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Purpose – The purpose of this paper is to explore representations of Aboriginal people, in particular children, in the Victorian government’s school reader The School Paper, from the end of the Second World War until its publication ceased in 1968. The author interrogates these representations within the framework of pedagogies of citizenship training and the development of national identity, to reveal the role Aboriginal people and their culture were accorded within the “imagined community” of Australian nationhood and its heritage and history. Design/methodology/approach – The paper draws on the rich material available in the Victorian Department of Education’s school reader, The School Paper, from 1946 to 1968 (when the publication ceased), and on the Department’s annual reports. These are read within the context of scholarship on race, education and citizenship formation in the post-war years. Findings – State government policies of assimilation following the Second World War tied in with pedagogies and curricula regarding citizenship and belonging, which became a key focus of education departments following the Second World War. The informal pedagogies of The School Paper’s representations of Aboriginal children and their families, the author argues, excluded Aboriginal communities from understandings of Australian nationhood, and from conceptions of the ideal Australian citizen-in-formation. Instead, representations of Aboriginal people relegated them to the outdoors in ways that racialised Australian spaces: Aboriginal cultures are portrayed as historical yet timeless, linked with the natural/native rather than civic/political environment. Originality/value – This paper builds on scholarship on the relationship between education, reading pedagogies and citizenship formation in Australia in the post-war years to develop our knowledge of how conceptions of the ideal Australian citizen of the future – that is, Australian students – were inherently racialised. It makes a new contribution to scholarship on the assimilation project in Australia, through revealing the relationship between government policies towards Aboriginal people and the racial and cultural qualities being taught in Australian schools. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Purpose This conceptual paper aims to contribute to the growing literature around the “politics of heritage” by focusing on India which has a multifaceted society with several layers of religious culture and history.Design/methodology/approach The work is based on an extensive review of the literature and philosophical discussions relating to the politics of heritage tourism and the political dimensions of nationalism and ethnicity from an interdisciplinary perspective.Findings The main purpose of this conceptual paper is to develop hypotheses. Hence, the study asks: How does postcolonial India reconstruct its past and how are religions represented as part of the national image and for the purpose of tourism promotion? How tourism and religious heritage support a broader secular dreamscape of harmonious cultural nationalism in India? Considering all allegations for supporting the Hindutva movement (who considers Hinduism to be the source of India’s “essential” identity and believes it alone can provide national cohesiveness) by the ruling Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) government in India, it is worth examining if there are any subtle changes to the tourism agenda created by the new government and the ambivalence surrounding it. Is there any place for the “foreigners” (Muslims and Christians) in Hindutva political ideology? Future scholars can analyze how tourism promotional material represents three major religions in the country by the current Indian Government (i.e. BJP) in its official tourism website: www.incredibleindia.org. This will take “politics of heritage” studies to a different trajectory, as analysis of web media has emerged as a critical medium in understanding numerous social processes.Research limitations/implications The paper draws on a wide range of seminal work by scholars of nationalism and ethnicity over the past few decades, but it cannot be comprehensive.Originality/value The paper’s originality lies in its novel approach to an understudied aspect in tourism studies (i.e. politics of heritage) and providing suggestions for future research. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Purpose The purpose of this paper is to examine two significant political advertising campaigns which used the “It’s Time” slogan and to reflect on how these related to official, popular and commercial nationalism in Australia. The paper is primarily concerned with two main issues: identifying and examining the variety of images of Australia in two key television advertisements, and exploring the methods by which advertising agencies created positive images of Australia and Australians in the two campaigns. It specifically highlights the significance of the “It’s Time” campaign, which is relevant for scholars and advertisers seeking to understand effective political communication.Design/methodology/approach This paper examines television advertisements by using semiotics as the principal methodology. The research methodology devised for the advertisements consists of two main components: a shot combination analysis, also known as a shot-by-shot analysis, and a semiological reading of the visual and acoustic channels of the advertisement.Findings This paper examines the use of commercial nationalism in television advertising. As one of many social and cultural influences, advertisements assist the individual in understanding their notion of themselves and their relationship with the wider community – be it local, national, regional or global. The primary focus of this research is the phenomenon of commercial nationalism – the adoption of national signifiers in the marketplace. However, by examining the more general discourse on nationalism, particularly the voice of official nationalism – the promotion of nationalism by the nation-state (or those aspiring to power), the symbiotic relationship between these two complementary brands of nationalism is explored.Originality/value The methodology adopted for analysing the two political advertising campaigns offers conceptual and practical value. It provides a consistent set of terms and concepts for further research to build upon. The paper provides insights for the marketing or examination of advertising campaigns. The paper demonstrates the power of market research to inform a framing strategy for a political campaign. The paper contributes to the body of knowledge in this area and thus society’s understanding of these important periods in the nation’s history. In particular, the paper provides an exploration into the “It’s Time” campaign and how it mobilised a broader cultural awakening to engineer success at the ballot box in 1972. The two case studies examined in this paper are relevant to political scientists and media and communication scholars. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Purpose - Aims to unpack the development and subsequent growth in the UK of so-called new localism concepts and policies post-1997. Design/methodology/approach - Highlights both the political rhetoric and the practical applications of such policies. In this context, introduces the articles in this special issue which focus on various dimensions of new localism-style policy, predominantly in the UK, but provide a series of arguments and illustrate a number of contradictions that are equally applicable in many Western countries. Findings - Tension exists between centralising focus and constructing prescribed policy at national state level, and decentralising power and responsibility to a more inclusive group of stakeholders in order to develop increasingly nuanced and locally specific sets of regeneration priorities and outcomes. Originality/value - The articles in this special issue illuminate a number of lessons for regeneration practitioners and managers, and for academics engaged in research and evaluation of public sector policy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Purpose: The purpose of this paper is to explore the interconnection between the corporatisation of K-beauty and Korea's nation branding exercise and its links with soft power. Through the investigation of the transformation of Korea's beauty industry, the authors seek to illustrate the inter-relationship of the market systems and national identification practices. Design/methodology/approach: This study employed the qualitative case study approach to examine the latest development of Korea's medical tourism. Through analysing a variety of secondary data that associated to the latest development of cosmetic tourism, this paper presents the impact of the transformation and reconfiguration of Korea's beauty industry on the country's nation branding strategy and the development of Korea's soft power in the global marketplace. Findings: The findings highlight how Korea's new cosmetic tourism industry contributed to the renewal of Korea's nation brand in the global market. The findings also illustrate the interconnection of the emerging Korean popular cultural products (K-pop and K-beauty) in the regional and global marketplace. Research limitations/implications: The findings demonstrate the role of market in re-defining a nation's brand and identity. The findings also illustrate how market-driven strategy influences the development of a nation's soft power in the regional and/or global marketplace. Practical implications: The study shows that practitioners can be active agents in nation branding. Through highlighting strategies to develop soft power within and beyond the country boundary, this study shows how market agents, governments and other stakeholders can co-create a market system that transform and reconfigure the nation brand in the global marketplace. Social implications: In additional to explore the transformation of the beauty industry in Korea, this paper also presents the history and transformation of the beauty standards in Korea and other Asian cultures. Such dialogue invites marketing and consumer researchers to further explore the role of history and culture in guiding the production and consumption of new (consumption) standards. Originality/value: This is the first paper that connects the theory of soft power in nation branding and country-of-origin literature. The case analysis of the socio-historical development of K-beauty also demonstrates how non-Western cultural goods enter the international marketplace. In summary, this paper provides new conceptual framework that illustrates a new collaborative mechanism that engages government and practitioners to co-create new cultural norms and standards to the local and international markets. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Purpose The “welfare reform” narrative of successive Conservative-led UK Government emphasises public spending reductions, individual responsibility and strengthening of benefit conditionality. The purpose of this paper is to cast light on how this narrative is challenged and disrupted by the Scottish Government through their articulation of a social democratic welfare state imaginary.Design/methodology/approach The study draws together a decentred governance perspective that emphasises ideational tradition for understanding (re)construction of governance (Bevir, 2013, p. 27) with critical discourse analysis to examine how welfare interpretations/representations are carried into the policy and public arena. The Scottish Government documents are deconstructed to interrogate the ideas and form of their emergent discourse and its relation to the independence referendum and welfare governance reform.Findings Responding to changing socio-economic contexts and welfare governance, the Scottish Government has developed a discourse of modernisation rooted in British and Scandinavian social democratic traditions. Fusing (civic) nationalism with social wage and social investment concepts, they conjure up imaginaries of a prosperous, solidaristic, egalitarian welfare state as a feasible future reality, recuperating “welfare” as a collective endeavour and positioning a maldistribution of power/resources between groups and constituent countries of the UK as the “problem”.Originality/value The paper is of value to those interested in how changes to centralised-hierarchical welfare governance can open new spaces for actors at different levels of government to articulate counter-hegemonic discourses and practices. Its originality lies in the analysis of how the Scottish Government has reworked social democratic traditions to weave together a welfare imaginary that directly contests the problem-solution narrative of successive Conservative-led UK Governments. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Purpose – The purpose of this paper is to give a critical review of the City-State Theory by Wan Chin of Hong Kong. Chin is referred to as the “Father of Hong Kong Independence,” and his two books about the City-State Theory of Hong Kong are popular among the netizens in Hong Kong as a new model of Hong Kong-China (People’s Republic of China (PRC)), in which Hong Kong is considered a city-state and should be fully segregated from the PRC other than in seeking its help in military and diplomatic functions. This paper will aim to review his works with the view of nationalism and nativism theories. Design/methodology/approach – This paper uses nationalism theories with particular focus on Benedict Anderson’s Imagined Communities and theories on American nativism. Then an effort is made to compare these theories against Chin’s arguments on his City-State Theory. This paper also compares his theories against China’s state-nationalism raised by Professors He and Guo. Findings – This paper concludes that Chin advocates a “Hong Kong Nationalism,” a blend of traditional Chinese culture and moral values (he used the term Huaxia), but with a Western influence, into a typical Hong Kong culture. His theory fits into Anderson’s arguments of allowing Hong Kong citizens to imagine Hong Kong as a nation, through the “ramparts” of the city-state. His nativist advocacies also have shown strong nationalistic sentiments. He argues that China should be built in the Hong Kong model before the PRC intervention. Originality/value – Despite his fame, this paper is the first comprehensive academic paper to review Chin’s theories. This paper introduced the notion of “ramparts” and how this has become the backbone of Chin’s nationalism advocacies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Purpose: The purpose of this paper is to investigate how visual aesthetic referents used in branding can help foster a transnational imagined community (TIC). The authors use brands embedded with Middle Eastern visual aesthetics as a research context. As such, the study aims to examine how Middle Eastern non-figurative art is used by non-Middle Eastern brands to foster an imagined Middle Easternness. Design/methodology/approach: Through a critical visual analysis, the authors apply a visual social semiotic approach to Middle Eastern art canons to better understand the dimensions of transnational imagined communities. Findings: The study finds and discusses six sub-dimensions of Middle Easternness, which compose two overarching dimensions of TIC, namely, temporal and spatial. These sub-dimensions provide brand managers and designers with six different ways to foster transnational imagined communities through the use of visual aesthetic referents in branding. Research limitations/implications: This research identifies the specific visual sub-dimensions of brands that enable transnational communities to be imagined. Practical implications: Understanding the visual aesthetic sub-dimensions in this study provides brand managers with practical tools that can help develop referents that foster transnational imagined communities in brand building to achieve competitive advantage and reach a transnational segment. Originality/value: Prior studies have primarily focussed on how visual aesthetics help in understanding issues related to national identity. In contrast, this paper examines the use of visual aesthetics in branding from a transnational perspective. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Purpose: This paper aims to explore the relationship between religious and linguistic nationalism in Sri Lanka in the context of the controversy on singing the national anthem in Tamil during National Independence Day celebrations. It illuminates how language and religious policy work together to maintain Sinhala–Buddhist hegemony and exclude Tamil speakers as second-class citizens in postcolonial Sri Lanka. Design/methodology/approach: The examination of the anthem controversy includes language and religious policy documents, newspaper articles and YouTube videos. Findings: The national anthem as a site of struggle is a powerful case to explore how nation-states' actors mobilize affect, intertwining ideologies on language, religion, ethnicity, geography, and so on to maintain and reinforce dominance over minoritized groups. Therefore, the authors believe that (singing) the national anthem can be a site of study for language policy. Research limitations/implications: The authors acknowledge that the data used in this study are only in Sinhala and English and identify the need for further research using data sources in Tamil. Originality/value: While this paper generally contributes to the scholarly dialogues on religion and language, it also sheds light on understanding politics in Sri Lanka. Finally, the authors propose that any meaningful policy implementation efforts toward achieving linguistic justice in Sri Lanka need to include parallel policy changes that promote equality among religions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Purpose: This paper aims to focus on how home-grown Indian companies explored the potential of Indian middle class and realized an opportunity to seize the market gap not catered by MNCs in India. Across three distinct business contexts, the authors describe the companies' procedures of developing segment-specific offerings. Doing so, the authors outline novel strategies implemented by these companies to cater to specific needs of the segments. Design/methodology/approach: Seizing Bandura's (1986) framework that stresses on the role of cognitive, vicarious, self-reflective and self-regulatory processes, the authors develop a four-layered model of the Indian middle class consumers. Building upon this model, they took multiple case (three caselets) approach for illustrating the strategies of home-grown companies. The authors identify their potential to explore the unknown terrains of various market segments and rework with unique local solutions. Findings: The study highlights the power of home-grown companies over MNCs in terms of better market understanding and realistic offerings best suited to their needs. Across the divergent business contexts the companies' strategies have four features in common: customer targeting and developing; localization of business models, particularly services; relating the products to the Indian society; and ethnocentrism and pride. Research limitations/implications: This study gives priority to a "thick" description of the proceedings without claiming causality. The authors limit this qualitative investigation to pinpointing congruence and contradictions to previous established results. Practical implications: A key implication of this paper is the relevance of linking firm's strategy to social-psychological development of customers in emerging economies component. This study provides critical insights for both managers and policymakers on the economic and social upswing as socially responsible and ethical practices are likely to gain public awareness. Originality/value: The study's originality springs from understanding the domestic company's strategies when facing the pressure of (mainly Western) MNCs entering the emerging economies markets. While the latter takes advantage of economies of scale, country of origin effects and the powerful brands, the home-grown businesses are forced to develop divergent advantages and capabilities. Notably, earlier literature focused on changed demand pattern brought by MNCs in emerging economies and not on later part whereby, home-grown companies carve a space for themselves with specially designed improved products and innovative strategies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Purpose: In today's globalized world, countries are becoming increasingly multiethnic. This raises questions about the different dimensions of consumers' territorial identities, and how these dimensions are differentiated, interrelated and interlinked. The paper aims to discuss these issues. Design/methodology/approach: Using qualitative interviews, this paper investigates how (40) respondents from two different ethnic minorities in a country that is not necessarily considered multiethnic perceive these dimensions of territorial identity (ethnic, regional and national) as a constituent element of their own person and of their behavior. Findings: The authors highlight that these three dimensions of territorial identity co-exist as independent entities; they are distinct but interrelated and interconnected. Furthermore, idiosyncrasies in the ethnic sub-samples are investigated and described. These are related to the connection to the country of residence (being born there vs having immigrated there). Finally, avenues for future research, such as expanding the concept of territorial identities and its connection to consumer behavior, are suggested. Originality/value: The authors extend the bipolarity commonly used in territorial identities (global vs local or ethnic vs national) to three conceptually independent dimensions. The authors explore the relationships between these dimensions of territorial identity and show that they may not conflict but, instead, co-exist. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Purpose: Previous literature has reported inconsistent findings regarding the impact of uncertainty avoidance (UA) on intercultural experiences. This includes positive, negative and insignificant associations between UA on the one hand and cosmopolitanism or comfort with intercultural service encounters (ICSE) on the other hand. The purpose of this paper is to participate in addressing these contradictions. More specifically, this study examines how UA affects expatriate cosmopolitanism as well as approach of service environments patronized by local customers by introducing two moderators: national identification and perceived discrimination. Design/methodology/approach: The authors propose a conceptual model based on the results of a literature review. The authors test it with survey data collected from Indian expatriates (n=341) living in Qatar, using structural equation modeling. Findings: The results corroborate the moderating role of national identification. Under low identification, expatriate consumers engage in a prospective form of uncertainty management, leading them to adopt a more cosmopolitan stance. Under high identification, their uncertainty plays an inhibitory role, reducing their cosmopolitanism and negatively affecting their approach of service places patronized by local consumers. Perceived discrimination did not moderate the impact of UA as expected on either cosmopolitanism or approach. Originality/value: This paper extends the prior research on UA by testing how two moderators could activate either a prospective or an inhibitory form of uncertainty. It also contributes to research on ICSE, by focusing on customer-to-customer interactions in a multicultural marketplace. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Purpose The purpose of this paper is to explore women's resistance to the religion of civilising missions abroad through empathetic feminism.Design/methodology/approach Conceptually, this paper explores three thematic tools for transnational activism in the interwar period: empathy for silent history, intersectionality of race and class, and empowerment through advocacy within power structures. With the theoretical backdrop of Winifred Holtby's activism inspired by the philosophy of Mary Wollstonecraft, this research compares the political involvement of Frances Emily Newton to Blanche Elizabeth Campbell Dugdale, and how their transnational activism contributed to post-colonial self-determination and the convolution of the Palestinian–Israeli conflict in the rise of the twentieth century nation-state.Findings These three feminists provided alternative narratives of human rights activism during the first wave of British feminism that both enabled transnational activism and planted seeds for empowering self-determination amidst colonial mandates and rising nationalism.Practical implications These women worked at the dovetail of colonialism and self-determination towards the twentieth century nation-state, and as the twenty-first century evolves with greater global integration and interconnectivity, imaginative insight in the transnational context evokes greater opportunities for empathy and compassion across intersectional identities, which in effect enables the mobilisation of positionality to confront structural violence perpetuating silenced voices.Originality/value By contextually evaluating transnational activism in a narrative of nuanced complexities, this research exudes opportunities for propagating universal human rights while maintaining the sensitivity to post-colonial sentiment for empowerment with the support of transnational networks. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Purpose - This paper aims to outline considerations for trust management between established national identity federations in education and research. It also aims to discuss policy issues related to cross-federation and to compare existing academic identity federations. The paper seeks to investigate Nordic national federations and to introduce the Kalmar Union as a means of interconnecting the Nordic federations. Design/methodology/approach - The paper discusses various issues in the policy of a cross-federation, and suggests further work for developing the Kalmar Union Charter. Findings - The paper finds that the technology used in federated identity management becomes more and more standardised, the technological challenges in making cross-federations become fewer. Therefore, the remaining obstacles seem to be missing legislative know-how, causing lack of sound information for decision makers. Thus, in an identity federation, trust establishment is, in the first place, a policy issue, not a technical one. Originality/value - In recent years, several identity federations have been established in higher education around the world. Existing federations have a national scope, but the need for cross-border services has led to the first interconnects of national federations. The Kalmar Union has been established as a cross-federation of the Nordic academic identity federations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Purpose: This paper examines nationalism as a driver of political risk and how it can lead to supply chain disruptions for foreign multinational enterprises (MNEs). Design/methodology/approach: Conceptual research based on a review of the literature on nationalism and supply chain risk management. Findings: This research unveils how economic nationalism could engender supply chain disruptions via discriminatory practices toward all foreign MNEs and how national animosity may generate additional risks for the MNEs of nations in conflict with one another. These discriminatory practices include an array of host government and grassroots actions targeting foreign MNEs. While economic nationalism and national animosity emanate from within a host country, they may stimulate geopolitical crises outside the host country and thereby affect the international supply chains of foreign MNEs. Research limitations/implications: This research lays the foundation for analytical and empirical researchers to integrate key elements of nationalism into their studies and recommends propositions and datasets to study these notions. Practical implications: This study shows the implications that nationalist drivers of supply chain disruptions have for foreign MNEs and thus can help managers to proactively mitigate such disruptions. Originality/value: This study reveals the importance of integrating notions of national identity and national history in supply chain research, since they play a key role in the emergence of policies and events responsible for supply chain disruptions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Purpose The purpose of this paper is, first, to show how certain bank capitalists in an Asian country (AC) make credit decisions and what methods they use to justify their irrational investment decisions, and second, to investigate why they make such unproductive investment decisions.Design/methodology/approach The research adopts the case-study methodology, using the theory of petty-bourgeois nationalism as the theoretical framework for data analysis and interpretation.Findings The research findings provide evidence to strengthen the theory of petty-bourgeois nationalism. They reveal that bank capitalists in this country do use “nationalism” as a mask to justify their unproductive investment decisions. The data show that such decisions, aimed at import protection, were made to protect their own domains of business by wasting public resources, thus in effect making road-blocks to economic development in AC.Research limitations/implications The paper attempts to fill a gap in the literature pertaining to bank lending and its co-integration with a country’s economic development.Social implications This study argues that such irrational unproductive investments are made under the guise of nationalism and/or patriotism, motivated by egoistic bank owners to protect their spheres of business.Originality/value The research in this paper is original because it is the first critical analysis of a case from an AC on petty-bourgeois nationalism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Purpose This paper aims to examine the causes and consequences of animosity that Sunni Arabs may harbor against Iran and Turkey – two regional powers and key players in the Middle East.Design/methodology/approach Using Jordanians as proxy for Sunni Arab consumers, data were collected from 218 respondents by means of an intercept survey. A systematic random sampling was used in selecting the respondents. Structural equation modeling was used to examine the role of religious/sectarian commitment (Sunni Islamic), ethnic identification (Arab), nationalism, patriotism and internationalism as potential sources of animosity of Sunni Arabs toward Iran and Turkey.Findings The findings show integrative/multiplicative impact of various social attributes on Sunni Arabs’ animosity toward Iran and Turkey and indicate a higher prevalence of animosity toward Iran than toward Turkey among the respondents. The findings also show how animosity decreases the likelihood of buying Iranian and Turkish products by Jordanian consumers.Research limitations/implications This paper, while unearthing interesting relationships among five antecedent variables, consumer animosity and purchase intentions, calls for further research to examine how the relationships between feelings of animosity and willingness to purchase products could be moderated by variables such as world-mindedness and foreign travel. Future researchers should also study how consumer animosity can be reduced.Practical implications The findings provide insights as to how foreign marketers can adjust their marketing strategies in the lucrative Arab market.Social implications The findings call for a more nuanced understanding of the role of religious/sectarian commitment, ethnicity, nationalism, patriotism and internationalism in causing and/or exacerbating animosity and consequently affecting purchase decisions of consumers.Originality/value The study contributes to the existing literature by measuring the hitherto unexamined role of intra-religious sectarian feelings in consumer animosity and purchase decisions and by analyzing the mediating role of consumer animosity between the five antecedent variables and willingness to purchase products from “enemy” countries. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Purpose The purpose of this paper is to examine the role played by the visual arts in expressing and shaping the nation brand. In doing so, it establishes the centrality of visual discourse in nation branding; illustrating that discursive strategies can directly alter the nation brand’s perception.Design/methodology/approach This single case study drawing on in-depth interviews, field observation and secondary/historical material, applies mediated discourse analysis and critical discourse analysis to capture a transitional period in the cultural policies and nation branding rhetoric across a time frame of 60 years.Findings This study establishes the visual arts as a significant carrier of meaning, thus reflecting changes in the national discourse. This analysis illustrates that publicly supported visual arts can articulate policy aspirations and provide insight into the power of competing national discourse which co-exists, thereby shaping the internal and external nation brand.Research limitations/implications The study focuses on the visual arts and the context of Venezuela. Future research could expand this to look at the visual arts in other national or regional contexts.Practical implications The paper establishes visual art as central to expressing national identity and policy, and a tool for examination of national identity and policy. More broadly, the paper establishes public support for the (visual) arts as central to nation-branding projects providing insight for those engaged in such campaigns to prioritize arts funding.Originality/value The authors’ study indicates the marketing relevance of visualization of the nation through the arts and establishes the visual arts as a central tenant of the nation brand. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Purpose -- The purpose of this paper is to shed light on the ways in which World War II ideologically interacted with education and social networks within a school context, on the basis of a pupil's diary. More specifically, this paper looks at pupils' active involvement in contesting the patriotic school climate and deals with the effects of what happens when the predominant school's belief or value system is questioned "from below". Design/methodology/approach -- The paper presents a case study of ideological conflict in a Flemish school, the Sint-Jozefscollege in Turnhout, during the second half of 1940. It is primarily based on the diary of one pupil. Findings -- The author argue that the diary can reveal the ways in which the war did or did not penetrate language and daily school life and that this type of research enables us to grasp the many complexities of past society, or even, to some extent, offers a corrective for the "grand narrative" of both educational and World War II history, which unavoidably present some generalisations. This paper suggests that this grand narrative could benefit from the confrontation with personal documents that focus more on private interpretations of these big events. Originality/value -- As a result of the prevalent use of "traditional" written sources in historiography, the history of war-time schooling "at the chalk face" in large part remains virgin territory. The diary is one of few sources that leave us with an idea of pupils' experiences in the period under review. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Purpose The purpose of this paper is to examine the effects of consumer ethnocentrism and country of origin across different immigrant communities.Design/methodology/approach A survey was used to collect data from immigrants in the USA and Mexico.Findings For immigrants with high levels of ethnocentrism, the bias for home and host country products interacts with the country of origin effect and creates multiple scenarios where the two effects move in the same or opposite directions. For immigrants with low levels of ethnocentrism, on the other hand, the country of origin effect alone is salient.Research limitations/implications The authors used a modified version of CETSCALE. Future research should revisit the content and dimensionality of consumer ethnocentrism in immigrant and other multicultural settings.Practical implications Both scholars and practitioners should exercise caution when working with ethnocentrism and country of origin as today’s societies are increasingly multicultural, which requires major modifications to the theories and tools.Social implications Similar to ways in which the US Census Bureau enabled multicultural consumers to assert their mixed identities, scholarly and business circles should embrace multiculturalism and empower immigrants.Originality/value Previous studies of consumer ethnocentrism and country of origin in multicultural contexts have restricted themselves to only one pattern of migration: consumers who move from developing to developed countries. The paper addresses this limitation by investigating various patterns of migration (including lateral, upward and downward) in multiple first-generation immigrant communities in two countries. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Purpose - National basic education curriculum in Mexico emphasizes the need for the construction of a positive national identity. The purpose of this paper is to describe the perceptions, expectations and views of pre-service Mexican teachers about Mexico as a country. Design/methodology/approach - Participants were 193 in-training teachers in the last semester of study from the four normal schools (3 public, 1 private, Catholic) in the state of Yucatan who participated voluntarily in the study. From these, 44 (23 per cent) were men and 149 (77 per cent) were women, with a modal age of 21 years old. Findings - Opinions extracted from a paper and pencil survey administered to 193 pre-service teachers from Yucatan showed that the new teacher training curriculum has succeeded in creating a sense of nationalism and promoting feelings of pride and positive national identity, with the construct of Mexico as a motherland. Research limitations/implications - This research suggests training must include activities in community service projects that effectively teach the value of actual work and involvement in the community: all this beyond existing sublime feelings of belonging. Teacher candidates seem to have an increased drive to participate in social and community projects, despite the fact it is not currently formally fostered in the national teacher training curriculum. Further research in these important aspects of traditional teacher training education is needed to better understand the role of nationalism and the values and tradition of the teaching profession in Mexico. Originality/value - The study found a lack of criticism and reflection about the disadvantages and limitations of a unique orientation to the countries' symbols and rituals. Do teachers need to be a mere reproductive force of values and identities? Or, should teachers be expected to be reflective, critical and aware of the risks and dangers of blind loyalty to the country's policies and government dictates? Teacher training national guidelines should be revised and perhaps an effort to go beyond ideological issues should be considered, posting the concept of performance standards and other forms of accountability whilst in the schools. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Purpose - The purpose of the paper is to analyse non-indigenous student resistance to indigenous history and to improve non-indigenous students' engagement with indigenous history. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Purpose – The purpose of this paper is to provide a situated, theoretically informed account of national identity construction by exploring children's engagement with nationalism in the context of the classroom in divided Cyprus. The paper aims to illustrate how children enter and participate in the cultural world of nationalism in the classroom by accepting, resisting, and negotiating the ideological meanings they encounter there. Design/methodology/approach – The research on which the paper draws used an ethnographic approach. The paper draws primarily on teacher-student exchanges during class lessons and, to a lesser extent, on interviews with children. Findings – The paper suggests that the process of engagement between children, teachers, and nationalism often produces powerful senses of belonging which are, however, always limited and unstable both because of ideological contradictions and ambiguities and because of children's access to alternative knowledge. Research limitations/implications – Though the ethnographic evidence suggests that nationalism in educational contexts produces powerful senses of belonging among children, more research is necessary to document the processes by which children consume nationalistic ideologies. Originality/value – The paper is original because it offers a dynamic explanation of national identity construction through the application of practice theory to ethnographic data which takes into account both the powerful institutional constraints imposed on children at school as well as their agency and ability to impact their worlds. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Purpose - The paper seeks to concern itself with the research field of public sector performance measurement and to introduce the national identity as a performance factor, through a case study. Design/methodology/approach - The paper attempts an innovative presentation and identification of the attitudes, motivations and beliefs of both Greek people and the volunteers regarding the organisation, the success and the benefits of the Athens 2004 Olympic Games. The paper reviews the literature on the relation of national identity and sports and analyses the opinion polls on the Athens 2004 Olympic Games. Findings - The paper demonstrates that national identity has been the major motivational factor for the volunteers, whose contribution represented a significant added value to the success of the Olympics. The measurement of performance in such a qualitative analysis is supported by self-reported customers' satisfaction. Research limitations/implications - It is not a quantitative, structured and executed initial survey, but a secondary, qualitative one. Practical implications - The paper suggests the re-definition of the usually negatively conceived notion of national identity, in a new managerial framework, as a performance factor. Originality/value - This paper is original in its conception, when linking national identity/patriotism with sports and volunteerism in the context of performance measurement, and has a practical dimension, since it proposes tools for measuring performance in cases where a qualitative analysis is appropriate. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Purpose: The purpose of this paper is to provide a perspective on the Strizhakova and Coulter article in this issue, with particular focus on the conceptualization of local and global identities. Findings: Strizhakova and Coulter (2019) offer valuable service in their discussion of the conceptualization and measurement of local and global identities. The authors suggest that local identity should not always be reduced to a local-as-national identity, but may be relevant as a sub-national or regional identity. The authors also find that another relevant identity-relevant construct is that of consumer disidentification that represents active rejection of one's national identity as opposed to the passive disinterest represented by the unengaged category. Originality/value: This commentary offers a new perspective to the local-global identity discourse by integrating consumer disidentification as the active rejection of identity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Purpose Hofstede’s model of national culture has enjoyed enormous popularity but rests partly on faith. It has never been fully replicated and its predictive properties have been challenged. The purpose of this paper is to provide a test of the model’s coherence and utility.Design/methodology/approach Analyses of secondary data, including the World Values Survey, and a new survey across 56 countries represented by nearly 53,000 probabilistically selected respondents.Findings Improved operationalizations of individualism-collectivism (IDV-COLL) suggest it is a robust dimension of national culture. A modern IDV-COLL index supersedes Hofstede’s 50 year-old original one. Power distance (PD) seems to be a logical facet of IDV-COLL, rather than an independent dimension. Uncertainty avoidance (UA) lacks internal reliability. Approval of restrictive societal rules and laws is a facet of COLL and is not associated with national anxiety or neuroticism. UA is not a predictor of any of its presumed main correlates: importance of job security, preference for a safe job, trust, racism and xenophobia, subjective well-being, innovation, and economic freedom. The dimension of masculinity-femininity (MAS-FEM) lacks coherence. MAS and FEM job goals and broader values are correlated positively, not negatively, and are not related to the MAS-FEM index. MAS-FEM is not a predictor of any of its presumed main correlates: achievement and competition orientation, help and compassion, preference for a workplace with likeable people, work orientation, religiousness, gender egalitarianism, foreign aid. After a radical reconceptualization and a new operationalization, the so-called “fifth dimension” (CWD or long-term orientation) becomes more coherent and useful. The new version, called flexibility-monumentalism (FLX-MON), explains the cultural differences between East Asian Confucian societies at one extreme and Latin America plus Africa at the other, and is the best predictor of national differences in educational achievement.Research limitations/implications Differences between subsidiaries of a multinational company, such as IBM around 1970, are not necessarily a good source of knowledge about broad cultural differences. A model of national culture must be validated across a large number of countries from all continents and its predictions should withstand various plausible controls. Much of Hofstede’s model (UA, MAS-FEM) fails this test while the remaining part (IDV-COLL, PD, LTO) needs a serious revision.Practical implications Consultancies and business schools still teach Hofstede’s model uncritically. They need to be aware of its deficiencies.Originality/value As UA and MAS-FEM are apparently misleading artifacts of Hofstede’s IBM data set, a thorough revision of Hofstede’s model is proposed, reducing it to two dimensions: IDV-COLL and FLX-MON. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Purpose Communicating the national values of artists and the role of product benefits as symbols of national values, infuse iconic national brands. This paper aims to validate a conceptual framework that offers empirical insights for cultural identity that drives brand management.Design/methodology/approach Case studies and cross-cultural focus group research establish the present study’s conceptual framework for cultural branding.Findings Brand awareness of a perfume named after a Cuban dancer and a spirit named for a Chilean poet, reflect authentic emblems of national identity. Informants’ behavior confirms the study’s model of icon myth transfer effect as a heuristic for cultural branding with clear, detailed and unprompted references to the myths and brands behind these heroines.Research limitations/implications The study’s ethnography shows how artists reflect myth and folklore in iconic brands. Future research should assess whether the icon myth transfer effect as a heuristic for cultural branding occurs with cultural icons beyond the arts and transcends national boundaries.Practical implications The study challenges conventional branding, where the brand is the myth, and the myth reflects the myth market. The authors show how the myth connects to a national identity yet exists independently of the brand. The branding strategy ties the brand to the existing myth, an alternative route for cultural branding mediated by the icon myth transfer effect.Social implications These two Latin American brands provide a much-needed connection among the branding literatures and images surrounding gender and nationalism in lesser-known markets.Originality/value Most research explores iconic myths, brands and folklore in one country. This study extends cultural branding through social history and by testing a conceptual model that establishes how myths embody nation-specific values. Iconic myths are a heuristic for understanding and describing brands, revealing an unexamined path for cultural branding. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Purpose The purpose of this paper is to propose and introduce a new classification model to segment a nation’s cultural tourists based on their motivations to travel to a military music festival. Little research is apparent about the types of people, and their motivations, who attend these types of festivals. In addition, the research investigates the impact of military music festivals on the concepts of patriotism and national identity.Design/methodology/approach The research approach involves empirical testing of a Canadian audience attending the Royal Nova Scotia International Tattoo, a longstanding annual musical event held in Nova Scotia, Canada, that pays tribute to the country’s military heritage. A proposed classification model that includes two dimensions is applied, which investigates: motivation to attend the event and kinship to Canada’s military and naval traditions.Findings Findings provide a better understanding of the diversity of the Canadian cultural tourist audience attending a military music display in terms of tourists’ demographics, experience of the show and the desire to return. This research also provides new insights as to the ability of a military musical event to arouse emotions of national pride, patriotism and strengthen national identity.Originality/value This research is important to event sponsors and organizers of military music events as they attempt to maintain productivity and attendance growth in an increasingly competitive entertainment environment. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Purpose – Governing principles of the world countries' current foreign policies are based on nationalism and in the realization of this aspiration, human rights in other countries are less considered and demands of national interests on other issues are surpassed. Islam, in principle, is opposite to this approach. However, national interests are important in Islam, but Islam does not try to achieve this target at the price of destruction of other countries and rights violations of their peoples. The interests of Islam's government are based on expediency of humankind as a whole and in its foreign policy should be arranged in a way to fulfil this target. In this regards this paper aims to introduce the basic principles of foreign policy in Islam based on the Sufi standpoint. Design/methodology/approach – Islam aims to improve humanities based on moralities and spiritualities. Some principles for reaching this goal based on Islamic Sufism standpoints are provided. Findings – The paper reveals 32 principles. Research limitations/implications – Comparative research in other religions' Gnosticism will be helpful. Practical implications – These principles can be used for applied debates in the field and ended with new international regulations. Social implications – Delicateness, truthfulness, and righteousness of Islamic Sufism may turn the attentions of scholars and researchers to this viewpoint, and a new set of regulations to be codified. Originality/value – Political scientists have not touched the topic from a Sufi point of view. This paper brings this approach to a new challenging arena for those who are engaged in it. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Purpose – The purpose of this paper is to analyze how the Swedish mass media constructed Sweden and Swedes during the first days after the Indian Ocean tsunami of December 26, 2004. Design/methodology/approach – A qualitative content analysis of newspaper articles from four of the largest newspapers in Sweden was conducted. Findings – The results show that the tsunami was framed as a Swedish disaster almost exclusively focusing on Sweden, Swedish victims and Thailand, and that there was a division between "us" and "them". Two categories of "us" and "them" were identified in the coverage: on the international level Sweden, i.e. "us", was glorified and contrasted with "inferior" countries such as Thailand, "them"; on the national level, the distinction between "us" and "them" was not as obvious, but by including particular experiences and practices and excluding others, lines are drawn between "us" – ethnic Swedes – and "them" – everyone else. The conclusion of the paper is that mediated frames of catastrophes are influenced by stereotypes and nationalistic values. Research limitations/implications – The study is based on a qualitative analysis and it is not possible to generalize to other cases. Additional quantitative studies would therefore be of value. Practical implications – This study can be used in the education of crisis and disaster managers to make them aware of how underlying norms guide news coverage and encourage them always to consider information based on mass media reports critically. Originality/value – This paper gives new theoretical and empirical insights into the way in which disasters contribute to recreating and maintaining the historical division between regions and people, on both a national and an international level. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Purpose - The purpose of this paper is to postulate the possibility of a cooperative economic system within the current global crisisbecause it is only detennined government actionwhich is orchestrated by a strong sehse of true nationalism that can limit the worst effects of the current global economic meltdown. Design/methodology/approach - The paper is a meta-analysiswhich relied on secondary sources of information. It is a qualitative study that is based on conceptual analysis and theory building. It considers a global action from an "emic" perspective (author's viewpoint). Findings - Triumphant capitalismwhich heralded the dawn of globalisationmade neo-liberalists proclaim the death of socialismalong with its positive variants namelyfree educationminimum wageemployment creationhealth care and so on. Howeverthe perceived triumph of a single orthodoxy seems to have demoted grdwth of global prosperity. For examplemore than 1.1 billion people across the globe are poorwhile more than three billion of the global populace have drifted deeper into poverty and more than a billion people across the globe are starve regularly. The current state of affairs has increased the rate of global crimeswhich is reflected by the scale of congested jails. A casino economy of speculation has currently failed humankind. Indeedcurrent failure of capitalism to address wider problems of humankind such as unemploymentinequalityoppressionpovertyfood shortages and economic criseswill resurfect the question as to whether socialism is indeed dead as proclaimed by neo-liberals. Thussince a single (triumphant capitalism) orthodoxy has failed to address those mounting problems that have excluded a majority of humanity from participating in sharing global prosperitythe assertion that socialism is deadhas become redundant andthe possibility of a vibrant cooperative economy is imminent. Practical implications Socialism has failed and capitalism has failed woefully. Hencethe only hope that is leftis a renaissance of positive socialist variantsin order to resuscitate capitalism. Thereforea cooperative economic ideological order is urgently required within the current global crisis. It is only determined government actionwhich is orchestrated by a strong sense of true nationalism that can put a limit to the worst effects of the current global economic meltdown. Thereforethe state cannot continue to be a passive onlooker of economic mismanagement and industrial cacophonybecause humansin search of peace and progresshave surrendered their sovereign identity to the stdte. The state isindeeda fine product of human civilisationand should be an authoritative supreme power - the actual sovereignwhich has to formulate and execute the will of the peoplewhile stimulating private initiatives toward the realisation of a dynamic cooperative economy. Originality/value - The paper is original and will be valuable not only to policy makers but also to humankind in general within a turbulent global economy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Purpose -- The purpose of this paper is to examine the relationship between accounting and the early roots of the nation-state in mid nineteenth-century Siam/Thailand. Design/methodology/approach -- First, the paper examines the theoretical inter-relationship between accounting and nationalism. Second, it relates this theoretical understanding to a study of the changing concepts, methods and structures of indigenous Siamese accounting at a time of transition when foreign mercantile influence was beginning to have an impact on the mid nineteenth century Siamese economy. Third, the paper analyses how these accounting structures and practices came to constitute a socio-political instrument, which contributed to the administrative development of a Siamese dynastic state by the mid nineteenth-century. Finally, the paper studies the ways in which this dynastic state began to promote national characteristics through the use of its accounts to create a sense of Siamese cultural identity. Findings -- The findings emphasise the important role of accounting in the construction of political and national identity. Originality/value -- This inter-disciplinary paper highlights a general neglect in the accounting literature of the instrumental role of accounting in nation-state formation as well as offering a re-interpretation of Thai historiography from an accounting viewpoint. Moreover as an example of alternative accounting practice, this paper provides an analysis of indigenous accounting methods and structures in mid nineteenth-century Siam/Thailand at the point when they were becoming increasingly influenced by foreign mercantilism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Purpose- The goals of the paper are to propose, measure, and empirically test the expectations model of economic nationalism. The model posits that economic nationalism is reflected in people's expectations of their government, domestic firms, and the general public, in terms of restricting the activities of foreign firms. Design/methodology/approach- A confirmatory factor analysis is conducted to test the model, using the USREL procedure. Findings- Results show acceptable fit for the proposed model. Reliability of each of the three dimensions of economic nationalism is in the acceptable range. A nomological validity test showed that economic nationalism is related to other constructs not included in the model. Research limitations/implications- A limitation of the model is that it is based on a single sample. Future studies can test the generalisable of model with samples from different countries. Practical implications- The implication of the study is that increasing globalization might lead to an increase in economic nationalism. Business executives, therefore, need to focus not only on the benefits that they will derive from entering a country, but also the benefits they will deliver to the domestic economy by entering the country. Originality/value- The paper presents an expectations model of economic nationalism. The model is based on the premise that people's expectations of their government, domestic businesses, and the general public in terms of their role in restricting the activities of foreign firms are reflective of economic nationalism. The more people expect of these three players the more economically nationalistic they will be. The value of the paper is to researchers in international business and global marketing and to business executives involved in managing global operations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Purpose - The aim of this paper is to review the use of scenario-building at the central government level in New Zealand and to consider an alternative technique - national imaging - for stimulating public discussion of the future. Design/methodology/approach - The paper briefly surveys New Zealand's history of prospective government before examining scenario construction during the Foresight Project convened by the Ministry of Research, Science and Technology during the late 1990s. Both the official scenarios produced and the guidance given to sector participants to produce their own scenarios are discussed. Findings - Scenario-building in a national government context has pitfalls and limitations, namely that the technique is too ambitious, too socially unitary, and too implicitly long-term to be really useful as a primary focus. Consideration of the shortcomings gives rise to an alternative procedure which focuses on developing images of national identity or conduct rather than envisioning or predicting future states. Practical implications - Scenario building need not be dispensed with, but should be subordinated to democratic discussion of ways of collectively orienting to the future. Originality/value - The paper introduces a new technique of "national imaging" as one that may better serve as an initial (not exclusive) tool of democratic envisioning of the future at the national level. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Purpose - Drawing on an interdisciplinary scholarship, this study seeks to explore and explain the nature and characteristics of the emerging phenomenon of "consumer nationalism" and its critical impact on corporate reputation in the global marketplace. Design/methodology/approach - The paper sets out to define the concept of consumer nationalism and then formulate an analytical framework of consumer nationalism dynamics that provides a deeper, more precise understanding of the various elements at play in a consumer nationalism crisis and the process by which multinational businesses and their corporate reputation might be affected by such nationalistic advocacy. Based on the proposed model, the paper identifies and discusses management options to protect and maintain corporate reputation in the event of consumer nationalistic outbursts. In conclusion, the paper outlines general recommendations for pursuing public/corporate diplomacy and for proactively managing consumers' perception of brands' national association as part of pre-crisis communication strategy. Findings - As nationalism goes hand-in-hand with globalization, consumer nationalism cannot be ignored. Originality/value - The study provides a deeper understanding of what consumer nationalism is and how it may affect multinational businesses. It offers a comprehensive account of this emerging phenomenon by integrating existing perspectives on the nationalistic consumer base and "focusing events", and introduces the concept of corporate susceptibility and its components. The study also highlights the centrality of corporate reputation during consumer nationalistic outbursts, and offers suggestions as to how multinational businesses may take steps to fend off the damage consumer nationalism events may do to their reputation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Purpose Despite the well-established impact of consumer ethnocentrism (CET) on purchase intentions, extant literature offers limited evidence on actual purchase behaviour. The purpose of this paper is to address the gap by investigating the factors underlying variations in CET behaviour using reported brand purchases. Product category, product cost and visibility, brand and country of origin (COO) of purchased products are investigated for their impact on the differences in the behavioural effects of CET.Design/methodology/approach This study uses survey data collected in the USA from a sample of 468 consumers. Self-reported brand purchases are used and involve ten product categories, 432 brands, and 22 countries of origin. Logistic regressions for repeated measures are used to test the hypotheses formulated.Findings The results confirm that product category is an important determinant of the behavioural effects of CET. CET also has a significant impact on purchases of the most expensive product categories rather than frequently purchased convenient items. Contrary to existing empirical evidence, cultural similarity does not mitigate the negative effects of CET and product visibility does not strengthen the behavioural effect of CET.Practical implications The study results should enhance managers’ understanding of the determinants of ethnocentric behaviour. The results caution managers about the value of self-reported measures and indicate that product features other than COO may be more effective in mitigating the negative effects of CET.Originality/value This study contributes to extant literature on CET and COO by investigating, for the first time, the problem of inconsistent predictions of purchase behaviour in the context of foreign vs domestic brands. For this purpose, the study adopted a novel methodological approach to investigate actual brand purchases. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Purpose The purpose of this paper is to restore the history of internationalism to our understanding of the legacy of the First World War, and the role of universities in that past. It begins by emphasising the war’s twin legacy, namely, the twin principles of the peace: national self-determination and the League of Nations.Design/methodology/approach It focuses on the intersecting significance and meaning attributed to the related terms patriotism and humanity, nationalism and internationalism, during the war and after. A key focus is the memorialization of Edith Cavell, and the role of men and women in supporting a League of Nations.Findings The author finds that contrary to conventional historical opinion, internationalism was as significant as nationalism during the war and after, thanks to the influence and ideas of men and women connected through university networks.Research limitations/implications The author’s argument is based on an examination of British imperial sources in particular.Originality/value The implications of this argument are that historians need to recover the international past in histories of nationalism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Purpose While education policymakers in Asian polities find it difficult to resist the English language which has attained a new status in “late capitalism”, prevailing policy-level perceptions also suggest that a ruthless adoption of English may undermine national languages, identities and cultures. Despite the heightened commercialisation of English as a global language this policy dilemma raises some critical questions. For example, how can individual entrepreneurs also acting as “language policy actors” effectively promote for-profit English teaching ventures without being accused of compromising national interests, identities and traditions? This article makes a modest attempt towards addressing these questions by conducting a critical analysis of Li Yang’s English teaching venture called “Crazy English” in China and its underlying discourses.Design/methodology/approach From a sample of English teaching resources available on its official website, this paper identifies and discusses four major discourses on the relationship between English and individual entrepreneurship in English on the one hand and Chinese and China’s national values and interests on the other.Findings This paper argues that collectively these discourses represent a model of “edu-business” in English language teaching that reconciles the dichotomies between nationalism and post-nationalism, individualism and collectivism and public and private interests in a neoliberal world.Originality/value With the onset of globalisation and its impact on all aspects of life including the economy, education and communication, there have been on-going debates on the emerging tensions between the nation-state and the forces of trans/post-nationalism, the latter being underpinned by neo-liberalism. These tensions have also been observed in the fields of English and English language education. While research has examined how macro-level policymakers respond to globalisation through their English language policies, there has been limited work on how individual language policy actors engaged in the commercialisation of English reconcile the apparently irreconcilable forces of nationalism and post-nationalism. The contribution of the present article lies in illustrating a case that seeks to reconcile these forces through discourses and discursive strategies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines the constitution and transformation of the political regime in the Ottoman Empire in the latter half of the 19th and early 20th century. It argues that our understanding of the transitional stages between the end of empires and the formation of new states continues to be analytically underdeveloped, particularly in the context of Eastern/Southeastern Europe. Drawing on recent scholarship, which challenges the existing dichotomous empire-to-nation model and suggests furthering studies on the transition period, the paper offers a close-up look at the role of transnational ideologies played during the transition from empire-to-nation. It highlights the existence of a rather complex interplay between national and transnational ideologies. It argues that understanding the role of transnational ideologies allows us to attribute more agency to the political actors of the late Ottoman era, helping model the changes that happened in the state's legitimacy, the ideological transformations, and the political mobilization of the elites in this period. Focusing on the Ottoman case, it sheds insights on both Habsburg and Russian Empires, which exhibited similar characteristics at that time. It also illustrates the role that transnational ideologies played in all three cases. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]