use that finding as analogous to international society. The article argues that racialised threat perception towards Japan and China heightened in tandem with their successive rises due to the challenges the two countries posed to the status and privileges of the dominant country—the USA—and which coincided with a US economic downturn and domestic crisis. This racially sensitive approach can provide at least one lens through which to understand the racial threat perception and contemporary relational dynamics between the two great powers: the USA versus the People's Republic of China. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

China and Japan continue to partly live in the shadow of World War II (WWII) with recurrent expressions of anti-Japanese nationalism in China periodically ebbing bilateral relations. How does the Chinese government manage anti-Japan public manifestations of nationalism and what factors explain it? The government has to walk a fine line by managing the nationalism it has bred without undermining its own rule and considering elite divisions, heightened public nationalism, and the developments in its external environment. Six case studies from the Hu-Wen era provide a comprehensive understanding of what pertains to Chinese nationalism, the means used to express it, and more importantly the way the government chose to tackle them. While nationalism can be a mean of garnering legitimacy and exercising pressure on Japan to bend to its wishes, the Chinese government is embarked on the sinuous task of preventing an escalation beyond its control at both the domestic and international levels. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this article, the author discusses the BRIC association of countries including Brazil, Russia, India and China. Topics discussed include issues associated with defining these countries as rising powers, international political economy explains the role of BRICs and adds that Japan is suffering from two decades of stagnation. It adds that according to the World Bank, China had the second largest economy in the world in terms of gross domestic product (GDP) as of 2011.

We report our findings on cross-societal variations in values concerning Corporate Social Responsibility (CSR) held by senior executives from five economies. We find that executives in all five economies are concerned with the roles of their firms in society, with those in Japan most so and those in Hong Kong least so. However, executives in each context have different conceptualizations of how firms contribute to society. The data suggest variation along three dimensions: implicit versus explicit CSR, stakeholder-oriented versus production-oriented CSR within implicit CSR and different main stakeholders within stakeholder-oriented CSR. We discuss the implications of these findings for future research on CSR and for comparative business systems. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Rubella virus is the most teratogenic virus known to science and is capable of causing large epidemics. The RA 27/3 rubella vaccine, usually combined with measles vaccine, has eliminated rubella and congenital rubella syndrome from much of the world, notably from the Western Hemisphere. Except in immunosuppressed individuals, it is remarkably safe. Together with rubella vaccine strains used in China and Japan, eradication of the rubella virus is possible, indeed more feasible than eradication of measles or mumps. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Objectives Heterogeneity in successful aging has been found across countries. Yet, comparable evidence is sparse except in North America and Europe. Extending prior research, this study examined the prevalence and correlates of successful aging in East Asia: China, Korea, and Japan. Method We used harmonized data sets from national surveys. A total of 6,479 participants (aged between 65 and 75) were analyzed. Using Rowe and Kahn's (1987 , 1997) model, successful aging was defined as having no major diseases, no difficulty performing activities of daily living, obtaining a median or higher score on tests of cognitive function, and being actively engaged. Results The average prevalence of successful agers was 17.6%. There were variations in the global and specific measures of successful aging within and across countries, even after controlling for individual sociodemographic factors (age, gender, and education). The odds of aging successfully were highest in Japan and lowest in China, especially in the rural areas. Being younger and males were associated with a higher likelihood of successful agers in both global and specific measures. Discussion This study observed heterogeneity in successful aging in East Asia. To identify policy implications, future research should explore potential societal factors influencing individuals' opportunities for successful aging. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The author reflects on the development of Plant and Cell Physiology (PCP) from 2004 activities and 2005 prospectives in Japan. The author cites the acceptance of online submission of manuscripts from the different countries including China, U.S., Germany and Japan that was started on October 1, 2004. He numerates the 2005 PCP Editorial Board members. The author also outlines the new instructions for author concerning their manuscripts that are submitted electronically from January 1, 2005.

China and Japan are among the world's top space powers, with significant technical competence in both conventional and 'newspace' capabilities. Since the early 1990s, each country has also taken a keen interest in shaping the governance of outer space activities. But they have done so in remarkably different ways, calling into question Asian states' supposed preferences for soft and informal institutions. Japan has led the Asia-Pacific Regional Space Agency Forum, involving both state and nonstate participants, which is guided by a set of principles. China has opted for a high-profile formal intergovernmental design, the Asia-Pacific Space Cooperation Organization, with a Convention and all the trappings of a formal organizational structure. This article assesses the activities of China and Japan in the new space race, discusses how and why the design of their space governance differs, and reflects on prospects for competition and cooperation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

We study the impact of nationalism and interstate frictions on international economic relations by analyzing market reaction to adverse shocks to Sino-Japanese relations in 2005 and 2010. Japanese companies with high China exposure suffer relative declines during each event window; a symmetric effect is observed for Chinese companies with high Japanese exposure. The effect on Japanese companies is more pronounced for those operating in industries dominated by Chinese state-owned enterprises, whereas firms with high Chinese employment experience lower declines. These results emphasize the role of countries' economic and political institutions in mediating the impact of interstate frictions on firm-level outcomes. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

The degree to which individuals migrate among particular breeding, migration, and wintering sites can have important implications for prioritizing conservation efforts. Four subspecies of Dunlin (Calidris alpina) migrate along the East Asian–Australasian Flyway. Each subspecies has a distinct and well-defined breeding range, but their migration and winter ranges are poorly defined or unknown. We assessed the migratory connectivity of 3 of these subspecies by evaluating a dataset that encompasses 57 yr (1960–2017), and comprises more than 28,000 Dunlin banding records and 818 observations (71 recaptures and 747 band resightings). We present some of the first evidence that subspecific segregation likely occurs, with arcticola Dunlin wintering in areas of Japan, and other arcticola, actites, and sakhalina Dunlin wintering in areas of the Yellow and China seas. Observations indicate that whether an arcticola Dunlin winters in Japan or the Yellow and China seas is independent of their breeding location, sex, or age. Furthermore, observations indicate that ≥83% of arcticola Dunlin exhibit interannual site fidelity to specific wintering sites. This suggests that the degradation of specific wetland areas may negatively affect particular individuals of a particular subspecies (or combination of subspecies), and, if widespread, could result in population declines. Given the possible biases inherent in analyzing band recovery data, we recommend additional flyway-wide collaboration and the use of lightweight tracking devices and morphological and genetic assignment techniques to better quantify subspecies' migratory movements and nonbreeding distributions. This information, when combined, will enable effective conservation efforts for this species across the East Asian–Australasian Flyway. LAY SUMMARY The East Asian–Australasian Flyway has more threatened and near-threatened migratory waterbird species than any other flyway in the world; however, developing flyway conservation plans has been challenging, in part due to limited information regarding population-specific migration patterns. Four subspecies of Dunlin migrate and winter along the East Asian–Australasian Flyway. Each has a well-defined breeding range; their migration and winter ranges are poorly defined or unknown. We assessed the migratory connectivity of 3 subspecies using data from 57 yr (1960–2017), which comprises more than 28,000 Dunlin banding records, 71 recaptures, and 747 band resightings. Subspecific segregation likely occurs, with arcticola Dunlin wintering in Japan, and other arcticola, actites, and sakhalina Dunlin wintering in the Yellow and China seas. It is likely that ≥83% of arcticola Dunlin exhibit interannual site fidelity to specific wintering sites. Our findings suggest that degradation of specific wetland areas may negatively affect particular individuals of a particular subspecies (or combination of subspecies) and could result in population declines. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The degree to which individuals migrate among particular breeding, migration, and wintering sites can have important implications for prioritizing conservation efforts. Four subspecies of Dunlin (Calidris alpina) migrate along the East Asian−Australasian Flyway. Each subspecies has a distinct and well-defined breeding range, but their migration and winter ranges are poorly defined or unknown. We assessed the migratory connectivity of 3 of these subspecies by evaluating a dataset that encompasses 57 yr (1960–2017), and comprises more than 28,000 Dunlin banding records and 818 observations (71 recaptures and 747 band resightings). We present some of the first evidence that subspecific segregation likely occurs, with arcticola Dunlin wintering in areas of Japan, and other arcticola , actites , and sakhalina Dunlin wintering in areas of the Yellow and China seas. Observations indicate that whether an arcticola Dunlin winters in Japan or the Yellow and China seas is independent of their breeding location, sex, or age. Furthermore, observations indicate that ≥83% of arcticola Dunlin exhibit interannual site fidelity to specific wintering sites. This suggests that the degradation of specific wetland areas may negatively affect particular individuals of a particular subspecies (or combination of subspecies), and, if widespread, could result in population declines. Given the possible biases inherent in analyzing band recovery data, we recommend additional flyway-wide collaboration and the use of lightweight tracking devices and morphological and genetic assignment techniques to better quantify subspecies' migratory movements and nonbreeding distributions. This information, when combined, will enable effective conservation efforts for this species across the East Asian−Australasian Flyway. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Constructing a credible foreign threat is a key activity in the US national security community. By adopting a narrative approach to threat formation, we attempt to delineate the contours of the Soviet Union, Japan, and China in the US threat discourse spectrum. The Soviet threat is constructed through a story of two ideologically opposed rivals competing for world domination and the Japan-bashing narrative is of victimisation due to Japan's unfair competition. China threat stories, however, are now more complex, conflating a story of US victimhood at the hands of China's unfair competition, advocated by President Trump, with a widely embedded but malleable epic tale of power competition between a rising power and the ruling power, and a new Cold War script propagated by the 'deep state' hawks. We have found that as long as a country may potentially threaten the United States' hegemonic identity, be it a formidable power with an antagonistic outlook like the Soviet Union, an ally from inside like Japan, or a rising peer competitor like China, the United States will invariably construct a diametrical self-other story in a zero-sum mindset and resort relentlessly to its superior Self while customising its threat story scripts in accordance with the rival's characteristics and dimensions of challenges. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Using classifiers--lexical items that depict perceptual and conceptual properties of objects-six cross--cultural experiments were conducted in the People's Republic of China, Hong Kong, Japan, and the United States to investigate how structural features of languages affect mental structures and, in turn, consumer behavior. Experiments 1-4 show how classifiers affect the perceived similarity between objects, attribute accessibility, and concept organization. Experiment 5 shows how classifier-based schemata result in inferences about product features. Experiment 6 provides evidence for the effect of classifiers on judgment and choice via assimilation and contrast processes and affect transfer. We discuss our findings in light of the Whorfian hypothesis and argue for the incorporation of structural components of languages into models of consumer behavior. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this study, we evaluated 16 Japanese and Chinese rice cultivars in terms of their main chemical components, iodine absorption curve, apparent amylose content (AAC), pasting property, resistant starch content, physical properties, sodium dodecyl sulfate-polyacrylamide gel electrophoresis analysis, and enzyme activity. Based on these quality evaluations, we concluded that Chinese rice varieties are characterized by a high protein and the grain texture after cooking has high hardness and low stickiness. In a previous study, we developed a novel formula for estimating AAC based on the iodine absorption curve. The validation test showed a determination coefficient of 0.996 for estimating AAC of Chinese rice cultivars as unknown samples. In the present study, we developed a novel formulae for estimating the balance degree of the surface layer of cooked rice (A3/A1: a ratio of workload of stickiness and hardness) based on the iodine absorption curve obtained using milled rice. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses the role that the Young Men’s Christian Association’s (YMCA's) physical education director Elwood Stanley Brown played in developing the athletic competition the Far Eastern Championship Games (FECG) from the 1910s through 1934 in Japan, China and the Philippines. The intended efforts of the FECG to bring Western civilization and American Protestantism to East Asia and the Philippines through cultural imperialism are discussed. The role that Brown played in developing physical education programs in Asian schools is also discussed.

Conventional wisdom has it that the endurance of a constitution hinges on the interaction of design factors and environmental elements. For a constitution to be long-lasting, it needs to be not only self-enforcing domestically, but also resilient when facing international cataclysm. Yet these macro theories fail to tackle the nuanced variances in each constitution, especially those in East Asian countries. Attempting to fill this academic lacuna, this Article compares the Constitution of the Republic of China and the Constitution of Japan, two stable constitutions that have not been replaced since World War II. It suggests that although there are some similarities, factors that contribute to the longevity of the two constitutions are quite different. The durability of the Constitution of Japan could be better explained through the lens of constitutional design. By contrast, the stability of the ROC Constitution results mainly from environmental reasons irrelevant to the parchment barrier itself. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article first provides a game-theoretic, endogenous view of institutions and then applies the idea to identify the sources of institutional trajectories of economies development in China, Japan, and Korea. It stylises the Malthusian phase of the East Asian economies as a peasant-based economies in which small conjugal families self-managed their working times between farming on small plots—leased or owned—and handcrafting for personal consumption and markets. It then compares institutional arrangements across these economies that sustained otherwise similar economies. It characterises the varied nature of the political states of Qing China, Tokugawa Japan and Yi Korea by focusing on the way agricultural taxes were enforced. It also identifies different patterns of social norms of trust that were institutional complements to, or substitutes for, the political states. Finally, it traces the path-dependent transformations of these state-norm combinations along subsequent transitions to post-Malthusian phases of economic growth in the respective economies. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

In Article 5 of the China–Japan Joint Communiqué, there is no specific declaration which waives civil rights to claims for war compensation against Japan. Therefore, the regime of waiving the civil rights to claims for compensation, regulated in the “San Francisco Peace Treaty”, should not be applied as a “framework” for interpreting Article 5 of the Joint Communiqué. Should it be applied, this incorrect method of interpretation would impose more limits on and cause more damage to individual rights. Furthermore, it would be inconsistent with either Japanese judicial practices in treaty interpretation of individual claims, or the purpose of law. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

This article argues that the dual identities of political rivals and regional leaders have been of critical importance in determining China and Japan’s regional policies and their bilateral relations within East Asian cooperation. China and Japan, in identifying each other as political rivals rather than cooperative partners, have defined their interests in regional cooperative projects, particularly those led by the other party, in terms of power politics. At the same time, China and Japan’s efforts to gain followers’ acceptance of their aspired leadership identities have shaped their regional policy options and behaviours. The combination effects of these dual identities have produced variances in China and Japan’s regional policies and their bilateral relations within East Asian financial and institutional cooperation. Particularly with regards to regional projects led by the other party and supported by a majority of followers, China and Japan cooperated with the intention of neutralizing the other’s dominance in the region and to demonstrate the responsibilities one should assume as aspirant regional leader. China or Japan opposed, in terms of power politics, cooperative projects the other party initiated that did not secure majority support among followers, instead promoting their own initiatives to expand followers’ acceptance of their leadership. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Pre-industrial China and Japan provide contrasting patterns in how transactions were conducted in the rural economy. Chinese peasants would exchange their products anonymously for cash at the nearest market, while transactions in rural Japan tended to be made among people who were well-acquainted through credit rather than currency. The case of early modern England, where ordinary people tended to make deferred payments by means of oral agreements, shows a similarity to the Japanese situation. This comparison suggests, in general terms, that currency and credit could combine to supply the total amount of means of payment needed in a region. However, commercial activities progressed in divergent ways: either through anonymous currency transactions or by means of chained debts among locals. Unlike currency-dominant systems, which tended to create plural units of account, credit-dominant systems made it easier to establish a monetary system based on a standard formula. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article offers global perspectives on 20th century British history from Australia, Hong Kong, Japan, and South Africa. In Australia, the author discusses migrants from Britain, the British influences within Australian media, and how British history is taught at universities. In South Africa, the author discusses British identity, culture, and politics in relation to South African historical work. In Japan, the author discusses how the economic and social history of Britain has served as model for modernization. In Hong Kong, the author discusses how British colonial influences have led to internationalization.

The article focuses on the power shift narrative in Sino-Japanese interaction regarding the Diaoyu/Senkaku Islands in 2010. It states that the notion showing the rising of China, the declining of Japan, and the power shift in East Asia is compatible with the epistemological core of constructivism. It also discusses bilateral relationship between China and Japan, Japanese policymaking, and sovereign competition on two parties.

‘Au Mikado’ was a tea and coffee emporium situated in the central, ‘first’ district of Vienna during the closing years of the nineteenth century and the first decades of the twentieth. Although not a great deal of recorded information survives about this establishment, what does exist, in the form of sales catalogues and an invitation to sale of Heinrich von Siebold's private collection in 1909, sheds some light upon the access to Japanese and Chinese art in Vienna during this period. This study will seek to address the role of ‘Au Mikado’ and similar establishments in Vienna, examining the range of Chinese and Japanese items available for sale to the Viennese public. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Writings on the design history and design studies of the Greater China region (the People’s Republic of China (PRC), Taiwan and Hong Kong) have not emerged at this stage. This article summarizes existing works on Chinese design history and study, giving a brief overview of the literature written and published in English and notable publications in Chinese. The brief review of each key publication serves as introductory text for the subject matter. This review takes a pragmatic approach, using the term ‘sheji’ as a currently agreed-upon translation for the English word ‘design’ in the region. Historically, in the Chinese context, ‘gongyi’ was used to refer to the skills (techniques and technology) and art (aesthetic and philosophy) of making crafts to satisfy the needs of everyday life, including the hereditary upper class and ordinary folks. Recently, the Ministry of Education of the People’s Republic of China further removed the component ‘yishu’ (art), with only the term ‘sheji’ (design) remaining, and made ‘yishu’ a new discipline in the Directory of Degree-granting and Personnel Training Disciplines (Xuewei Shouyu he Rencai Peiyang Xueke Mulu) announced in March 2011. This recent announcement signifies a new era of design education and unifies the various different terms used in the region to refer to the English word ‘design’. Owing to the complexity of the terminology referring to ‘design’ in the Chinese context, various Chinese terms may appear in this article, along with reviewed literature, to provide further background for the definitions of the term in the current Chinese context. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Is the much hyped 'rise of Asia' translating into global public good? The leading Asian powers, China, India and Japan, demand a greater share of the decision-making and leadership of global institutions. Yet, they seem to have been more preoccupied with enhancing their national power and status than contributing to global governance, including the management of global challenges. This is partly explained by a realpolitik outlook and ideology, and the legacies of India's and China's historical identification with the 'Third World' bloc. Another key factor is the continuing regional legitimacy deficit of the Asian powers. This article suggests that the Asian powers should increase their participation in and contribution to regional cooperation as a stepping stone to a more meaningful contribution to global governance. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article argues that Japan matters crucially in the evolving East Asian security order because it is embedded both in the structural transition and the ongoing regional strategies to manage it. The post-Cold War East Asian order transition centres on the disintegration of the post-Second World War Great Power bargain that saw Japan subjecting itself to extraordinary strategic constraint under the US alliance, leaving the conundrum of how to negotiate a new bargain that would keep the peace between Japan and China. To manage the uncertainties of this transition, East Asian states have adopted a three-pronged strategy of: maintaining US military preponderance; socializing China as a responsible regional great power; and cultivating regionalism as the basis for a long-term East Asian security community. Japan provides essential public goods for each of these three elements: it keeps the US anchored in East Asia with its security treaty; it is the one major regional power that can and has helped to constrain the potential excesses of growing Chinese power while at the same time crucially engaging with and helping to socialize China; and its economic and political participation is critical for meaningful regionalism and regional integration. It does not need to be a fully fledged, 'normal' Great Power in order to carry out these roles. As the region tries to mediate the growing security dilemma among the three great powers, Japan's importance to regional security will only grow. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article investigates and explains the development of International Relations studies (IRS) in China, Japan, and India. Beginning in early 1980s IRS experienced exponential growth in China and is becoming a separate discipline in that country. Despite early starts, IRS in Japan and India is still an appendage in other disciplinary departments, programs, and centers although growing interest is discernible in both countries. Continued rise of Asian powers along with their growing roles and responsibilities in constructing and managing regional and global orders is likely sustain and increase interest in IRS in these countries and more generally in Asia. Distinctive trajectories have characterized the development of IRS in China, Japan, and India. Distinctiveness is evident in master narratives and intellectual predispositions that have shaped research and teaching of IR in all three countries. The distinct IRS trajectories are explained by the national and international context of these countries as well as the extensiveness of state domination of their public spheres. Alterations in national circumstances and objectives along with changes in the international position explain the master narratives that have focused the efforts of IR research communities. Extensiveness of state domination and government support, respectively, explain intellectual predispositions and institutional opportunities for the development of IRS. IRS in Asia has had a predominantly practical orientation with emphasis on understanding and interpreting the world to forge suitable national responses. That orientation contributed to a strong emphasis on normative–ethical dimensions, as well as empirically grounded historical, area, and policy studies. For a number of reasons including intellectual predispositions and constraints, knowledge production in the positivist tradition has not been a priority. However, IR theorizing defined broadly is beginning to attract greater attention among Asian IR scholars. Initial interest in Western IR theory was largely a function of exposure of Asian scholars to Western (primarily American) scholarship that has been in the forefront in the development of IR concepts, theories, and paradigms. Emulation has traveled from copying to application and is now generating interest in developing indigenous ideas and perspectives based on national histories, experiences, and traditions. Although positivism may gain ground it is not deeply embedded in the intellectual traditions of Asian countries. Furthermore, theorizing in the positivist tradition has not made significant progress in the West where it is also encountering sharp criticism and alternative theories. Asian IR scholarship would continue to emphasize normative–ethical concerns. And historical, area, and policy studies would continue to be important in their own right, not simply as evidentiary basis for development of law-like propositions. It also appears likely that Asian IR scholarship would increasingly focus on recovery of indigenous ideas and traditions and their adaptation to contemporary circumstances. The net effect of these trends would be to diversify and enrich existing concepts, theories, methods, and perspectives, and possibly provide fresh ones as well. The flourishing of IRS in Asia would make the IR discipline more international. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

China's and Japan's role in San Francisco's Panama-Pacific International Exposition demonstrates that although both nations sought to use the fair to construct themselves as progressive, modern nations, they faced entrenched anti-Asian racism in California, which contributed to the production of contradictory representations of the Chinese and Japanese at the fair. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The so-called "Kokaryo Case", popularly called the "Guanghualiao An" in Chinese, is the case filed by the Republic of China in Japan that attracted much attention and dispute since delicate issues such as the recognition of the Chinese government and the juridical status of the Taiwan authorities were involved. This note briefly overviews the 27 March 2007 Japanese Supreme Court judgment in this case and provides some tentative comments on its nature and implications. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

What explains the abolition of extraterritoriality in world politics? Which factors account for the variation in the timing of the abolition process? I develop a state-building explanation for the abolition of extraterritoriality. I find that traditional explanations of the abolition of extraterritoriality that rely on power and culture do not account for Western states’ decisions to keep or abolish extraterritoriality. I suggest that the state-building practices of non-Western countries, specifically the institutionalization of a state-based legal system, are key to explaining why Western states decided to keep or abolish extraterritoriality. I test my argument against alternative explanations using a comparative case study of the abolition process in Japan and China. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Even as Japanese armies marched on Ming China in the late sixteenth century, the artefacts of ancient China continued to elicit the esteem of Japanese elites, including the warrior-ruler, Toyotomi Hideyoshi (1537–98). In many of these artefacts a given location constituted the theme. This essay comprises three interconnected case studies of China-related paintings and ceramics that demonstrate a concerted effort by Japanese of the Momoyama period (1568–1615) to claim Chinese antiquity as part of their cultural heritage. Japanese patrons and artists achieved this by adapting Chinese models of stylized or semi-abstract landscape representation and, more dramatically, by physically and conceptually transforming original Chinese objects. Antique Chinese paintings of Chinese place were dismembered and remounted in Japan so as to function better in Japanese contexts. In a practice that highlighted location while eschewing the pictorial, aesthetic arbiters awarded old Chinese ceramic vessels poetic names related to Japanese places (a custom common in chanoyu, the tea ceremony), thus conceptually relocating the objects from China to Japan. In present-day art-historical practice these objects are not normally studied together. That practice, however, distorts pre-modern realities, as, during the period in question, the Japanese used the objects en ensemble as they searched for, and at times reworked, the relevances of ancient China for Momoyama Japan. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article assesses the extent of normative commitment to democracy among the public in East Asia. The authors discuss to what extent do citizens in Japan, South Korea, Taiwan, Mongolia, the Philippines, Thailand and Hong Kong support democracy as a system of government as measured by overtly favorable orientations toward democracy. It indicates that except for South Korea and Japan most East Asian democratic countries do not enjoy a deep legitimization. The authors observed that authoritarianism remains a rough competitor to democracy in the region.